AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE round the WORLD. BOOK I.
CHAP. I.
The Passage from Plymouth to
Madeira, with some account of that Island.
HAVING received my commission,* which was dated the 25th of
May 1768, I went on board on the 27th, hoisted the pennant,
and took charge of the ship, which then lay in the bason in Deptford
Yard. She was fitted for sea with all expedition; and stores and
provisions being taken on board,* sailed down the river on the 30th of
July,* and on the 13th of August anchored in
Plymouth Sound.
While we lay here waiting for a wind, the articles of war and the act of
parliament were read to the ship's company, who were paid two months wages in
advance, and told that they were to expect no additional pay for the performance
of the voyage.
On Friday the 26th of August, the wind becoming fair,* we got
under sail, and put to sea. On the 31st,* we saw several of the birds
which the sailors call Mother Carey's Chickens,* and which they
suppose to be the forerunners of a storm; and on the next day we had a very hard
gale, which brought us under our courses, washed over-board a small boat belonging
to the Boatswain, and drowned three or four dozen of our poultry, which we
regretted still more.
*On Friday the 2d of September we saw land, between
Cape Finister and Cape Ortegal,
on the coast of
Gallicia
, in Spain;* and on the 5th, by an observation of the sun
and moon, we found the latitude of Cape Finister to be
42° 53′ North, and its longitude 8° 46′ West, our first
meridian being always supposed to pass through Greenwich;
variation of the needle 21° 4′ West.
During this course, Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander had an opportunity of observing many marine animals, of
which no naturalist has hitherto taken notice; particularly, a new species of the
Oniscus, which was found adhering to the Medusa Pelagica; and an animal of an
angular figure, about three inches long and one thick, with a hollow passing quite
through it, and a brown spot on one end, which they conjectured might be its
stomach; four of these adhered together by their sides when they were taken, so
that at first they were thought to be one animal, but upon being put into a glass
of water they soon separated, and swam about very briskly. These animals are of a
new genus, to which Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander gave the name of Dagysa, from the likeness of one species
of them to a gem: several specimens of them were taken adhering together sometimes
to the length of a yard or more, and shining in the water with very beautiful
colours. Another animal of a new genus they also discovered, which shone in the
water with colours still more beautiful and vivid, and which indeed exceeded in
variety and brightness any thing that we had ever seen: the colouring and
splendour of these animals were equal to those of an Opal, and from
their resemblance to that gem,* the genus was called Carcinium Opalinum. One of
them lived several hours in a glass of salt water, swimming about with great
agility, and at every motion displaying a change of colours almost infinitely
various. We caught also among the rigging of the ship, when we were at the
distance of about ten leagues from Cape Finister, several
birds which have not been described by Linnaeus; they were
supposed to have come from Spain, and our gentlemen called the species Motacilla
velificans, as they said none but sailors would venture themselves on board a ship
that was going round the world: one of them was so exhausted that it died in
Mr. Banks's hand, almost as soon as it was brought to him.
It was thought extraordinary that no naturalist had hitherto taken notice
of the Dagysa, as the sea abounds with them not twenty leagues from the coast of
Spain; but, unfortunately for the cause of science, there are but very few of
those who traverse the sea, that are either disposed or qualified to remark the
curiosities of which Nature has made it the repository.
On the 12th we discovered the islands of Porto Santo
and Madeira
, and on the next day anchored in Funchiale
road,* and moored with the stream-anchor: but, in the night, the bend of the
hawser of the stream-anchor slipped, owing to the negligence of the person who had
been employed to make it fast. In the morning the anchor was heaved up into the
boat, and carried out to the southward; but in heaving it again, Mr.
Weir, the master's mate, was carried overboard by the buoy-rope, and
went to the bottom with the anchor: the people in the ship saw the accident, and
got the anchor up with all possible expedition; it was however too late, the body
came up intangled in the buoy-rope, but it was dead.
*When the island of Madeira is first approached
from the sea, it has a very beautiful appearance; the sides of the hills being
intirely covered with vines almost as high as the eye can distinguish, and the
vines are green when every kind of herbage, except where they shade the ground,
and here and there by the sides of a rill, is intirely burnt up, which was the
case at this time.
*On the 13th, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a boat,
which our sailors call the product boat, came on board from the officers of
health, without whose permission no person is suffered to land from on board a
ship. As soon as this permission was obtained, we went on shore at
Funchiale, the capital of the island, and proceeded
directly to the house of Mr. Cheap, who is the English consul
there, and one of the most considerable merchants of the place. This gentleman
received us with the kindness of a brother, and the liberality of a prince; he
insisted upon our taking possession of his house, in which he furnished us with
every possible accommodation during our stay upon the island: he procured leave
for Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to search
the island for such natural curiosities as they should think worth their notice;
employed persons to take fish and gather shells, which time would not have
permitted them to collect for themselves; and he provided horses and guides to
take them to any part of the country which they should chuse to visit. With all
these advantages, however, their excursions were seldom pushed farther than three
miles from the town, as they were only five days on shore; one of which they spent
at home, in receiving the honour of a visit from the governor. The season was the
worst in the year for their purpose, as it was neither that of plants nor insects;
a few of the plants, however, were procured in flower, by the kind attention of
Dr. Heberden, the chief physician of the island,* and brother to
Dr. Heberden of London, who also gave them such specimens
as he had in his possession, and a copy of his Botanical Observations; containing,
among other things, a particular description of the trees of the island.
Mr. Banks enquired after the wood which has been imported
into England for cabinet work, and is here called
Madeira mahogany: he learnt that no wood was exported
from the island under that name, but he found a tree called by the natives
Vigniatico, the Laurus indicus of Linnaeus, the wood of which
cannot easily be distinguished from mahogany. Dr. Heberden
has a book-case in which the vigniatico and mahogany are mixed, and they are no
otherwise to be known from each other than by the colour, which, upon a nice
examination, appears to be somewhat less brown in the vigniatico than the
mahogany; it is therefore in the highest degree probable, that the wood known in
England by the name of Madeira
mahogany, is the vigniatico.
There is great reason to suppose that this whole island was, at some remote
period, thrown up by the explosion of subterraneous fire, as every stone, whether
whole or in fragments, that we saw upon it appeared to have been burnt, and even
the sand itself to be nothing more than ashes: we did not, indeed, see much of the
country, but the people informed us that what we did see was a very exact specimen
of the rest.
The only article of trade in this island is wine, and the manner in which
it is made is so simple, that it might have been used by Noah, who is said to have
planted the first vineyard after the stood: the grapes are put into a square
wooden vessel, the dimensions of which are proportioned to the size of the
vineyard to which it belongs; the servants then,* having taken off
their stockings and jackets, get into it, and with their feet and elbows, press
out as much of the juice as they can: the stalks are afterwards collected, and
being tied together with a rope, are put under a square piece of wood, which is
pressed down upon them by a lever with a stone tied to the end of it. The
inhabitants have made so little improvement in knowlege or art, that they have but
very lately brought all the fruit of a vineyard to be of one sort, by engrafting
their vines: there seems to be in mind as there is in matter, a kind of vis
inertioe, which resists the first impulse to change. He who proposes to assist the
artificer or the husbandman by a new application of the principles of philosophy,
or the powers of mechanism, will find, that his having hitherto done without them,
will be a stronger motive for continuing to do without them still, than any
advantage, however manifest and considerable, for adopting the improvement.
Wherever there is ignorance there is prejudice; and the common people of all
nations are, with respect to improvements, like the parish poor of
England with respect to a maintenance, for whom the law
must not only make a provision, but compel them to accept it, or else they will be
still found begging in the streets. It was therefore with great difficulty that
the people of Madeira were persuaded to engraft their
vines, and some of them still obstinately refuse to adopt the practice, though a
whole vintage is very often spoiled by the number of bad grapes which are mixed in
the vat, and which they will not throw out, because they increase the quantity of
the wine: an instance of the force of habit, which is the more extraordinary, as
they have adopted the practice of engrafting with respect to their chesnut-trees,
an object of much less importance, which, however, are thus brought to bear sooner
than they would otherwise have done.
We saw no wheel-carriages of any sort in the place,* which perhaps is
not more owing to the want of ingenuity to invent them, than to the want of
industry to mend the roads, which, at present, it is impossible that any
wheel-carriage should pass: the inhabitants have horses and mules indeed,
excellently adapted to such ways; but their wine is, notwithstanding, brought to
town from the vineyards where it is made, in vessels of goat-skins, which are
carried by men upon their heads. The only imitation of a carriage among these
people is a board, made somewhat hollow in the middle, to one end of which a pole
is tied, by a strap of whitleather: this wretched sledge approaches about as near
to an English cart, as an Indian canoe to a ship's long-boat; and even this would
probably never have been thought of, if the English had not introduced wine
vessels which are too big to be carried by hand, and which, therefore, are dragged
about the town upon these machines.
One reason, perhaps, why art and industry have done so little for
Madeira is, Nature's having done so much. The soil is
very rich, and there is such a difference of climate between the plains and the
hills, that there is scarcely a single object of luxury that grows either in
Europe or the Indies, that might
not be produced here. When we went to visit Dr. Heberden, who
lives upon a considerable ascent, about two miles from town, we left the
thermometer at 74, and when we arrived at his house, we found it at 66. The hills
produce, almost spontaneously, walnuts, chesnuts, and apples in great abundance;
and in the town there are many plants which are the natives both of the East and
West Indies, particularly the banana, the guava, the pine-apple or anana, and the
mango, which flourish almost without culture. The corn of this country is of a
most excellent quality, large grained and very fine, and the island would produce
it in great plenty;* yet most of what is consumed by the
inhabitants is imported. The mutton, pork, and beef are also very good; the beef
in particular, which we took on board here, was universally allowed to be scarcely
inferior to our own; the lean part was very like it, both in colour and grain,
though the beasts are much smaller, but the fat is as white as the fat of mutton.
The town of Funchiale derives its name from Funcho,
the Portuguese name for fennel, which grows in great plenty upon the neighbouring
rocks, and, by the observation of Dr. Heberden, lies in the
latitude of 32° 33′ 33″ N. and longitude 16° 49′ W. It is
situated in the bottom of a bay, and though larger than the extent of the island
seems to deserve, is very ill built; the houses of the principal inhabitants are
large, those of the common people are small, the streets are narrow, and worse
paved than any I ever saw. The churches are loaded with ornaments, among which are
many pictures, and images of favourite saints, but the pictures are in general
wretchedly painted, and the saints are dressed in laced clothes. Some of the
convents are in a better taste, especially that of the Franciscans, which is
plain, simple, and neat in the highest degree. The infirmary in particular drew
our attention as a model which might be adopted in other countries with great
advantage. It consists of a long room, on one side of which are the windows, and
an altar for the convenience of administering the sacrament to the sick: the other
side is divided into wards, each of which is just big enough to contain a bed, and
neatly lined with gally-tiles; behind these wards, and parallel to the room in
which they stand, there runs a long gallery, with which each ward communicates by
a door, so that the sick may be separately supplied with whatever they want
without disturbing their neighbours. In this convent there is also a
singular curiosity of another kind; a small chapel,* the whole lining of which,
both sides and ceiling, is composed of human sculls and thigh bones; the thigh
bones are laid across each other, and a scull is placed in each of the four
angles. Among the sculls one is very remarkable; the upper and the lower jaw, on
one side, perfectly and firmly cohere; how the ossification which unites them was
formed, it is not perhaps very easy to conceive, but it is certain that the
patient must have lived some time without opening his mouth: what nourishment he
received was conveyed through a hole which we discovered to have been made on the
other side, by forcing out some of the teeth, in doing which the jaw also seems to
have been injured.
We visited the good Fathers of this convent on a Thursday evening, just
before supper-time, and they received us with great politeness;
We will not ask you, said they, to sup with us, because we are not
prepared, but if you will come to-morrow, though it is a fast with us, we will
have a turkey roasted for you. This invitation, which shewed a liberality of
sentiment not to have been expected in a convent of Portuguese Friars at this
place, gratified us much, though it was not in our power to accept it. We visited
also a convent of nuns, dedicated to Santa Clara, and the
Ladies did us the honour to express a particular pleasure in seeing us there: they
had heard that there were great philosophers among us, and not at all knowing what
were the objects of philosophical knowlege, they asked us several questions that
were absurd and extravagant in the highest degree; one was, when it would thunder;
and another, whether a spring of fresh water was to be found any where within the
walls of their convent, of which it seems they were in great want. It will
naturally be supposed that our answers to such questions were neither satisfactory
to the Ladies,* nor, in their estimation, honourable to us; yet their
disappointment did not in the least lessen their civility, and they talked,
without ceasing, during the whole of our visit, which lasted about half an hour.
The hills of this country are very high; the highest, Pico Ruivo, rises
5,068 feet, near an English mile, perpendicularly from its base, which is much
higher than any land that has been measured in Great
Britain. The sides of these hills are covered with vines to a
certain height, above which there are woods of chesnut and pine of immense extent,
and above them forests of wild timber of various kinds not known in
Europe; particularly two, called by the Portuguese
Mirmulano and Paobranco, the leaves of both which, particularly the Paobranco, are
so beautiful, that these trees would be a great ornament to the gardens of
Europe.
The number of inhabitants in this island is supposed to be about 80,000,
and the custom-house duties produce a revenue to the king of
Portugal of 20,000 pounds a-year, clear of all expences,
which might easily be doubled by the product of the island, exclusive of the
vines, if advantage was taken of the excellence of the climate, and the amazing
fertility of the soil; but this object is utterly neglected by the Portuguese. In
the trade of the inhabitants of Madeira with Lisbon the
balance is against them, so that all the Portuguese money naturally going thither,
the currency of the island is Spanish; there are indeed a few Portuguese pieces of
copper, but they are so scarce that we did not see one of them: the Spanish coin
is of three denominations; Pistereens, worth about a shilling; Bitts, worth about
six pence; and Half-bitts, three pence.
The tides at this place flow at the full and change of the moon, north and
south; the spring tides rise seven feet perpendicular, and the neap
tides four.* By Dr. Heberden's observation, the variation of
the compass here is now 15° 30′ West, and decreasing; but I have some
doubt whether he is not mistaken with respect to its decrease: we found that the
North point of the dipping needle belonging to the Royal Society dipped 77°
18″.
The refreshments to be had here, are water, wine, fruit of several sorts,
onions in plenty, and some sweetmeats; fresh meat and poultry are not to be had
without leave from the governor, and the payment of a very high price.
We took in 270 lb. of fresh beef, and a live bullock, charged at 613 lb.
3,032 gallons of water, and ten tuns of wine; and in the night,* between Sunday
the 18th and Monday the 19th of September,* we set sail
in prosecution of our voyage.
When Funchiale bore North, 13 East, at the distance
of 76 miles, the variation appeared by several azimuths to be 16° 30′
West.
CHAP. II.
The Passage from Madeira to
Rio de Janeiro, with some account of the Country,
and the Incidents that happened there.
*ON the 21st of September we saw the islands called the
Salvages, to the north of the
Canaries; when the principal of these bore S. ½ W. at
the distance of about 5 leagues we found the variation of the compass by an
azimuth to be 17° 50′. I make these islands to lie in latitude 30°
11′ North, and distant 58 leagues from Funchiale
in Madeira, in the direction of S. 16 E.
*On Friday the 23d we saw the Peak of
Teneriffe
bearing W. by S. ½ S. and found the variation of the compass to be
from 17° 22′ to 16° 30′. The height of this mountain, from
which I took a new departure, has been determined by Dr.
Heberden, who has been upon it, to be 15,396 feet, which is but 148
yards less than three miles, reckoning the mile at 1760 yards. Its appearance at
sunset was very striking; when the sun was below the horizon, and the rest of the
island appeared of a deep black, the mountain still reflected his rays, and glowed
with a warmth of colour which no painting can express. There is no eruption of
visible fire from it, but a heat issues from the chinks near the top, too strong
to be borne by the hand when it is held near them. We had received from
Dr. Heberden, among other favours, some salt which he
collected on the top of the mountain, where it is found in large quantities, and
which he supposes to be the true natrum or nitrum of the ancients: he gave us also some native sulphur exceedingly pure,* which he had likewise
found upon the surface in great plenty.
On the next day, Saturday the 24th,* we came into the
north-east trade wind, and on Friday the 30th saw Bona
Vista,* one of the Cape de Verd Islands; we ranged the east side of
it, at the distance of three or four miles from the shore, till we were obliged to
haul off to avoid a ledge of rocks which stretch out S. W. by W. from the body, or
S.E. point of the island, to the extent of a league and an half. Bona
Vista by our observation lies in latitude 16 N. and longitude
21° 51′ West.
On the first of October,* in latitude 14° 6′ N. and longitude
22° 10′ W. we found the variation by a very good azimuth to be
10° 37′ W. and the next morning it appeared to be 10°.*
This day we found the ship five miles a-head of the log, and the next day seven.
On the third,* hoisted out the boat to discover whether there was a current, and
found one to the eastward, at the rate of three quarters of a mile an hour.
During our course from Teneriffe to Bona
Vista we saw great numbers of flying fish, which from the cabbin
windows appear beautiful beyond imagination, their sides having the colour and
brightness of burnished silver; when they are seen from the deck they do not
appear to so much advantage, because their backs are of a dark colour. We also
took a Shark, which proved to be the Squalus Charearias of
Linnaeus.
Having lost the trade wind on the third, in latitude 12° 14′ and
longitude 22° 10′, the wind became somewhat variable, and we had light
airs and calms by turns.
On the seventh,* Mr. Banks went out in the boat and
took what the seamen call a Portuguese man of war; it is the Holothuria Physalis
of Linnaeus, and a species of the Mollusca. It
consisted of a small bladder about seven inches long,* very much resembling the
air-bladder of fishes, from the bottom of which descended a number of strings, of
a bright blue and red, some of them three or four feet in length, which upon being
touched sting like a nettle, but with much more force. On the top of the bladder
is a membrane which is used as a sail, and turned so as to receive the wind which
way soever it blows: this membrane is marked in fine pink coloured veins, and the
animal is in every respect an object exquisitely curious and beautiful.
We also took several of the shell-fishes, or testaceous animals, which are
always found floating upon the water, particularly the Helix Janthina and
Violacea; they are about the size of a snail, and are supported upon the surface
of the water by a small cluster of bubbles, which are filled with air and consist
of a tenaceous flimy substance that will not easily part with its contents; the
animal is oviparous, and these bubbles serve also as a nidus for its eggs. It is
probable that it never goes down to the bottom, nor willingly approaches any
shore; for the shell is exceedingly brittle, and that of few fresh water snails is
so thin: every shell contains about a tea-spoonful of liquor, which it easily
discharges upon being touched, and which is of the most beautiful red purple that
can be conceived. It dies linen cloth, and it may perhaps be worth enquiry, as the
shell is certainly found in the Mediterranean, whether it
be not the Purpura of the ancients.
*On the 8th, in latitude 8° 25′ North, longitude
22° 4′ West, we found a current setting to the southward, which the
next day in latitude 7° 58′ longitude 22° 13′ shifted to the
N.N.W. ¾ W. at the rate of one mile and a furlong an hour. The variation here, by
the mean of several azimuths, appeared to be 8° 39′ West.
On the tenth, Mr. Banks shot the black-toed
gull,* not yet described according to Linnaeus's system; he
gave it the name of Larus crepidatus: it is remarkable that the dung of this bird
is of a lively red, somewhat like that of the liquor procured from the shells,
only not so full; its principal food therefore is probably the Helix just
mentioned. A current to the N.W. prevailed more or less till Monday the
24th,* when we were in latitude 1° 7′ N. and longitude
28° 50′.
On the 25th,* we crossed the line with the usual ceremonies in
longitude 29° 30′, when, by the result of several very good azimuths,
the variation was 2° 34′.
On the 28th, at noon,* being in the latitude of Ferdinand
Noronha, and, by the mean of several observations by Mr.
Green and myself, in longitude 32° 5′ 16″ W. which is to
the westward of it by some charts, and to the eastward by others, we expected to
see the island, or some of the shoals that are laid down in the charts between it
and the main, but we saw neither one nor the other.
In the evening of the 29th,* we observed that luminous
appearance of the sea which has been so often mentioned by navigators, and of
which such various causes have been assigned; some supposing it to be occasioned
by fish, which agitated the water by darting at their prey, some by the
putrefaction of fish and other marine animals, some by electricity, and others
referring it into a great variety of different causes. It appeared to emit flashes
of light exactly resembling those of lightning, only not so considerable, but they
were so frequent that sometimes eight or ten were visible almost at the same
moment. We were of opinion that they proceeded from some luminous animal, and upon
throwing out the casting net our opinion was confirmed: it brought up a species of
the Medusa, which when it came on board had the appearance of metal
violently heated,* and emitted a white light: with these animals were taken some
very small crabs, of three different species, each of which gave as much light as
a glow-worm, though the creature was not so large by nine tenths: upon examination
of these animals Mr. Banks had the satisfaction to find that
they were all entirely new.
*On Wednesday the 2d of November, about noon, being in the
latitude of 10° 38′ S. and longitude 32° 13′ 43″ W. we
passed the line in which the needle at this time would have pointed due north and
south, without any variation: for in the morning, having decreased gradually in
its deviation for some days, it was no more than 18′ W. and in the afternoon it
was 34′ East.
*On the 6th, being in latitude 19° 3′ South,
longitude 35° 50′ West, the colour of the water was observed to change,
upon which we sounded, and found ground at the depth of 32 fathoms; the lead was
cast three times within about four hours, without a foot difference in the depth
or quality of the bottom, which was coral rock, fine sand, and shells; we
therefore supposed that we had passed over the tail of the great shoal which is
laid down in all our charts by the name of Abrothos, on which Lord
Anson struck soundings in his passage outwards:*at four the next
morning we had no ground with 100 fathom.
As several articles of our stock and provisions now began to fall short, I
determined to put into Rio de Janeiro, rather than at any
port in Brazil or Falkland's
Islands, knowing that it could better supply us with what we wanted,
and making no doubt but that we should be well received.
*On the 8th, at day-break, we saw the coast of
Brazil, and about ten o'clock we brought to, and spoke
with a fishing-boat; the people on board told us that the land which
we saw, lay to the southward of Sancto Espirito,* but belonged to the captainship
of that place.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on board
this vessel, in which they found eleven men, nine of whom were Blacks; they all
fished with lines, and their fresh cargo, the chief part of which Mr.
Banks bought, consisted of dolphins, large pelagic scombers of two
kinds, sea bream, and some of the fish which in the West Indies are called
Welshmen. Mr. Banks had taken Spanish silver with him, which
he imagined to be the currency of the continent, but to his great surprize the
people asked him for English shillings; he gave them two which he happened to have
about him, and it was not without some dispute that they took the rest of the
money in pistereens. Their business seemed to be to catch large fish at a good
distance from the shore, which they salted in bulk, in a place made for that
purpose in the middle of their boat: of this merchandize they had about two
quintals on board, which they offered for about 16 shillings, and would probably
have sold for half the money. The fresh fish, which was bought for about nineteen
shillings and six pence, served the whole ship's company; the salt was not wanted.
The sea provision of these fishermen consisted of nothing more than a cask
of water, and a bag of Cassada flour, which they called Farinha de Pao, or wooden
flour, which indeed is a name which very well suits its taste and appearance.
Their water cask was large, as wide as their boat, and exactly fitted a place that
was made for it in the ballast; it was impossible therefore to draw out any of its
contents by a tap, the sides being, from the bottom to the top, wholly
inaccessible; neither could any be taken out by dipping a vessel in
at the head,* for an opening sufficiently wide for that purpose would have
endangered the loss of great part of it by the rolling of the vessel: their
expedient to get at their water, so situated, was curious; when one of them wanted
to drink, he applied to his neighbour, who accompanied him to the water cask with
a hollow cane about three feet long, which was open at both ends; this he thrust
into the cask through a small hole in the top, and then, stopping the upper end
with the palm of his hand, drew it out; the pressure of the air against the other
end keeping in the water which it contained; to this end the person who wanted to
drink applied his mouth, and the assistant then taking his hand from the other,
and admitting the air above, the cane immediately parted with its contents, which
the drinker drew off till he was satisfied.
*We stood off and on along the shore till the 12th, and
successively saw a remarkable hill near Santo Espirito,
then
Cape St. Thomas
, and then an island just without Cape Trio, which in some maps is
called the island of Trio, and which being high, with a hollow in the middle, has
the appearance of two islands when seen at a distance. On this day we stood along
the shor for Rio de Janeiro, and at nine the next morning
made sail for the harbour.* I then sent Mr. Hicks, my first
Lieutenant, before us in the pinnace, up to the city, to acquaint the Governor,
that we put in there to procure water and refreshments; and to desire the
assistance. of a pilot to bring us into proper anchoring ground. I continued to
stand up the river, trusting to Mr. Bellisle's draught, published in the Petit
Atlas maritime, Vol. II, N° 54, which we found very good, till five o'clock in the
evening, expecting the return of my Lieutenant; and just as I was about to anchor,
above the island of Cobras, which lies before the city, the pinnace
came back without him,* having on board a Portuguese officer, but no pilot. The
people in the boat told me, that my Lieutenant was detained by the Viceroy till I
should go on shore. We came immediately to an anchor; and, almost at the same
time, a ten oared boat, full of soldiers, came up and kept rowing round the ship,
without exchanging a word: in less than a quarter of an hour, another boat came on
board with several of the Viceroy's officers, who asked, Whence we came; what was
our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the object of our voyage, and
several other questions, which we directly and truly answered: they then told me,
as a kind of apology for detaining my Lieutenant, and putting an officer on board
my pinnace, that it was the invariable custom of the place, to detain the first
officer who came on shore from any ship on her arrival, till a boat from the
Viceroy had visited her, and to suffer no boat to go either from or to a ship,
while she lay there, without having a soldier on board. They said that I might go
on shore when I pleased; but wished that every other person might remain on board
till the paper which they should draw up had been delivered to the Viceroy,
promising that, immediately upon their return, the Lieutenant should be sent on
board.
This promise was performed; and, on the next morning,* the
14th, I went on shore, and obtained leave of the Viceroy to
purchase provisions and refreshments for the ship, provided I would employ one of
their own people as a factor, but not otherwise. I made some objections to this,
but he insisted upon it as the custom of the place. I objected also against the
putting a soldier into the boat every time she went between the ship and the
shore; but he told me, that this was done by the express orders of his court, with
which he could in no case dispense. I then requested, that the Gentlemen whom I had on board might reside on shore during our stay,* and that
Mr. Banks might go up the country to gather plants; but
this he absolutely refused. I judged from his extreme caution, and the severity of
these restrictions, that he suspected we were come to trade; I therefore took some
pains to convince him of the contrary. I told him, that we were bound to the
southward, by the order of his Britannic Majesty, to observe a transit of the
planet Venus over the Sun, an astronomical phaenomenon of great importance to
navigation. Of the transit of Venus, however, he could form no other conception,
than that it was the passing of the North Star through the South Pole; for these
are the very words of his interpreter, who was a Swede, and spoke English very
well. I did not think it necessary to ask permission for the Gentlemen to come on
shore during the day, or that, when I was on shore myself, I might be at liberty,
taking for granted that nothing was intended to the contrary; but in this I was
unfortunately mistaken. As soon as I took leave of his Excellency, I found an
officer who had orders to attend me wherever I went: of this I desired an
explanation, and was told that it was meant as a compliment; I earnestly desired
to be excused from accepting such an honour, but the good Viceroy would by no
means suffer it to be dispensed with.
With this officer, therefore, I returned on board, about twelve o'clock,
where I was impatiently expected by Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander, who made no doubt but that a fair account of
us having been given by the officers who had been on board the evening before, in
their paper called a Practica, and every scruple of the Viceroy removed in my
conference with his Excellency, they should immediately be at liberty to go on
shore, and dispose of themselves as they pleased. Their disappointment at
receiving my report may easily be conceived; and it was still
increased by an account,* that it had been resolved, not only to prevent their
residing on shore, and going up the country, but even their leaving the ship;
orders having been given, that no person except the Captain, and such common
sailors as were required to be upon duty, should be permitted to land; and that
there was probably a particular view to the passengers in this prohibition, as
they were reported to be Gentlemen sent abroad to make observations and
discoveries, and were uncommonly qualified for that purpose. In the evening,
however, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander
dressed themselves, and attempted to go on shore, in order to make a visit to the
Viceroy; but they were stopped by the guard-boat which had come off with our
pinnace, and which kept hovering round the ship all the while she lay here, for
that purpose; the officer on board saying, that he had particular orders, which he
could not disobey, to suffer no passenger, nor any officer, except the Captain, to
pass the boat. After much expostulation to no purpose, they were obliged, with
whatever reluctance and mortification, to return on board. I then went on shore
myself, but found the Viceroy inflexible; he had one answer ready for every thing
I could say, That the restrictions under which he had laid us, were in obedience
to the King of Portugal's commands, and therefore
indispensible.
In this situation I determined, rather than be made a prisoner in my own
boat, to go on shore no more; for the officer who, under pretence of a compliment,
attended me when I was ashore, insisted also upon going with me to and from the
ship: but still imagining, that the scrupulous vigilance of the Viceroy must
proceed from some mistaken notion about us, which might more easily be removed by
writing than in conversation, I drew up a memorial, and Mr.
Banks drew up another, which we sent on shore. These memorials were both answered,* but by no means to our satisfaction; we therefore
replied: in consequence of which, several other papers were interchanged between
us and the Viceroy, but still without effect. However, as I thought some degree of
force, on the part of the Viceroy, to enforce these restrictions, necessary to
justify my acquiescence in them to the admiralty; I gave orders to my Lieutenant,
Mr. Hicks, when I sent him with our last reply on Sunday
the 20th,* in the evening, not to suffer a guard to be put into his
boat. When the officer on board the guard-boat found that Mr. Hicks was determined
to obey my orders, he did not proceed to force, but attended him to the
landing-place, and reported the matter to the Viceroy. Upon this his Excellency
refused to receive the memorial, and ordered Mr. Hicks to
return to the ship; when he came back to the boat, he found that a guard had been
put on board in his absence, but he absolutely refused to return till the soldier
was removed: the officer then proceeded to enforce the Viceroy's orders; he seized
all the boat's crew, and sent them under an armed force to prison, putting
Mr. Hicks at the same time into one of their own boats,
and sending him under a guard back to the ship. As soon as he had reported these
particulars, I wrote again to the Viceroy, demanding my boat and crew, and in my
letter inclosed the memorial which he had refused to receive from Mr.
Hicks: these papers I sent by a petty officer, that I might wave the
dispute about a guard, against which I had never objected except when there was a
commissioned officer on board the boat. The petty officer was permitted to go on
shore with his guard, and, having delivered his letter, was told that an answer
would be sent the next day.
About eight o'clock this evening it began to blow very hard in sudden gusts
from the South, and our long-boat coming on board just at this time
with four pipes of rum,* the rope which was thrown to her from the ship, and which
was taken hold of by the people on board, unfortunately broke, and the boat, which
had come to the ship before the wind, went adrift to windward of her, with a small
skiff of Mr. Banks's that was fastened to her stern. This was
a great misfortune, as the pinnace being detained on shore, we had no boat on
board but a four oar'd yawl: the yawl, however, was immediately manned and sent to
her assistance; but, notwithstanding the utmost effort of the people in both
boats, they were very soon out of sight: far indeed we could not see at that time
in the evening, but the distance was enough to convince us that they were not
under command, which gave us great uneasiness, as we knew they must drive directly
upon a reef of rocks which ran out just to leeward of where we lay: after waiting
some hours in the utmost anxiety, we gave them over for lost, but about three
o'clock the next morning had the satisfaction to see all the people come on board
in the yawl. From them we learnt,* that the long-boat having filled with water,
they had brought her to a grappling and left her; and that, having fallen in with
the reef of rocks in their return to the ship, they had been obliged to cut
Mr. Banks's little boat adrift. As the loss of our
long-boat, which we had now too much reason to apprehend, would have been an
unspeakable disadvantage to us, considering the nature of our expedition, I sent
another letter to the Viceroy, as soon as I thought he could be seen, acquainting
him with our misfortune, and requesting the assistance of a boat from the shore
for the recovery of our own; I also renewed my demand that the pinnace and her
crew should be no longer detained: after some delay, his Excellency thought sit to
comply both with my request and demand; and the same day we happily recovered both
the long-boat and skiff,* with the rum, but every thing else that was
on board was lost. On the 23d, the Viceroy, in his answer to my
remonstrance against seizing my men and detaining the boat, acknowledged that I
had been treated with some incivility, but said that the resistance of my
officers, to what he had declared to be the King's orders, made it absolutely
necessary; he also expressed some doubts whether the Endeavour, considering her
structure and other circumstances, was in the service of his Majesty, though I had
before shewed him my commission: to this I answered in writing, That to remove all
scruples, I was ready to produce my commission again. His Excellency's scruples
however still remained, and in his reply to my letter he not only expressed them
in still plainer terms, but accused my people of smuggling. This charge, I am
confident, was without the least foundation in truth. Mr.
Banks's servants had indeed found means to go on shore on the
22d at day-break, and stay till it was dark in the evening, but
they brought on board only plants and insects, having been sent for no other
purpose. And I had the greatest reason to believe that not a single article was
smuggled by any of our people who were admitted on shore, though many artful means
were used to tempt them even by the very officers that were under his Excellency's
roof, which made the charge still more injurious and provoking. I have indeed some
reason to suspect that one poor fellow bought a single bottle of rum with some of
the clothes upon his back; and in my answer I requested of his Excellency, that,
if such an attempt at illicit trade should be repeated, he would without scruple
order the offender to be taken into custody. And thus ended our altercation, both
by conference and writing, with the Viceroy of Rio de
Janeiro.
A friar in the town having requested the assistance of our surgeon,*
Dr. Solander easily got admittance in that character on
the 25th,* and received many marks of civility from the people. On
the 26th, before day-break,* Mr. Banks also
found means to elude the vigilance of the people in the guard-boat, and got on
shore; he did not however go into the town, for the principal objects of his
curiosity were to be found in the fields: to him also the people behaved with
great civility, many of them invited him to their houses, and he bought a porker
and some other things of them for the ship's company; the porker, which was by no
means lean, cost him eleven shillings, and he paid something less than two for a
Muscovy duck.
On the 27th, when the boats returned from watering,* the
people told us there was a report in town, that search was making after some
persons who had been on shore from the ship without the Viceroy's permission;
these persons we conjectured to be Dr. Solander and
Mr. Banks, and therefore they determined to go on shore no
more.
On the 1st of December,* having got our water and other
necessaries on board, I sent to the Viceroy for a pilot to carry us to sea, who
came off to us; but the wind preventing us from getting out, we took on board a
plentiful supply of fresh beef, yams and greens for the ship's company. On the
2d, a Spanish packet arrived,* with letters from Buenos Ayres for
Spain, commanded by Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velasco, who with great
politeness offered to take our letters to Europe: I
accepted the favour, and gave him a packet for the Secretary of the Admiralty,
containing copies of all the papers that had passed between me and the Viceroy;
leaving also duplicates with the Viceroy, to be by him forwarded to Lisbon.
*On Monday the 5th, it being a dead calm, we weighed
anchor and towed down the bay; but, to our great astonishment, when we got abreast
of Santa Cruz, the principal fortification, two shot were fired at us. We
immediately cast anchor, and sent to the fort to enquire the reason of what had
happened: our people brought us word, That the Commandant had received no order
from the Viceroy to let us pass; and that, without such an order, no vessel was
ever suffered to go below the fort. It was now, therefore, become necessary that
we should send to the Viceroy, to enquire why the necessary order had not been
given, as he had notice of our departure, and had thought fit to write me a polite
letter, wishing me a good voyage. Our messenger soon returned with an account,
that the order had been written some days, but by an unaccountable negligence not
sent.
*We did not get under sail till the 7th; and, when we had
passed the fort, the pilot desired to be discharged. As soon as he was dismissed,
we were left by our guard-boat, which had hovered about us from the first hour of
our being in this place to the last: and Mr. Banks, having
been prevented from going ashore at Rio de Janeiro, availed
himself of her departure to examine the neighbouring islands, where, particularly
on one in the mouth of the harbour called Raza, he gathered many species of
plants, and caught a variety of insects.
It is remarkable, that, during the last three or four days of our staying
in this harbour, the air was loaded with butterflies: they were chiefly of one
sort, but in such numbers that thousands were in view in every direction, and the
greatest part of them above our mast-head.
We lay here from the 14th of November to the 7th of
December, something more than three weeks, during which
time Mr. Monkhouse, our Surgeon,* was on shore every day to buy our provisions;
Dr. Solander was on shore once; I was several times on
shore myself, and Mr. Banks also found means to get into the
country, notwithstanding the watch that was set over us. I shall, therefore, with
the intelligence obtained from these Gentlemen, and my own observations, give some
account of the town, and the country adjacent.
Rio de Janeiro, or the river of Januarius, was probably so
called from its having been discovered on the feast-day of that saint; and the
town, which is the capital of the Portuguese dominions in America, derives its
name from the river, which indeed is rather an arm of the sea, for it did not
appear to receive any considerable stream of fresh water: it stands on a plain,
close to the shore, on the west side of the bay, at the foot of several high
mountains which rise behind it. It is neither ill designed nor ill built; the
houses, in general, are of stone, and two stories high; every house having, after
the manner of the Portuguese, a little balcony before its windows, and a lattice
of wood before the balcony. I computed its circuit to be about three miles; for it
appears to be equal in size to the largest country towns in
England, Bristol and Liverpool not excepted; the streets
are straight, and of a convenient breadth, intersecting each other at right
angles; the greater part, however, lie in a line with the citadel, called St.
Sebastian, which stands on the top of a hill that commands the town.
It is supplied with water from the neighbouring hills, by an aqueduct,
which is raised upon two stories of arches, and is said in some places to be at a
great height from the ground, from which the water is conveyed by pipes into a
fountain in the great square that exactly fronts the Viceroy's palace. At this
fountain great numbers of people are continually waiting for their
turn to draw water;* and the soldiers, who are posted at the Governor's door, find
it very difficult to maintain any regularity among them. The water at this
fountain however is so bad, that we, who had been two months at sea, confined to
that in our casks, which was almost always foul, could not drink it with pleasure.
Water of a better quality is laid into some other part of the town, but I could
not learn by what means.
The churches are very fine, and there is more religious parade in this
place than in any of the Popish countries in Europe: there
is a procession of some parish every day, with various insignia, all splendid and
costly in the highest degree: they beg money, and say prayers in great form, at
the corner of every street.
While we lay here, one of the churches was rebuilding; and to defray the
expence, the parish to which it belonged had leave to beg in procession through
the whole city once a week, by which very considerable sums were collected. At
this ceremony, which was performed by night, all the boys of a certain age were
obliged to assist, the sons of Gentlemen not being excused. Each of these boys was
dressed in a black cassock, with a short red cloak, hanging about as low as the
waist, and carried in his hand a pole about six or seven feet long, at the end of
which was tied a lantern: the number of lanterns was generally above two hundred,
and the light they gave was so great, that the people who saw it from the cabbin
windows thought the town had been on fire.
The inhabitants, however, may pay their devotions at the shrine of any
saint in the calendar, without waiting till there is a procession; for before
almost every house there is a little cupboard, furnished with a glass window, in
which one of these tutelary powers is waiting to be gracious; and to prevent his being out of mind, by being out of sight,* a lamp is kept
constantly burning before the window of his tabernacle in the night. The people
indeed are by no means remiss in their devotions, for before these saints they
pray and sing hymns with such vehemence, that in the night they were very
distinctly heard on board the ship, though she lay at the distance of at least
half a mile from the town.
The government here, as to its form, is mixed; it is notwithstanding very
despotic in fact. It consists of the Viceroy, the Governor of the town, and a
council, the number of which I could not learn: without the consent of this
council, in which the Viceroy has a casting vote, no judicial act should be
performed; yet both the Viceroy and Governor frequently commit persons to prison
at their own pleasure, and sometimes send them to Lisbon, without acquainting
their friends or family with what is laid to their charge, or where they may be
found.
To restrain the people from travelling into the country, and getting into
any district where gold or diamonds may be found, of both which there is much more
than the government can otherwise secure, certain bounds are prescribed them, at
the discretion of the Viceroy, sometimes at a few, and sometimes at many miles
distance from the city. On the verge of these limits a guard constantly patroles,
and whoever is found beyond it, is immediately seized and thrown into prison: and
if a man is, upon any pretence, taken up by the guard within the limits, he will
be sent to prison, tho' it should appear that he did not know their extent.
The inhabitants, which are very numerous, consist of Portuguese, Negroes,
and Indians, the original natives of the country. The township of Rio, which, as I
was told, is but a small part of the Capitanea, or province, is said to contain
37,000 White persons,* and 629,000 Blacks, many of whom are free;
making together 666,000, in the proportion of seventeen to one. The Indians, who
are employed to do the King's work in this neighbourhood, can scarcely be
considered as inhabitants; their residence is at a distance, from whence they come
by turns to their task, which they are obliged to perform for a small pay. The
guard-boat was constantly rowed by these people, who are of a light copper colour,
and have long black hair.
The military establishment here consists of twelve regiments of regular
troops, six of which are Portuguese and six Creoles; and twelve other regiments of
provincial militia. To the regulars the inhabitants behave with the utmost
humility and submission; and I was told, that if any of them should neglect to
take off his hat upon meeting an officer, he would immediately be knocked down.
These haughty severities render the people extremely civil to any stranger who has
the appearance of a Gentleman. But the subordination of the officers themselves to
the Viceroy is enforced with circumstances equally mortifying, for they are
obliged to attend in his hall three times every day to ask his commands: the
answer constantly is, "There is nothing new." I have been told, that this servile
attendance is exacted to prevent their going into the country; and if so, it
effectually answers the purpose.
It is, I believe, universally allowed, that the women, both of the Spanish
and Portuguese settlements in South America, make less
difficulty of granting personal favours, than those of any other civilized country
in the world. Of the Ladies of this town some have formed so unfavourable an
opinion as to declare, that they did not believe there was a modest one among
them. This censure is certainly too general; but what Dr.
Solander saw of them when he was on shore, gave him no very exalted
idea of their chastity:* he told me, that as soon as it was dark, one or more of
them appeared in every window, and distinguished those whom they liked, among the
Gentlemen that walked past them, by giving them nosegays; that he, and two
Gentlemen who were with him, received so many of these favours, that, at the end
of their walk, which was not a long one, they threw whole hatfuls of them away.
Great allowance must certainly be made for local customs; that which in one
country would be an indecent familiarity, is a mere act of general courtesy in
another; of the fact, therefore, which I have related, I shall say nothing, but
that I am confident it is true.
Neither will I take upon me to affirm, that murders are frequently
committed here; but the churches afford an asylum to the criminal: and as our
cockswain was one day looking at two men, who appeared to be talking together in a
friendly manner, one of them suddenly drew a knife and stabbed the other; who not
instantly falling, the murderer withdrew the weapon, and stabbed him a second
time. He then ran away, and was pursued by some Negroes who were also witnesses of
the fact; but whether he escaped or was taken I never heard.
The country, at a small distance round the town, which is all that any of
us saw, is beautiful in the highest degree; the wildest spots being varied with a
greater luxuriance of flowers, both as to number and beauty, than the best gardens
in England.
Upon the trees and bushes sat an almost endless variety of birds,
especially small ones, many of them covered with the most elegant plumage; among
which were the hummingbird. Of insects too there was a great
variety,* and some of them very beautiful; but they were much more nimble than
those of Europe, especially the butterflies, most of which
flew near the tops of the trees, and were therefore very difficult to be caught,
except when the sea breeze blew fresh, which kept them nearer to the ground.
The banks of the sea, and of the small brooks which water this part of the
country, are almost covered with the small crabs called Cancer vocans; some of
these had one of the claws, called by naturalists the hand, very large; others had
them both remarkably small, and of equal size, a difference which is said to
distinguish the sexes, that with the large claw being the male.
There is the appearance of but little cultivation; the greater part of the
land is wholly uncultivated, and very little care and labour seem to have been
bestowed upon the rest; there are indeed little patches or gardens, in which many
kinds of European garden stuff are produced, particularly
cabbages, peas, beans, kidney-beans, turnips, and white radishes, but all much
inferior to our own: water melons and pine apples are also produced in these
spots, and they are the only fruits that we saw cultivated, though the country
produces musk melons, oranges, limes, lemons, sweet lemons, citrons, plantains,
bananas, mangos, mamane apples, acajou or cashou apples and nuts; jamboira of two
kinds, one of which bears a small black fruit; cocoa nuts, mangos, palm nuts of
two kinds, one long, the other round; and palm berries, all which were in season
while we were there.
Of these fruits the water melons and oranges are the best in their kind;
the pine apples are much inferior to those that I have eaten in
England; they are indeed more juicy and
sweet, but have no flavour;* I believe them to be natives of this country, though
we heard of none that at this time grow wild; they have, however, very little care
bestowed upon them, the plants being set between beds of any kind of garden-stuff,
and suffered to take the chance of the season. The melons are still worse, at
least those that we tasted, which were mealy and insipid; but the water melons are
excellent; they have a flavour, at least a degree of acidity, which ours have not.
We saw also several species of the prickle pear, and some
European fruits, particularly the apple and peach, both
which were very mealy and insipid. In these gardens also grow yams, and mandihoca,
which in the West Indies is called Cassada or Cassava, and to the flour of which
the people here, as I have before observed, give the name of Farinha de Pao, which
may not improperly be translated, Powder of post. The soil, though it produces
tobacco and sugar, will not produce bread-corn; so that the people here have no
wheat-flour, but what is brought from Portugal, and sold at
the rate of a shilling a pound, though it is generally spoiled by being heated in
its passage. Mr. Banks is of opinion, that all the products
of our West Indian islands would grow here; notwithstanding which, the inhabitants
import their coffee and chocolate from Lisbon.
Most of the land, as far as we saw of the country, is laid down in grass,
upon which cattle are pastured in great plenty; but they are so lean, that an
Englishman will scarcely eat of their flesh: the herbage of these pastures
consists principally of cresses, and consequently is so short, that though it may
afford a bite for horses and sheep, it can scarcely be grazed by horned cattle in
a sufficient quantity to keep them alive.
This country may possibly produce many valuable drugs; but we could not
find any in the apothecaries shops, except pareira brava,* and balsam
capivi; both of which were excellent in their kind, and sold at a very low price.
The drug trade is probably carried on to the northward, as well as that of the
dying woods, for we could get no intelligence of either of them here.
As to manufactures, we neither saw nor heard of any, except that of cotton
hammocks, in which people are carried about here, as they are with us in sedan
chairs; and these are principally, if not wholly, fabricated by the Indians.
The riches of the place consists chiefly in the mines, which we supposed to
lie far up the country, though we could never learn where, or at what distance;
for the situation is concealed as much as possible, and troops are continually
employed in guarding the roads that lead to them: it is almost impossible for any
man to get a sight of them, except those who are employed there; and indeed the
strongest curiosity would scarcely induce any man to attempt it, for whoever is
found upon the road to them, if he cannot give undeniable evidence of his having
business there, is immediately hanged up upon the next tree.
Much gold is certainly brought from these mines, but at an expence of life,
that must strike every man, to whom custom has not made it familiar, with horror.
No less than forty thousand negroes are annually imported, on the king's account,
to dig the mines; and we were credibly informed, that, the last year but one
before we arrived here, this number fell so short, probably from some epidemic
disease, that twenty thousand more were draughted from the town of Rio.
Precious stones are also found here in such plenty, that a certain quantity
only is allowed to be collected in a year; to collect this quantity, a number of
people are sent into the country where they are found, and when it is
got together,* which sometimes happens in a month, sometimes in less and sometimes
in more, they return; and after that, whoever is found in these precious
districts, on any pretence, before the next year, is immediately put to death.
The jewels found here, are diamonds, topazes of several kinds, and
amethysts. We did not see any of the diamonds, but were informed that the Viceroy
had a large quantity by him, which he would sell on the King of
Portugal's account, but not at a less price than they
are sold for in Europe. Mr. Banks
bought a few topazes and amethysts as specimens: of the topazes there are three
sorts, of very different value, which are distinguished here by the names of Pinga
d'agua qualidade primeiro, Pinga d'agua qualidade secundo, and Chrystallos
armerillos: they are sold, large and small, good and bad together, by octavos, or
the eighth part of an ounce; the best at 4s. 9d. All
dealing, however, in these stones is prohibited to the subject, under the severest
penalties: there were jewellers here formerly, who purchased and worked them on
their own account; but about fourteen months before our arrival, orders came from
the court of Portugal, that no more stones should be
wrought here, except on the King's account: the jewellers were ordered to bring
all their tools to the Viceroy, and left without any means of subsistence. The
persons employed here to work stones for the King are slaves.
The coin that is current here, is either that of
Portugal, consisting chiefly of thirty-six shillings
pieces; or pieces, both of gold and silver, which are struck at this place: the
pieces of silver, which are very much debased, are called Petacks, and are of
different value, and easily distinguished by the number of rees that is marked on
the outside. Here is also a copper coin,* like that in
Portugal, of five and ten ree pieces. A ree is a nominal
coin of Portugal, ten of which are equal in value to about
three farthings sterling.
The harbour of Rio de Janeiro is situated W. by N.
18 leagues from Cape Trio, and may be known by a remarkable hill, in the form of a
sugar-loaf, at the west point of the bay; but as all the coast is very high, and
rises in many peaks, the entrance of this harbour may be more certainly
distinguished by the islands that lie before it; one of which, called Rodonda, is
high and round like a hay-stack, and lies at the distance of two leagues and an
half from the entrance of the bay, in the direction of S. by W.; but the first
islands which are met with, coming from the east, or Cape Trio, are two that have
a rocky appearance, lying near to each other, and at the distance of about four
miles from the shore: there are also at the distance of three leagues to the
westward of these, two other islands which lie near to each other, a little
without the bay on the east side, and very near the shore. This harbour is
certainly a good one; the entrance indeed is not wide, but the sea breeze, which
blows every day from ten or twelve o'clock till sunset, makes it easy for any ship
to go in before the wind; and it grows wider as the town is approached, so that
abreast of it there is room for the largest fleet, in five or six fathom water,
with an oozy bottom. At the narrow part, the entrance is defended by two forts.
The principal is Santa Cruz, which stands on the east point of the bay, and has
been mentioned before; that on the west side is called fort Lozia, and is built
upon a rock that lies close to the main; the distance between them is about ¾ of a
mile, but the channel is not quite so broad, because there are sunken rocks which
lie off each fort, and in this part alone there is danger: the narrowness of the
channel causes the tides, both flood and ebb, to run with considerable strength,* so that they cannot be stemmed without a fresh breeze. The rockyness
of the bottom makes it also unsafe to anchor here; but all danger may be avoided
by keeping in the middle of the channel. Within the entrance, the course up the
bay is first N. by W. ½ W. and. N.N.W. something more than a league; this will
bring the vessel the length of the great road; and N.W. and W.N.W. one league more
will carry her to the Isle dos Cobras, which lies before the city: she should then
keep the north side of this island close on board, and anchor above it, before a
monastery of Benedictines which stands upon a hill at the N.W. end of the city.
The river, and indeed the whole coast, abounds with a greater variety of
fish than we had ever seen; a day seldom passed in which one or more of a new
species were not brought to Mr. Banks: the bay also is as
well adapted for catching these fish as can be conceived; for it is full of small
islands, between which there is shallow water, and proper beaches for drawing the
seine. The sea, without the bay, abounds with dolphins, and large mackrel of
different kinds, which readily bite at a hook, and the inhabitants always tow one
after their boats for that purpose.
Though the climate is hot, the situation of this place is certainly
wholesome; while we stayed here the thermometer never rose higher than 83, though
we had frequent rains, and once a very hard gale of wind.
Ships water here at the fountain in the great square, though, as I have
observed, the water is not good; they land their casks upon a smooth sandy beach,
which is not more than a hundred yards distant from the fountain, and upon
application to the Viceroy, a centinel will be appointed to look after them,* and clear the way to the fountain where they are to be filled.
Upon the whole, Rio de Janeiro is a very good place
for ships to put in at that want refreshment: the harbour is safe and commodious;
and provisions, except wheaten bread and flour, may be easily procured: as a
succedaneum for bread, there are yams and cassada in plenty; beef, both fresh and
jerked, may be bought at about two pence farthing a pound; though, as I have
before remarked, it is very lean. The people here jerk their beef by taking out
the bones, cutting it into large but thin slices, then curing it with salt, and
drying it in the shade: it eats very well, and, if kept dry, will remain good a
long time at sea. Mutton is scarcely to be procured, and hogs and poultry are
dear; of garden-stuff and fruit there is abundance, of which, however, none can be
preserved at sea but the pumpkin; rum, sugar, and molasses, all excellent in their
kind, may be had at a reasonable price; tobacco also is cheap, but it is not good.
Here is a yard for building shipping, and a small hulk to heave down by; for, as
the tide never rises above six or seven foot, there is no other way of coming at a
ship's bottom.
When the boat which had been sent on shore returned, we hoisted her on
board, and stood out to sea.
- [illustration] A View of Part of the N.E. side of Terra del
Fuego taken from the Point A. in the Chart.
- [illustration] A View of Strait Le Maire with Part of Terra del
Fuego and Staten Land taken from the Point B. in the
Chart.
- [illustration] A View of Part of the S.W. side of Terra del
Fuego taken from the Point C. in the Chart.
- [illustration] A View of Part of the Coast of Terra del
Fuego from Cape Horn to Isle Evouts,
taken from the Point D. in the Chart.
- [illustration] A PLAN OF SUCCESS BAY in STRAIT LE MAIRE
- [illustration] A CHART of the S.E. part of TERRA DEL FUEGO including STRAIT
LE MAIRE and part of STATEN-LAND By Lieutenant J. Cook 1769.
- References to the Views.
- a. Cape St. Diego.
- b. Cape St. Vincent.
- c. Sugar Loaf.
- d. Middle Cape Staten Land.
- e. Cape St. Bartholomew.
- f. Entrance of Success Bay.
- g. New Island.
- h. Cape Good Success.
- i. Cape Horn.
- k. Sth Pt. Hermits Islands.
- l. Hermits Islands.
- m. Barnevelts Isles.
- n. Evoute Isle.
- 1.2.3. Three Brothers.
CHAP. III.
The Passage from Rio de Janeiro to
the Entrance of the Streight of Le Maire, with a Description of some of the
Inhabitants of Terra del Fuego.
ON the 9th of December,* we observed the sea to be covered
with broad streaks of a yellowish colour, several, of them a mile long, and three
or four hundred yards wide: some of the water thus coloured was taken up, and
found to be full of innumerable atoms pointed at the end, of a yellowish colour,
and none more than a quarter of a line, or the fortieth part of an inch long: in
the microscope they appeared to be Fasciculi of small fibres interwoven with each
other, not unlike the nidus of some of the Phyganeas, called Caddices; but whether
they were animal or vegetable substances, whence they came, or for what they were
designed, neither Mr. Banks nor Dr.
Solander could guess. The same appearance had been observed before,
when we first discovered the continent of South America.
On the 11th we hooked a shark,* and while we were playing it
under the cabbin window, it threw out, and drew in again several times what
appeared to be its stomach: it proved to be a female, and upon being opened six
young ones were taken out of it; five of them were alive and swam briskly in a tub
of water, but the sixth appeared to have been dead some time.
Nothing remarkable happened till the 30th,* except that we
prepared for the bad weather, which we were shortly to expect, by bending a new
suit of sails; but on this day we ran a course of one hundred and
sixty miles by the log,* through innumerable land insects of various kinds, some
upon the wing, and more upon the water, many of which were alive; they appeared to
be exactly the same with the Carabi, the Grylli, the Phalanae, Aranea, and other
flies that are seen in England, though at this time we
could not be less than thirty leagues from land; and some of these insects,
particularly the Grylli and Aranea, never voluntarily leave it at a greater
distance than twenty yards. We judged ourselves to be now nearly opposite to Baye
sans fond, where Mr. Dalrymple supposes there is a passage quite through the
continent of America; and we thought from the insects that there might be at least
a very large river, and that it had overflowed its banks.
*On the 3d of January, 1769, being in latitude 47° 17′
S. and longitude 61° 29′ 45″ W. we were all looking out for
Pepys' island, and for some time an appearance was seen in the east which so much
resembled land, that we bore away for it; and it was more than two hours and an
half before we were convinced that it was nothing but what sailors call a Fogbank.
The people now beginning to complain of cold, each of them received what
is called a Magellanic jacket, and a pair of trowsers. The jacket is made of a
thick woollen-stuff, called Fearnought, which is provided by the government. We
saw, from time to time, a great number of penguins, albatrosses, and sheer waters,
seals, whales, and porpoises: and on the 11th,* having passed
Falkland's islands, we discovered the coast of Terra del
Fuego, at the distance of about four leagues, extending from the W.
to S. E. by S. We had here five and thirty fathom, the ground soft, small slate
stones. As we ranged along the shore to the S. E. at the distance of
two or three leagues, we perceived smoke in several places,* which was made by the
natives, probably as a signal, for they did not continue it after we had passed
by. This day we discovered that the ship had got near a degree of longitude to the
westward of the log, which, in this latitude, is 35 minutes of a degree on the
equator: probably there is a small current setting to the westward, which may be
caused by the westerly current coming round Cape Horn, and through the Streight of
Le Maire, and the indraught of the Streight of Magellan*.
Having continued to range the coast,* on the 14th we entered
the Streight of Le Maire; but the tide turning against us, drove us out with great
violence, and raised such a sea off Cape St. Diego, that the waves had exactly the
same appearance as they would have had if they had broke over a ledge of rocks;
and when the ship was in this torrent, she frequently pitched, so that the
bowsprit was under water. About noon, we got under the land between Cape St. Diego
and Cape St. Vincent, where I intended to have anchored; but finding the ground
every where hard and rocky, and shallowing from thirty to twelve fathoms, I sent
the Master to examine a little cove which lay at a small distance to the eastward
of Cape St. Vincent. When he returned, he reported, that there was anchorage in
four fathom, and a good bottom, close to the eastward of the first bluff point, on
the east of Cape St. Vincent, at the very entrance of the cove, to which I gave
the name of VINCENT's Bay: before this anchoring ground,* however,
lay several rocky ledges, that were covered with sea-weed; but I was told that
there was not less than eight and nine fathom over all of them. It will probably
be thought strange, that where weeds, which grow at the bottom, appear above the
surface, there should be this depth of water; but the weeds which grow upon rocky
ground in these countries, and which always distinguish it from sand and ooze, are
of an enormous size. The leaves are four foot long, and some of the stalks, though
not thicker than a man's thumb, above one hundred and twenty: Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander examined some of them, over which we founded
and had fourteen fathom, which is eighty-four feet; and, as they made a very acute
angle with the bottom, they were thought to be at least one half longer: the foot
stalks were swelled into an air vessel, and Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander called this plant Fucus giganteus. Upon the
report of the Master, I stood in with the ship; but not trusting implicitly to his
intelligence, I continued to sound, and found but four fathom upon the first ledge
that I went over; concluding, therefore, that I could not anchor here without
risk, I determined to seek some port in the Streight, where I might get on board
such wood and water as we wanted.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, however,
being very desirous to go on shore, I sent a boat with them and their people,
while I kept plying as near as possible with the ship.
Having been on shore four hours, they returned about nine in the evening,
with above an hundred different plants and flowers, all of them wholly unknown to
the botanists of Europe. They found the country about the
bay to be in general slat, the bottom of it in particular was a plain, covered
with grass, which might easily have been made into a large quantity of hay; they
found also abundance of good wood and water, and fowl in great
plenty.* Among other things, of which Nature has been liberal in this place, is
Winter's bark, Winteranea aromatica; which may easily be known by its broad leaf,
shaped like the laurel, of a light green colour without, and inclining to blue
within: the bark is easily stripped with a bone or a stick, and its virtues are
well known: it may be used for culinary purposes as a spice, and is not less
pleasant than wholesome: here is also plenty of wild celery and scurvy grass. The
trees are chiefly of one kind, a species of the birch, called Betula antartica;
the stem is from thirty to forty feet long, and from two to three feet in
diameter, so that in a case of necessity they might possibly supply a ship with
top-masts: they are a light white wood, bear a small leaf, and cleave very
straight. Cranberries were also found here in great plenty, both white and red.
The persons who landed saw none of the inhabitants, but fell in with two
of their deserted huts, one in a thick wood, and the other close by the beach.
Having taken the boat on board, I made sail into the Streight, and at
three in the morning of the 15th,* I anchored in twelve fathom and an
half, upon coral rocks, before a small cove, which we took for Port Maurice, at
the distance of about half a mile from the shore. Two of the natives came down to
the beach, expecting us to land; but this spot afforded so little shelter, that I
at length determined not to examine it: I therefore got under sail again about ten
o'clock, and the savages retired into the woods.
At two o'clock, we anchored in the bay of Good Success; and after dinner I
went on shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, to look for a watering-place, and speak to the Indians,
several of whom had come in sight. We landed on the starboard side of the bay near
some rocks, which made smooth water and good landing;* thirty or
forty of the Indians soon made their appearance at the end of a sandy beach on the
other side of the bay, but seeing our number, which was ten or twelve, they
retreated. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander
then advanced about one hundred yards before us, upon which two of the Indians
returned, and, having advanced some paces towards them, sat down; as soon as they
came up, the Indians rose, and each of them having a small stick in his hand threw
it away, in a direction both from themselves and the strangers, which was
considered as the renunciation of weapons in token of peace: they then walked
briskly towards their companions, who had halted at about fifty yards behind them,
and beckoned the Gentle men to follow, which they did. They were received with
many uncouth signs of friendship; and, in return, they distributed among them some
beads and ribbons, which had been brought on shore for that purpose, and with
which they were greatly delighted. A mutual confidence and good-will being thus
produced, our parties joined; the conversation, such as it was, became general;
and three of them accompanied us back to the ship. When they came on board, one of
them, whom we took to be a priest, performed much the same ceremonies which M.
Bougainville describes, and supposes to be an exorcism. When he was introduced
into a new part of the ship, or when any thing that he had not seen before caught
his attention, he shouted with all his force for some minutes, without directing
his voice either to us or his companions.
They eat some bread and some beef, but not apparently with much pleasure,
though such part of what was given them as they did not eat they took away with
them; but they would not swallow a drop either of wine or spirits: they put the
glass to their lips, but, having tasted the liquor, they returned it,
with strong expressions of disgust.* Curiosity seems to be one of the few passions
which distinguish men from brutes; and of this our guests appeared to have very
little. They went from one part of the ship to another, and looked at the vast
variety of new objects that every moment presented themselves, without any
expression either of wonder or pleasure, for the vociferation of our exorcist
seemed to be neither.
After having been on board about two hours, they expressed a desire to go
ashore. A boat was immediately ordered, and Mr. Banks thought
fit to accompany them: he landed them in safety, and conducted them to their
companions, among whom he remarked the same vacant indifference, as in those who
had been on board; for as on one side there appeared no eagerness to relate, so on
the other there seemed to be no curiosity to hear, how they had been received, or
what they had seen. In about half an hour, Mr. Banks returned
to the ship, and the Indians retired from the shore.
CHAP. IV.
An Account of what happened in ascending a Mountain to
search for Plants.
*ON the 16th, early in the morning, Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, with their attendants
and servants, and two seamen to assist in carrying the baggage, accompanied by Mr.
Monkhouse the Surgeon, and Mr. Green the Astronomer, set out
from the ship, with a view to penetrate as far as they could into the country, and
return at night. The hills, when viewed at a distance, seemed to be partly a wood,
partly a plain, and above them a bare rock. Mr. Banks hoped
to get through the wood, and made no doubt, but that, beyond it, he should, in a
country which no botanist had ever yet visited, find alpine plants which would
abundantly compensate his labour. They entered the wood at a small sandy beach, a
little to the westward of the watering-place, and continued to ascend the hill,
through the pathless wilderness, till three o'clock, before they got a near view
of the places which they intended to visit. Soon after they reached what they had
taken for a plain; but, to their great disappointment, found it a swamp, covered
with low bushes of birch, about three feet high, interwoven with each other, and
so stubborn that they could not be bent out of the way; it was therefore necessary
to lift the leg over them, which at every step was buried, ancle deep, in the
soil. To aggravate the pain and difficulty of such travelling, the weather, which
hitherto had been very fine, much like one of our bright days in May, became
gloomy and cold; with sudden blasts of a most piercing wind,
accompanied with snow.* They pushed forward, however, in good spirits,
notwithstanding their fatigue, hoping the worst of the way was past, and that the
bare rock which they had seen from the tops of the lower hills was not more than a
mile before them; but when they had got about two thirds over this woody swamp,
Mr. Buchan, one of Mr. Banks's draughtmen, was unhappily
seized with a fit. This made it necessary for the whole company to halt, and as it
was impossible that he should go any farther, a fire was kindled, and those who
were most fatigued were left behind to take care of him. Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr.
Green, and Mr. Monkhouse went on, and in a short time reached the
summit. As botanists, their expectations were here abundantly gratified; for they
found a great variety of plants, which, with respect to the alpine plants in
Europe, are exactly what those plants are with respect
to such as grow in the plain.
The cold was now become more severe, and the snow-blasts more frequent;
the day also was so far spent, that it was found impossible to get back to the
ship before the next morning: to pass the night upon such a mountain, in such a
climate, was not only comfortless, but dreadful; it was impossible however to be
avoided, and they were to provide for it as well as they could.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, while they
were improving an opportunity which they had, with so much danger and difficulty,
procured, by gathering the plants which they found upon the mountain, sent
Mr. Green and Mr. Monkhouse back to Mr. Buchan and the
people that were with him, with directions to bring them to a hill, which they
thought lay in a better rout for returning to the wood, and which was therefore
appointed as a general rendezvous. It was proposed,* that from this
hill they should push through the swamp, which seemed by the new rout not to be
more than half a mile over, into the shelter of the wood, and there build their
wigwam, and make a fire: this, as their way was all down hill, it seemed easy to
accomplish. Their whole company assembled at the rendezvous, and, though pinched
with the cold, were in health and spirks, Mr. Buchan himself having recovered his
strength in a much greater degree than could have been expected. It was now near
eight o'clock in the evening, but still good day-light, and they set forward for
the nearest valley, Mr. Banks himself undertaking to bring up
the rear, and see that no straggler was left behind: this may perhaps be thought a
superfluous caution, but it will soon appear to be otherwise. Dr.
Solander, who had more than once crossed the mountains which divide
Sweden from Norway, well knew that extreme cold, especially when joined with
fatigue, produces a torpor and sleepiness that are almost irresistible: he
therefore conjured the company to keep moving, whatever pain it might cost them,
and whatever relief they might be promised by an inclination to rest: Whoever sits
down, says he, will sleep; and whoever sleeps, will wake no more. Thus, at once
admonished and alarmed, they set forward; but while they were still upon the naked
rock, and before they had got among the bushes, the cold became suddenly so
intense, as to produce the effects that had been most dreaded. Dr.
Solander himself was the first who found the inclination, against
which he had warned others, irresistible; and insisted upon being suffered to lie
down. Mr. Banks intreated and remonstrated in vain, down he
lay upon the ground, though it was covered with snow; and it was with great
difficulty that his friend kept him from sleeping. Richmond also, one of the black
servants, began to linger,* having suffered from the cold in the
same manner as the Doctor. Mr. Banks, therefore, sent five of
the company, among whom was Mr. Buchan, forward to get a fire ready at the first
convenient place they could find; and himself, with four others, remained with the
Doctor and Richmond, whom partly by persuasion and entreaty, and partly by force,
they brought on; but when they had got through the greatest part of the birch and
swamp, they both declared they could go no farther. Mr. Banks
had recourse again to entreaty and expostulation, but they produced no effect:
when Richmond was told, that if he did not go on he would in a short time be
frozen to death; he answered, That he desired nothing but to lie down and die: the
Doctor did not so explicitly renounce his life; he said he was willing to go on,
but that he must first take some sleep, though he had before told the company that
to sleep was to perish. Mr. Banks and the rest found it
impossible to carry them, and there being no remedy they were both suffered to sit
down, being partly supported by the bushes, and in a few minutes they fell into a
profound sleep: soon after, some of the people who had been sent forward returned,
with the welcome news that a fire was kindled about a quarter of a mile farther on
the way. Mr. Banks then endeavoured to wake Dr.
Solander and happily succeeded: but, though he had not slept five
minutes, he had almost lost the use of his limbs, and the muscles were so shrunk
that his shoes fell from his feet; he consented to go forward with such assistance
as could be given him, but no attempts to relieve poor Richmond were successful.
It being found impossible to make him stir, after some time had been lost in the
attempt, Mr. Banks left his other black servant and a seaman,
who seemed to have suffered least by the cold, to look after him; promising, that
as soon as two others should be sufficiently warmed, they should be
relieved.* Mr. Banks, with much difficulty, at length got the
Doctor to the fire; and soon after sent two of the people who had been refreshed,
in hopes that, with the assistance of those who had been left behind, they would
be able to bring Richmond, even though it should still be found impossible to wake
him. In about half an hour, however, they had the mortification to see these two
men return alone; they said, that they had been all round the place to which they
had been directed, but could neither find Richmond nor those who had been left
with him; and that though they had shouted many times, no voice had replied. This
was matter of equal surprise and concern, particularly to Mr.
Banks, who, while he was wondering how it could happen, missed a
bottle of rum, the company's whole stock, which they now concluded to be in the
knapsack of one of the absentees. It was conjectured, that with this Richmond had
been rouzed by the two persons who had been left with him, and that, having
perhaps drank too freely of it themselves, they had all rambled from the place
where they had been left, in search of the fire, instead of waiting for those who
should have been their assistants and guides. Another fall of snow now came on,
and continued incessantly for two hours, so that all hope of seeing them again, at
least alive, were given up; but about twelve o'clock, to the great joy of those at
the fire, a shouting was heard at some distance. Mr. Banks,
with four more, immediately went out, and found the seaman with just strength
enough left to stagger along, and call out for assistance: Mr.
Banks sent him immediately to the fire, and, by his direction,
proceeded in search of the other two, whom he soon after found. Richmond was upon
his legs, but not able to put one before the other; his companion was lying upon
the ground, as insensible as a stone. All hands were now called from
the fire,* and an attempt was made to carry them to it; but this, notwithstanding
the united efforts of the whole company, was found to be impossible. The night was
extremely dark, the snow was now very deep, and, under these additional
disadvantages, they found it very difficult to make way through the bushes and the
bog for themselves, all of them getting many falls in the attempt. The only
alternative was to make a fire upon the spot; but the snow which had fallen, and
was still falling, besides what was every moment shaken in flakes from the trees,
rendered it equally impracticable, to kindle one there, and to bring any part of
that which had been kindled in the wood thither: they were, therefore, reduced to
the sad necessity of leaving the unhappy wretches to their fate; having first made
them a bed of boughs from the trees, and spread a covering of the same kind over
them to a considerable height.
Having now been exposed to the cold and the snow near an hour and an half,
some of the rest began to lose their sensibility; and one Briscoe, another of Mr.
Banks's servants, was so ill, that it was thought he must die before he could be
got to the fire.
At the fire, however, at length they arrived; and passed the night in a
situation, which, however dreadful in itself, was rendered more afflicting by the
remembrance of what was past, and the uncertainty of what was to come. Of twelve,
the number that set out together in health and spirits, two were supposed to be
already dead; a third was so ill, that it was very doubtful whether he would be
able to go forward in the morning; and a fourth, Mr. Bunchan, was in danger of a
return of his fits, by fresh fatigue after so uncomfortable a night: they were
distant from the ship a long day's journey,* through pathless woods,
in which it was too probable they might be bewildered till they were overtaken by
the next night; and, not having prepared for a journey of more than eight or ten
hours, they were wholly destitute of provisions, except a vulture, which they
happened to shoot while they were out, and which, if equally divided, would not
afford each of them half a meal; and they knew not how much more they might suffer
from the cold, as the snow still continued to fall. A dreadful testimony of the
severity of the climate, as it was now the midst of summer in this part of the
world, the twenty-first of December being here the longest day; and every thing
might justly be dreaded from a phaenomenon which, in the corresponding season, is
unknown even in Norway and Lapland.
*When the morning dawned, they saw nothing round them, as far as the eye
could reach, but snow, which seemed to lie as thick upon the trees as upon the
ground; and the blasts returned so frequently, and with such violence, that they
found it impossible for them to set out: how long this might last they knew not,
and they had but too much reason to apprehend that it would confine them in that
desolate forest till they perished with hunger and cold.
After having suffered the misery and terror of this situation till six
o'clock in the morning, they conceived some hope of deliverance by discovering the
place of the sun through the clouds, which were become thinner, and began to break
away. Their first care was to see whether the poor wretches whom they had been
obliged to leave among the bushes were yet alive; three of the company were
dispatched for that purpose, and very soon afterwards returned with the melancholy
news, that they were dead.
Notwithstanding the flattering appearance of the sky,* the snow still
continued to fall so thick that they could not venture out upon their journey to
the ship; but about 8 o'clock a small regular breeze sprung up, which, with the
prevailing influence of the sun, at length cleared the air; and they soon after,
with great joy, saw the snow fall in large flakes from the trees, a certain sign
of an approaching thaw: they now examined more critically the state of their
invalids; Briscoe was still very ill, but said, that he thought himself able to
walk; and Mr. Buchan was much better than either he or his friends had any reason
to expect. They were now, however, pressed by the calls of hunger, to which, after
long fasting, every consideration of future good or evil immediately gives way.
Before they set forward, therefore, it was unanimously agreed, that they should
eat their vulture; the bird was accordingly skinned, and, it being thought best to
divide it before it was fit to be eaten, it was cut into ten portions, and every
man cooked his own as he thought fit. After this repast, which furnished each of
them with about three mouthfuls, they prepared to set out; but it was ten o'clock
before the snow was sufficiently gone off to render a march practicable. After a
walk of about three hours, they were very agreeably surprised to find themselves
upon the beach, and much nearer to the ship than they had any reason to expect.
Upon reviewing their track from the vessel, they perceived, that, instead of
ascending the hill in a line, so as to penetrate into the country, they had made
almost a circle round it. When they came on board, they congratulated each other
upon their safety, with a joy that no man can feel who has not been exposed to
equal danger; and as I had suffered great anxiety at their not returning in the
evening of the day on which they set out, I was not wholly without my share.
CHAP. V.
The Passage through the Streight of Le Maire, and a
further Description of the Inhabitants of Terra del
Fuego, and its Productions.
*ON the 18th and 19th, we were delayed in
getting on board our wood and water by a swell: but on the 20th, the
weather being more moderate, we again sent the boat on shore, and Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander went in it. They landed
in the bottom of the bay, and while my people were employed in the cutting brooms,
they pursued their great object, the improvement of natural knowlege, with
success, collecting many shells and plants which hitherto have been altogether
unknown: they came on board to dinner, and afterwards went again on shore to visit
an Indian town, which some of the people had reported to lie about two miles up
the country. They found the distance not more than by the account, and they
approached it by what appeared to be the common road, yet they were above an hour
in getting thither, for they were frequently up to their knees in mud; when they
got within a small distance, two of the people came out to meet them, with such
state as they could assume; when they joined them, they began to hallow as they
had done on board the ship, without addressing themselves either to the strangers
or their companions; and having continued this strange vociferation some time,
they conducted them to the town. It was situated on a dry knoll, or small hill,
covered with wood, none of which seemed to have been cleared away, and consisted
of about twelve or fourteen hovels, of the most
[illustration] rude and inartificial structure that can be
imagined.* They were nothing more than a few poles set up so as to incline towards
each other, and meet at the top, forming a kind of a cone, like some of our
bee-hives: on the weather side they were covered with a few boughs, and a little
grass; and on the lee fide about one eighth of the circle was left open, both for
a door and a fire place; and of this kind were the huts that had been seen in St.
Vincent's bay, in one of which the embers of a fire were still remaining.
Furniture they had none; a little grass, which lay round the inside of the hovel,
served both for chairs and beds; and of all the utensils which necessity and
ingenuity have concurred to produce among other savage nations, they saw only a
basket to carry in the hand, a satchel to hang at the back, and the bladder of
some beast to hold water, which the natives drink through a hole that is made near
the top for that purpose. The inhabitants of this town were a small tribe, not
more than fifty in number, of both sexes and of every age. Their colour resembles
that of the rust of iron mixed with oil, and they have long black hair: the men
are large, but clumsily built; their stature is from five feet eight to five feet
ten; the women are much less, few of them being more than five feet high. Their
whole apparel consists of the skin of a guanicoe, or seal, which is thrown over
their shoulders, exactly in the state in which it came from the animal's back; a
piece of the same skin, which is drawn over their feet, and gathered about the
ancles like a purse, and a small flap, which is worn by the women as a succedaneum
for a fig-leaf. The men wear their cloak open, the women tie it about their waist
with a thong. But although they are content to be naked, they are very ambitious
to be fine. Their faces were painted in various forms: the region of the eye was in general white,* and the rest of the face adorned with
horizontal streaks of red and black; yet scarcely any two were exactly alike. This
decoration seems to be more profuse and elaborate upon particular occasions, for
the two Gentlemen who introduced Mr. Banks and the Doctor
into the town, were almost covered with streaks of black in all directions, so as
to make a very striking appearance. Both men and women wore bracelets of such
beads as they could make themselves of small shells or bones; the women both upon
their wrists and ancles, the men upon their wrists only; but to compensate for the
want of bracelets on their legs, they wore a kind of fillet of brown worsted round
their heads. They seemed to set a particular value upon any thing that was red,
and preferred beads even to a knife or a hatchet.
Their language in general is guttural, and they express some of their
words by a sound exactly like that which we make to clear the throat when any
thing happens to obstruct it; yet they have words which would be deemed soft in
the better languages of Europe. Mr.
Banks learnt what he supposes to be their name for beads and water.
When they wanted beads, instead of ribbons or other trifles, they said hallēcā;
and when they were taken on shore from the ship, and by signs asked where water
might be found, they made the sign of drinking, and pointing as well to the casks
as the watering place, cried Oodâ.
We saw no appearance of their having any food but shell-fish; for though
seals were frequently seen near the shore, they seemed to have no implements for
taking them. The shell-fish is collected by the women, whose business it seems to
be to attend at low water, with a basket in one hand, a stick, pointed and barbed,
in the other, and a satchel at their backs: they loosen the limpets, and other
fish that adhere to the rocks, with the stick, and put them into the
basket;* which, when full, they empty into the satchel.
The only things that we found among them in which there was the least
appearance of neatness or ingenuity, were their weapons, which consisted of a bow
and arrows. The bow was not inelegantly made, and the arrows were the neatest that
we had ever seen: they were of wood, polished to the highest degree; and the
point, which was of glass or flint, and barbed, was formed and fitted with
wonderful dexterity. We saw also some pieces of glass and flint among them
unwrought, besides rings, buttons, cloth, and canvass, with other
European commodities; they must therefore sometimes
travel to the northward, for it is many years since any ship has been so far south
as this part of Terra del Fuego. We observed also, that
they shewed no surprise at our firearms, with the use of which they appeared to be
well acquainted; for they made signs to Mr. Banks to shoot a
seal which followed the boat as they were going on shore from the ship.
M. de Bougainville, who, in January 1768, just one year before us, had
been on shore upon this coast in latitude 53° 40′ 41″, had, among other
things, given glass to the people whom he found here; for he says, that a boy
about twelve years old took it into his head to eat some of it: by this unhappy
accident he died in great misery; but the endeavours of the good father, the
French Aumonier, were more successful than those of the Surgeon; for though the
Surgeon could not save his life, the charitable Priest found means to steal a
Christian baptism upon him so secretly, that none of his Pagan relations knew any
thing of the matter. These people might probably have some of the very glass which
Bougainville left behind him, either from other natives, or perhaps
from himself;* for they appeared rather to be a travelling hord, than to have any
fixed habitation. Their houses are built to stand but for a short time; they have
no utensil or furniture but the basket and satchel, which have been mentioned
before, and which have handles adapted to the carrying them about, in the hand and
upon the back; the only cloathing they had here was scarcely sufficient to prevent
their perishing with cold in the summer of this country, much less in the extreme
severity of winter; the shell-fish which seems to be their only food must soon be
exhausted at any one place; and we had seen houses upon what appeared to be a
deserted station in St. Vincent's bay.
It is also probable that the place where we found them was only a
temporary residence, from their having here nothing like a boat or canoe, of which
it can scarcely be supposed that they were wholly destitute, especially as they
were not sea-sick, or particularly affected, either in our boat or on board the
ship. We conjectured that there might be a streight or inlet, running from the sea
through great part of this island, from the Streight of Magellan, whence these
people might come, leaving their canoes where such inlet terminated.
They did not appear to have among them any government or subordination:
none was more respected than another; yet they seemed to live together in the
utmost harmony and good fellowship. Neither did we discover any appearance of
religion among them, except the noises which have been mentioned, and which we
supposed to be a superstitious ceremony, merely because we could refer them to
nothing else: they were used only by one of those who came on board the ship, and
the two who conducted Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander to the town, whom we therefore conjectured to be priests. Upon the whole,* these people appeared to be the most destitute and
forlorn, as well as the most stupid of all human beings; the outcasts of Nature,
who spent their lives in wandering about the dreary wastes, where two of our
people perished with cold in the midst of summer; with no dwelling but a wretched
hovel of sticks and grass, which would not only admit the wind, but the snow and
the rain; almost naked; and destitute of every convenience that is furnished by
the rudest art, having no implement even to dress their food: yet they were
content. They seemed to have no wish for any thing more than they possessed, nor
did anything that we offered them appear acceptable but beads, as an ornamental
superfluity of life. What bodily pain they might suffer from the severities of
their winter we could not know; but it is certain, that they suffered nothing from
the want of the innumerable articles which we consider, not as the luxuries and
conveniencies only, but the necessaries of life: as their desires are few, they
probably enjoy them all; and how much they may be gainers by an exemption from the
care, labour and solicitude, which arise from a perpetual and unsuccessful effort
to gratify that infinite variety of desires which the refinements of artificial
life have produced among us, is not very easy to determine: possibly this may
counterbalance all the real disadvantages of their situation in comparison with
ours, and make the scales by which good and evil are distributed to man, hang even
between us.
In this place we saw no quadruped except seals, sea-lions, and dogs; of
the dogs it is remarkable that they bark, which those that are originally bred in
Americado not. And this is a further proof, that the
people we saw here had, either immediately or remotely, communicated with the
inhabitants of Europe. There are, however, other quadrupeds
in this part of the country; for when Mr. Banks was at the
top of the highest hill that he ascended in his expedition through
the woods,* he saw the footsteps of a large beast imprinted upon the surface of a
bog, though he could not with any probability guess of what kind it might be.
Of land-birds there are but few; Mr. Banks saw none
larger than an English blackbird, except some hawks and a vulture; but of
water-fowl there is great plenty, particularly ducks. Of fish we saw scarce any,
and with our hooks could catch none that was fit to eat; but shell-fish, limpets,
clams, and muscles were to be found in abundance.
Among the insects, which were not numerous, there was neither gnat nor
musquito, nor any other species that was either hurtful or troublesome, which
perhaps is more than can be said of any other uncleared country. During the
snow-blasts, which happened every day while we were here, they hide themselves;
and the moment it is fair they appear again, as nimble and vigorous as the warmest
weather could make them.
Of plants, Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander found a vast variety; the far greater part wholly different
from any that have been hitherto described. Besides the birch, and winter's bark,
which have been mentioned already, there is the beach, Fagus antarcticus, which,
as well as the birch, may be used for timber. The plants cannot be enumerated
here; but as the scurvy-grass, Cardamine antiscorbutica, and the wild celery,
Apium antarcticum, probably contain antiscorbutic qualities, which may be of great
benefit to the crews of such ships as shall hereafter touch at this place, the
following short description is inserted:
The scurvy-grass will be found in plenty in damp places, near springs of
water, and in general in all places that lie near the beach, especially at the
watering-place in the Bay of Good Success:
when it is young,* the state of its greatest perfection, it lies flat upon the
ground, having many leaves of a bright green, standing in pairs opposite to each
other, with a single one at the end, which generally makes the fifth upon a foot
stalk: the plant, passing from this state, shoots up in stalks that are sometimes
two feet high, at the top of which are small white blossoms, and these are
succeeded by long pods: the whole plant greatly resembles that which in
England is called Lady's smock, or Cuckow-flower. The
wild celery is very like the celery in our gardens, the flowers are white, and
stand in the same manner, in small tufts at the top of the branches, but the
leaves are of a deeper green. It grows in great abundance near the beach, and
generally upon the soil that lies next above the spring tides. It may indeed
easily be known by the taste, which is between that of celery and parsley. We used
the celery in large quantities, particularly in our soup, which, thus medicated,
produced the same good effects which seamen generally derive from a vegetable
diet, after having been long confined to salt provisions.
On Sunday, the 22d of January,* about two o'clock in the
morning, having got our wood and water on board, we sailed out of the Bay, and
continued our course through the Streight.
CHAP. VI.
A general Description of the S. E. part of Terra del
Fuego, and the Streight of Le Maire; with some Remarks on Lord
Anson's Account of them, and Directions for the Passage
Westward, round this Part of America, into the South
Seas.
*ALMOST an writers who have mentioned the island of Terra del
Fuego, describe it as destitute of wood, and covered with snow. In
the winter it may possibly be covered with snow, and those who saw it at that
season might perhaps be easily deceived, by its appearance, into an opinion that
it was destitute of wood. Lord Anson was there in the
beginning of March, which answers to our September; and we were there the
beginning of January, which answers to our July, which may account for the
difference of his description of it from ours. We fell in with it about twenty-one
leagues to the westward of the Streight of Le Maire, and from the time that we
first saw it, trees were plainly to be distinguished with our glasses; and as we
came nearer, though here and there we discovered patches of snow, the sides of the
hills and the sea-coast appeared to be covered with a beautiful verdure. The hills
are lofty, but not mountainous, though the summits of them are quite naked. The
soil in the valleys is rich, and of a considerable depth; and at the foot of
almost every hill there is a brook, the water of which has a reddish hue, like
that which runs through our turf bogs in England, but it is
by no means ill tasted, and upon the whole proved to be the best that
we took in during our voyage. We ranged the coast to the Streight,* and had
foundings all the way from 40 to 20 fathom, upon a gravelly and sandy bottom. The
most remarkable land on Terra del Fuego is a hill, in the
form of a sugar-loaf, which stands on the west side not far from the sea; and the
three hills, called the three brothers, about nine miles to the westward of Cape
St. Diego, the low point that forms the north entrance of the Streight of Le
Maire.
It is said in the account of Lord Anson's voyage,
that it is difficult to determine exactly where the Streight lies, though the
appearance of Terra del Fuego be well known, without knowing also the appearance
of Staten Land; and that some navigators have been deceived by three hills on
Staten Land, which have been mistaken for the three brothers on Terra
del Fuego, and so over-shot the Streight. But no ship can possibly
miss the Streight that coasts Terra del Fuego within sight
of land, for it will then, of itself, be sufficiently conspicuous; and Staten
Land, which forms the east side, will be still more manifestly distinguished, for
there is no land on Terra del Fuego like it. The Streight
of Le Maire can be missed only by standing too far to the eastward, without
keeping the land of Terra del Fuego in sight: if this is
done, it may be missed, however accurately the appearance of the coast of Staten
Land may have been exhibited; and if this is not done, it cannot be missed, though
the appearance of that coast be not known. The entrance of the Streight should not
be attempted but with a fair wind and moderate weather, and upon the very
beginning of the tide of flood, which happens here, at the full and change of the
moon, about one or two o'clock; it is also best to keep as near to the
Terra del Fuego shore as the winds will admit. By
attending to these particulars, a ship may be got quite through the
Streight in one tide;* or, at least, to the southward of Success Bay, into which
it will be more prudent to put, if the wind should be southerly, than to attempt
the weathering of Staten Land with a lee wind and a current, which may endanger
her being driven on that island.
The Streight itself, which is bounded on the west by Terra del
Fuego, and on the east by the west end of Staten Land, is about
five leagues long, and as many broad. The Bay of Good Success lies about the
middle of it, on the Terra del Fuego side, and is discovered immediately upon
entering the Streight from the northward; and the south head of it may be
distinguished by a mark on the land, that has the appearance of a broad road,
leading up from the sea into the country: at the entrance it is half a league
wide, and runs in westward about two miles and an half. There is good anchorage in
every part of it, in from ten to seven fathom, clear ground; and it affords plenty
of exceeding good wood and water. The tides flow in the Bay, at the full and
change of the moon, about four or five o'clock, and rise about five or six feet
perpendicular. But the flood runs two or three hours longer in the Streight than
in the Bay; and the ebb, or northerly current, runs with near double the strength
of the flood.
In the appearance of Staten Land, we did not discover the wildness and
horror that is ascribed to it in the account of Lord Anson's
voyage. On the north side are the appearances of bays or harbours; and the land,
when we saw it, was neither destitute of wood nor verdure, nor covered with snow.
The island seems to be about twelve leagues in length, and five broad.
On the west side of the Cape of Good Success, which forms the S. W.
entrance of the Streight, lies Valentine's Bay, of which we only saw
the entrance;* from this bay the land trends away to the W. S. W. for twenty or
thirty leagues; it appears to be high and mountainous, and forms several bays and
inlets.
At the distance of fourteen leagues from the bay of Good Success, in the
direction of S. W. ½ W. and between two and three leagues from the shore, lies New
Island. It is about two leagues in length from N. E. to S. W. and terminates to
the N. E. in a remarkable hillock. At the distance of seven leagues from New
Island, in the direction of S. W. lies the isle Evouts; and a little to the west
of the south of this island lie Barnevelt's two small flat islands, close to each
other; they are partly surrounded with rocks, which rise to different heights
above the water, and lie twenty-four leagues from the Streight of Le Maire. At the
distance of three leagues from Barnevelt's islands, in the direction of S. W. by
S. lies the S. E. point of Hermit's islands: these islands lie S. E. and N. W. and
are pretty high: from most points of view they will be taken for one island, or a
part of the main.
From the S. E. point of Hermit's islands to Cape
Horn the course is S.W. by S. distance three leagues.
The appearance of this Cape and Hermit's islands is represented in the
chart of this coast, from our first making land to the Cape, which includes the
Streight of Le Maire, and part of Staten Land. In this chart I have laid down no
land, nor traced out any shore but what I saw myself, and thus far it may be
depended upon: the bays and inlets, of which we saw only the openings, are not
traced; it can, however, scarcely be doubted, but that most, if not all of them,
afford anchorage, wood and water. The Dutch squadron, commanded by Hermit,
certainly put into some of them in the year 1624; and was Chapenham, the Vice Admiral of this squadron,* who first discovered that the land of Cape
Horn consisted of a number of islands. The account, however, which those who
sailed in Hermit's fleet have given of these parts is extremely defective; and
those of Schouton and Le Maire are still worse: it is therefore no wonder that the
charts hitherto published should be erroneous, not only in laying down the land,
but in the latitude and longitude of the places they contain. I will, however,
venture to assert, that the longitude of few parts of the world is better
ascertained than that of the Streight of Le Maire, and Cape
Horn, in the chart now offered to the public, as it was laid down
by several observations of the sun and moon, that were made both by myself and
Mr. Green.
The variation of the compass on this coast I found to be from
23° to 25° E. except near Barnevelt's islands and Cape
Horn, where we found it less, and unsettled; probably it is disturbed here by the
land, as Hermit's squadron, in this very place found all their compasses differ
from each other. The declination of the dipping-needle, when set up on shore in
Success Bay, was 68° 15′ below the horizon.
Between Streight Le Maire and Cape Horn, we found a
current setting, generally very strong, to the N. E. when we were in with the
shore; but lost it when we were at the distance of fifteen or twenty leagues.
*On the 26th of January, we took our departure from
Cape Horn, which lies in latitude 55° 53′ S.
longitude 68° 13′ W. The farthest southern latitude that we made was
60° 10′, our longitude was then 74° 30′ W.; and we found
the variation of the compass, by the mean of eighteen azimuths, to be 27° 9′
E. As the weather was frequently calm, Mr. Banks
went out in a small boat to shoot birds, among which were some albatrosses and
sheerwaters. The albatrosses were observed to be larger than those
which had been taken northward of the Streight;* one of them measured ten feet two
inches from the tip of one wing to that of the other, when they were extended: the
sheerwater, on the contrary, is less, and darker coloured on the back. The
albatrosses we skinned, and having soaked them in salt water till the morning, we
parboiled them, then throwing away the liquor, stewed them in a very little fresh
water till they were tender, and had them served up with savoury sauce; thus
dressed, the dish was universally commended, and we eat of it very heartily even
when there was fresh pork upon the table.
From a variety of observations which were made with great care, it
appeared probable in the highest degree, that, from the time of our leaving the
land to the 13th of February, when we were in latitude 49°
32′, and longitude 90° 37′,* we had no current to the west.
At this time we had advanced about 12° to the westward, and 3
and ½ to the northward of the Streight of Magellan: having been just three and
thirty days in coming round the land of Terra del Fuego, or
Cape Horn, from the east entrance of the Streight to
this situation. And though the doubling of Cape Horn is so much dreaded, that, in
the general opinion, it is more eligible to pass through the Streight of Magellan,
we were not once brought under our close reef'd topsails after we left the
Streight of Le Maire. The Dolphin in her last voyage, which she performed at the
same season of the year with ours, was three months in getting through the
Streight of Magellan, exclusive of the time that she lay in Port Famine; and I am
persuaded, from the winds we had, that if we had come by that passage, we should
not at this time have been in these seas; that our people would have been
fatigued, and our anchors, cables, sails and rigging much damaged;*
neither of which inconveniencies we had now suffered. But supposing it more
eligible to go round the Cape, than through the Streight of Magellan; it may still
be questioned, whether it is better to go through the Streight of Le Maire, or
stand to the eastward, and go round Staten Land. The advice given in the Account
of Lord Anson's voyage is,
That all ships bound to the South Seas, instead of
passing through the Streight of Le Maire, should constantly pass to the eastward
of Staten Land, and should be invariably bent on running to the southward as far
as the latitude of 61 or 62 degrees, before they endeavour to stand to the
westward. But, in my opinion, different circumstances may at one time render it
eligible to pass through the Streight, and to keep to the eastward of Staten Land
at another. If the land is fallen in with to the westward of the Streight, and the
wind is favourable for going through, I think it would be very injudicious to lose
time by going round Staten Land, as I am confident that, by attending to the
directions which I have given, the Streight may be passed with the utmost safety
and convenience: but if, on the contrary, the land is fallen in with to the
eastward of the Streight, and the wind should prove tempestuous or unfavourable, I
think it would be best to go round Staten Land. But I cannot in any case concur in
recommending the running into the latitude of 61 or 62, before any endeavour is
made to stand to the westward. We found neither the current nor the storms which
the running so far to the southward is supposed necessary to avoid; and indeed, as
the winds almost constantly blow from that quarter, it is scarcely possible to
pursue the advice. The navigator has no choice but to stand to the southward,
close upon a wind, and by keeping upon that tack, he will not only make southing,
but westing; and, if the wind varies towards the north of the west,
his westing will be considerable. It will, indeed,* be highly proper to make sure
of a westing sufficient to double all the lands, before an attempt is made to
stand to the northward, and to this every man's own prudence will of necessity
direct him. We now began to have strong gales and heavy seas, with irregular
intervals of calm and fine weather.
CHAP. VII.
The Sequel of the Passage from Cape
Horn to the newly discovered Islands in the South
Seas, with a Description of their Figure and Appearance; some
Account of the Inhabitants, and several Incidents that happened during the
Course, and at the Ship's Arrival among them.
ON the 1st of March,* we were in latitude 38° 44′
S. and longitude 110° 33′ W. both by observation and by the
log. This agreement, after a run of 660 leagues, was thought to be very
extraordinary; and is a demonstration, that after we left the land of
Cape Horn we had no current that affected the ship. It
renders it also highly probable, that we had been near no land of any considerable
extent; for currents are always found when land is not remote, and sometimes,
particularly on the east side of the continent in the North Sea, when land has
been distant 100 leagues.
Many birds, as usual, were constantly about the ship, so that
Mr. Banks killed no less than 62 in one day; and what is
more remarkable, he caught two forest flies, both of them of the same species, but
different from any that have hitherto been described;* these probably
belonged to the birds, and came with them from the land, which we judged to be at
a great distance. Mr. Banks also, about this time, found a
large cuttle-fish, which had just been killed by the birds, floating in a mangled
condition upon the water; it was very different from the cuttle-fishes that are
found in the European seas; for its arms, instead of
suckers, were furnished with a double row of very sharp talons, which resembled
those of a cat, and, like them, were retractable into a sheath of skin, from which
they might be thrust at pleasure. Of this cuttle-fish we made one of the best
soups we had ever tasted.
*The albatrosses now began to leave us, and after the 8th
there was not one to be seen. We continued our course without any memorable event
till the 24th,* when some of the people who were upon the watch in
the night, reported that they saw a log of wood pass by the ship; and that the
sea, which was rather rough, became suddenly as smooth as a mill-pond. It was a
general opinion, that there was land to windward; but I did not think myself at
liberty to search for what I was not sure to find; though I judged we were not far
from the islands that were discovered by Quiros in 1606. Our
latitude was 22° 11′S. and longitude 127° 55′W.
*On the 25th, about noon, one of the marines, a young fellow
about twenty, was placed as centry at the cabbin door; while he was upon this
duty, one of my servants was at the same place preparing to cut a piece of
seal-skin into tobacco-pouches: he had promised one to several of the men, but had
refused one to this young fellow, though he had asked him several times; upon
which he jocularly threatened to steal one, if it should be in his power. It
happened that the servant being called hastily away, gave the skin in charge to
the centinel,* without regarding what had passed between them. The
centinel immediately secured a piece of the skin, which the other missing at his
return, grew angry; but after some altercation, contented himself with taking it
away, declaring, that, for so trifling an affair, he would not complain of him to
the officers. But it happened that one of his fellow soldiers, over-hearing the
dispute, came to the knowlege of what had happened, and told it to the rest; who,
taking it into their heads to stand up for the honour of their corps, reproached
the offender with great bitterness, and reviled him in the most opprobrious terms;
they exaggerated his offence into a crime of the deepest die; they said it was a
theft by a centry when he was upon duty, and of a thing that had been committed to
his trust; they declared it a disgrace to associate with him; and the Serjeant, in
particular, said that, if the person from whom the skin had been stolen would not
complain, he would complain himself; for that his honour would suffer if the
offender was not punished. From the scoffs and reproaches of these men of honour,
the poor young fellow retired to his hammock in an agony of confusion and shame.
The Serjeant soon after went to him, and ordered him to follow him to the deck: he
obeyed without reply; but it being in the dusk of the evening, he slipped from the
Serjeant and went forward: he was seen by some of the people, who thought he was
gone to the head; but a search being made for him afterwards, it was found that he
had thrown himself overboard; and I was then first made acquainted with the theft
and its circumstances.
The loss of this man was the more regretted as he was remarkably quiet and
industrious, and as the very action that put an end to his life was a proof of an
ingenuous mind; for to such only disgrace is insupportable.
*On Tuesday the 4th of April, about ten o'clock in the
morning, Mr. Banks's servant, Peter Briscoe, discovered land, bearing south, at
the distance of about three or four leagues. I immediately hauled up for it, and
found it to be an island of an oval form, with a lagoon in the middle, which
occupied much the larger part of it; the border of land which circumscribes the
lagoon is in many places very low and narrow, particularly on the south side,
where it consists principally of a beach or reef of rocks: it has the same
appearance also in three places on the north side; so that, the firm land being
disjoined, the whole looks like many islands covered with wood. On the west end of
the island is a large tree or clump of trees, that in appearance resembles a
tower; and about the middle are two cocoa-nut trees, which rise above all the
rest, and, as we came near to the island, appeared like a flag. We approached it
on the north side, and though we came within a mile, we found no bottom with 130
fathom of line, nor did there appear to be any anchorage about it. The whole is
covered with trees of different verdure, but we could distinguish none, even with
our glasses, except cocoa-nuts and palm-nuts. We saw several of the natives upon
the shore, and counted four and twenty. They appeared to be tall, and to have
heads remarkably large; perhaps they had something wound round them which we could
not distinguish; they were of a copper colour, and had long black hair. Eleven of
them walked along the beach abreast of the ship, with poles or pikes in their
hands which reached twice as high as themselves: while they walked on the beach
they seemed to be naked; but soon after they retired, which they did as soon as
the ship had passed the island, they covered themselves with something that made
them appear of a light colour. Their habitations were under some clumps of
palm-nut trees, which at a distance appeared like high ground; and to
us,* who for a long time had seen nothing but water and sky, except the dreary
hills of Terra del Fuego, these groves seemed a terrestrial
paradise. To this spot, which lies in latitude 18° 47′ S. and longitude
139° 28′ W. we gave the name of LAGOON ISLAND. The variation of the
needle here is 2° 54′ E.
About one o'clock we made sail to the westward,* and about half an hour
after three we saw land again to the N. W. We got up with it at sunset, and it
proved to be a low woody island, of a circular form, and not much above a mile in
compass. We discovered no inhabitants, nor could we distinguish any cocoa-nut
trees, though we were within half a mile of the shore. The land, however, was
covered with verdure of many hues. It lies in latitude 18° 35′ S. and
longitude 139° 48′ W. and is distant from Lagoon Island, in the
direction of N. 62 W. about seven leagues. We called it THRUMB-CAP. I discovered,
by the appearance of the shore, that at this place it was low-water; and I had
observed at Lagoon Island, that it was either high-water, or that the sea neither
ebbed nor flowed: I infer, therefore, that a S. by E. or S. moon makes high-water.
We went on with a fine trade-wind and pleasant weather,* and on the
5th, about three in the afternoon, we discovered land to the
westward. It proved to be a low island, of much greater extent than either of
those that we had seen before, being about ten or twelve leagues in compass.
Several of us remained at the mast-head the whole evening, admiring its
extraordinary figure: it was shaped exactly like a bow, the arch and cord of which
were land, and the space between them water; the cord was a flat beach, without
any signs of vegetation, having nothing upon it but heaps of sea weed, which lay in different ridges,* as higher or lower tides had left them. It
appeared to be about three or four leagues long, and not more than two hundred
yards wide; but as a horizontal plain is always seen in perspective, and greatly
fore-shortened, it is certainly much wider than it appeared: the horns, or
extremities of the bow, were two large tufts of cocoa-nut trees; and much the
greater part of the arch was covered with trees of different height, figure and
hue; in some parts, however, it was naked and low like the cord: some of us
thought they discovered openings through the cord, into the pool, or lake, that
was included between that and the bow; but whether there were or were not such
openings is uncertain. We sailed abreast of the low beach, or bow-string, within
less than a league of the shore, till sunset, and we then judged ourselves to be
about half way between the two horns: here we brought to, and sounded, but found
no bottom with one hundred and thirty fathom; and, as it is dark almost instantly
after sunset in these latitudes, we suddenly lost sight of the land, and making
sail again, before the line was well hauled in, we steered by the sound of the
breakers, which were distinctly heard till we got clear of the coast.
We knew this island to be inhabited, by smoke which we saw in different
parts of it, and we gave it the name of Bow ISLAND. Mr. Gore, my Second
Lieutenant, said, after we had sailed by the island, that he had seen several of
the natives, under the first clump of trees, from the deck; that he had
distinguished their houses, and seen several canoes hauled up under the shade; but
in this he was more fortunate than any other person on board. The east end of this
island, which from its figure we called the Bow, lies in latitude 18° 23′
S. and longitude 141° 12′ W. we observed the variation of the
compass to be 5° 38′ E.
On the next day, Thursday the 6th, about noon,* we saw
land again to the westward, and came up with it about three. It appeared to be two
islands, or rather groups of islands, extending from N.W. by N. to S.E. by S.
about nine leagues. Of these, the two largest were separated from each other by a
channel of about half a mile broad, and were severally surrounded by smaller
islands, to which they were joined by reefs that lay under water.
These islands were long narrow strips of land, ranging in all directions,
some of them ten miles or upwards in length, but none more than a quarter of a
mile broad, and upon all of them there were trees of various kinds, particularly
the cocoa-nut. The south-eastermost of them lies in the latitude of 18° 12′
S. and longitude 142° 42′ W. and at the distance of
twenty-five leagues, in the direction of W. ½ N. from the west end of Bow Island.
We ranged along the S. W. side of this island, and hauled into a bay which lies to
the N. W. of the southermost point of the Group, where there was a smooth sea, and
the appearance of anchorage, without much surf on the shore. We sounded, but we
found no bottom with one hundred fathom, at the distance of no more than three
quarters of a mile from the beach, and I did not think it prudent to go nearer.
While this was doing, several of the inhabitants assembled upon the shore,
and some came out in their canoes as far as the reefs, but would not pass them:
when we saw this, we ranged, with an easy sail, along the shore; but just as we
were passing the end of the island, six men, who had for some time kept abreast of
the ship, suddenly launched two canoes with great quickness and dexterity, and
three of them getting into each, they put off, as we imagined with a design to
come on board us; the ship was therefore brought to,* but they, like
their fellows, stopped at the reef; we did not however immediately make sail, as
we observed two messengers dispatched to them from the other canoes, which were of
a much larger size: we perceived that these messengers made great expedition,
wading and swimming along the reef; at length they met, and the men on board the
canoes making no dispositions to pass the reef, after having received the message,
we judged that they had resolved to come no farther: after waiting, therefore,
some little time longer, we stood off; but when we were got about two or three
miles from the shore, we perceived some of the natives following us in a canoe
with a sail; we did not, however, think it worth while to wait for her, and though
she had passed the reef, she soon after gave over the chace.
According to the best judgment that we could form of the people when we
were nearest the shore, they were about our size, and well-made. They were of a
brown complexion, and appeared to be naked; their hair, which was black, was
confined by a fillet that went round the head, and stuck out behind like a bush.
The greater part of them carried in their hands two weapons; one of them was a
slender pole, from ten to fourteen feet long, on one end of which was a small
knob, not unlike the point of a spear; the other was about four feet long, and
shaped like a paddle, and possibly might be so, for some of their canoes were very
small: those which we saw them launch seemed not intended to carry more than the
three men that got into them: we saw others that had on board six or seven men,
and one of them hoisted a sail which did not seem to reach more than six feet
above the gunwale of the boat, and which, upon the falling of a slight shower, was
taken down and converted into an awning or tilt. The canoe which followed us to
sea hoisted a sail not unlike an English lug-sail,* and almost as
lofty as an English boat of the same size would have carried.
The people, who kept abreast of the ship on the beach, made many signals;
but whether they were intended to frighten us away, or invite us on shore, it is
not easy to determine: we returned them by waving our hats and shouting, and they
replied by shouting again. We did not put their disposition to the test, by
attempting to land; because, as the island was inconsiderable, and as we wanted
nothing that it could afford, we thought it imprudent as well as cruel to risk a
contest, in which the natives must have suffered by our superiority, merely to
gratify an idle curiosity; especially as we expected soon to fall in with the
island where we had been directed to make our astronomical observation, the
inhabitants of which would probably admit us without opposition, as they were
already acquainted with our strength, and might also procure us a ready and
peaceable reception among the neighbouring people, if we should define it.
To these islands we gave the name of THE GROUPS.
On the 7th, about half an hour after six in the morning,*
being just at day-break, we discovered another island to the northward, which we
judged to be about four miles in circumference. The land lay very low, and there
was a piece of water in the middle of it; there seemed to be some wood upon it,
and it looked green and pleasant; but we saw neither cocoa trees nor inhabitants:
it abounded however with birds, and we therefore gave it the name of BIRD-ISLAND.
It lies in latitude 17° 48′ S. and longitude 143° 35′
W. at the distance of ten leagues, in the direction W. ½ N. from the west
end of the Groups. The variation here was 6° 32′ E.
On the 8th, about two o'clock in the afternoon,* we saw land
to the northward, and about sunset came abreast of it, at about the
distance of two leagues.* It appeared to be a double range of low woody islands
joined together by reefs, so as to form one island, in the form of an ellipsis or
oval, with a lake in the middle of it. The small islands and reefs that
circumscribe the lake have the appearance of a chain, and we therefore gave it the
name of CHAIN ISLAND. Its length seemed to be about five leagues, in the direction
of N.W. and S.E. and its breadth about five miles. The trees upon it appeared to
be large, and we saw smoke rising in different parts of it from among them, a
certain sign that it was inhabited. The middle of it lies in latitude 17° 23′
S. and longitude 145° 54′ W. and is distant from Bird Island
forty-five leagues in the direction of W. by N. The variation here was, by several
azimuths, found to be 4° 54′ E.
*On the 10th, having had a tempestuous night with thunder and
rain, the weather was hazy till about nine o'clock in the morning, when it cleared
up, and we saw the island to which Captain Wallis, who first discovered it, gave
the name of Osnaburgh Island, called by the natives Maitea, bearing N.W. by W.
distant about five leagues. It is a high round island, not above a league in
circuit; in some parts it is covered with trees, and in others a naked rock. In
this direction it looked like a high crown'd hat; but when it bears North, the top
of it has more the appearance of the roof of a house. We made its latitude to be
17° 48′ S. its longitude 148° 10′ W. and its distance
from Chain Island 44 leagues, in the direction of W. by S.
[illustration] CHART OF THE ISLAND OTAHEITE, BY LIEUT. J. COOK 1769.
CHAP. VIII.
The Arrival of the Endeavour at
Otaheite, called by Captain Wallis, King George
the III.'s Island. Rules established for Traffic with the Natives, and an
Account of several Incidents which happened in a Visit to
Tootahah and Toubourai Tamaida,
two Chiefs.
ABOUT one o'clock, on Monday the 10th of April,* some of the
people who were looking out for the island to which we were bound, said they saw
land ahead, in that part of the horizon where it was expected to appear; but it
was so faint that, whether there was land in sight or not, remained a matter of
dispute till sunset. The next morning,* however, at six o'clock, we were convinced
that those who said they had discovered land, were not mistaken; it appeared to be
very high and mountainous, extending from W. by S. ½ S. to W. by N. ½ N. and we
knew it to be the same that Captain Wallis had called King George the III.'s
Island. We were delayed in our approach to it by light airs and calms,* so that in
the morning of the 12th we were but little nearer than we had been
the night before; but about seven a breeze sprung up, and before eleven several
canoes were seen making towards the ship: there were but few of them, however,
that would come near; and the people in those that did, could not be persuaded to
come on board. In every canoe there were young plantains, and branches of a tree
which the Indians call E' Midho; these, as we afterwards learnt, were brought as
tokens of peace and amity, and the people in one of the canoes handed them up the
sip's side, making signals at the same time with great earnestness,*
which we did not immediately understand; at length we guessed that they wished
these symbols should be placed in some conspicuous part of the ship; we,
therefore, immediately stuck them among the rigging, at which they expressed the
greatest satisfaction. We then purchased their cargoes, consisting of cocoa-nuts,
and various kinds of fruit, which after our long voyage were very acceptable.
We stood on with an easy sail all night, with soundings from 22 fathom to
12,* and about seven o'clock in the morning we came to an anchor in 13 fathom, in
Port-royal bay, called by the natives Matavai. We were immediately surrounded by
the natives in their canoes, who gave us cocoa-nuts, fruit resembling apples,
bread-fruit, and some small fishes, in exchange for beads and other trifles. They
had with them a pig, which they would not part with for any thing but a hatchet,
and therefore we refused to purchase it; because, if we gave them a hatchet for a
pig now, we knew they would never afterwards sell one for less, and we could not
afford to buy as many as it was probable we should want at that price. The
bread-fruit grows on a tree that is about the size of a middling oak: its leaves
are frequently a foot and an half long, of an oblong shape, deeply sinuated like
those of the fig-tree, which they resemble in consistence and colour, and in the
exuding of a white milky juice upon being broken. The fruit is about the size and
shape of a child's head, and the surface is reticulated not much unlike a truffle:
it is covered with a thin skin, and has a core about as big as the handle of a
small knife: the eatable part lies between the skin and the core; it is as white
as snow, and somewhat of the consistence of new bread: it must be roasted before
it is eaten, being first divided into three or four parts:
[illustration] [illustration] its
taste is insipid,* with a slight sweetness somewhat resembling that of the crumb
of wheaten-bread mixed with a Jerusalem artichoke. Among others who came off to
the ship was an elderly man, whose name, as we learnt afterwards, was OWHAW, and
who was immediately known to Mr. Gore, and several others who had been here with
Captain Wallis; as I was informed that he had been very useful to them, I took him
on board the ship with some others, and was particularly attentive to gratify him,
as I hoped he might also be useful to us.
As our stay here was not likely to be very short, and as it was necessary
that the merchandise which we had brought for traffic with the natives should not
diminish in its value, which it would certainly have done, if every person had
been left at liberty to give what he pleased for such things as he should
purchase; at the same time that confusion and quarrels must necessarily have
arisen from there being no standard at market: I drew up the following rules, and
ordered that they should be punctually observed.
Rules to be observed by every person in or belonging to his Majesty's Bark
the Endeavour, for the better establishing a regular and uniform trade for
provision,&, with the inhabitants of George's Island.
I. To endeavour, by every fair means, to cultivate a friendship with the
natives; and to treat them with all imaginable humanity.
II. A proper person, or persons, will be appointed to trade with the
natives for all manner of provisions, fruit, and other productions of the earth;
and no officer or seaman, or other person belonging to the ship, excepting such as
are so appointed, shall trade or offer to trade for any sort of
provision,* fruit, or other productions of the earth, unless they have leave so to
do.
III. Every person employed on shore, on any duty whatsoever, is strictly
to attend to the same; and if by any neglect he loseth any of his arms, or working
tools, or suffers them to be stolen, the full value thereof will be charged
against his pay, according to the custom of the navy in such cases, and he shall
receive such farther punishment as the nature of the offence may deserve.
IV. The same penalty will be inflicted on every person who is found to
embezzle, trade, or offer to trade, with any part of the ship's stores of what
nature soever.
V. No sort of iron, or any thing that is made of iron, or any sort of
cloth, or other useful or necessary articles, are to be given in exchange for any
thing but provision.
J. COOK.
As soon as the ship was properly secured, I went on shore with
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, a party
of men under arms, and our friend Owhaw. We were received from the boat by some
hundreds of the inhabitants, whose looks at least gave us welcome, though they
were struck with such awe, that the first who approached us crouched so low that
he almost crept upon his hands and knees. It is remarkable that he, like the
people in the canoes, presented to us the same symbol of peace that is known to
have been in use among the ancient and mighty nations of the northern hemisphere,
the green branch of a tree. We received it with looks and gestures of kindness and
satisfaction; and observing that each of them held one in his hand, we immediately
gathered every one a bough, and carried it in our hands in the same manner.
They marched with us about half a mile towards the place where the
Dolphin had watered, conducted by Owhaw;* they then made a full stop, and having
laid the ground bare, by clearing away all the plants that grew upon it, the
principal persons among them threw their green branches upon the naked spot, and
made signs that we should do the same; we immediately showed our readiness to
comply, and to give a greater solemnity to the rite, the marines were drawn up,
and marching in order, each dropped his bough upon those of the Indians, and we
followed their example. We then proceeded, and when we came to the watering-place
it was intimated to us by signs, that we might occupy that ground, but it happened
not to be fit for our purpose. During our walk they had shaken off their first
timid sense of our superiority, and were become familiar: they went with us from
the watering-place and took a circuit through the woods: as we went along, we
distributed beads and other small presents among them, and had the satisfaction to
see that they were much gratified. Our circuit was not less than four or five
miles, through groves of trees, which were loaded with cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit,
and afforded the most grateful shade. Under these trees were the habitations of
the people, most of them being only a roof without walls, and the whole scene
realized the poetical fables of Arcadia. We remarked however, not without some
regret, that in all our walk we had seen only two hogs, and not a single fowl.
Those of our company who had been here with the Dolphin told us, that none of the
people whom we had yet seen were of the first class; they suspected that the
chiefs had removed, and upon carrying us to the place where what they called the
Queen's palace had stood, we found that no traces of it were left. We determined
therefore to return in the morning, and endeavour. to find out the Noblesse in
their retreats.
*In the morning, however, before we could leave the ship, several
canoes came about us, most of them from the westward, and two of them were filled
with people, who by their dress and deportment appeared to be of a superior rank:
two of these came on board, and each singled out his friend; one of them, whose
name we found to be MATAHAH, fixed upon Mr. Banks, and the
other upon me: this ceremony consisted in taking off great part of their clothes
and putting them upon us. In return for this, we presented each of them with a
hatcher and some beads. Soon, after they made signs for us to go with them to the
places where they lived, pointing to the S.W.; and as I was desirous of finding a
more commodious harbour, and making farther trial of the disposition of the
people, I consented.
I ordered out two boats, and with Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander, the other gentlemen, and our two Indian
friends, we embarked for our expedition. After rowing about a league, they made
signs that we should go on shore, and gave us to understand that this was the
place of their residence. We accordingly landed, among several hundreds of the
natives, who conducted us into a house of much greater length than any we had
seen. When we entered, we saw a middle-aged man, whose name we afterwards
discovered to be TOOTAHAH; mats were immediately spread,
and we were desired to sit down over against him. Soon after we were seated, he
ordered a cock and hen to be brought out, which he presented to Mr.
Banks and me; we accepted the present, and in a short time each of
us received a piece of cloth, perfumed after their manner, by no means
disagreeably, which they took great pains to make us remark. The piece presented
to Mr. Banks was eleven yards long and two wide; in return
for which, he gave a laced silk neckcloth, which he happened to have on, and a
linen pocket handkerchief:
Tootahah immediately dressed himself in this new finery,*
with an air of perfect complacency and satisfaction. But it is now time that I
should take some notice of the ladies.
Soon after the interchanging of our presents with
Tootahah, they attended us to several large houses, in
which we walked about with great freedom: they shewed us all the civility of
which, in our situation, we could accept; and, on their part, seemed to have no
scruple that would have prevented its being carried farther. The houses, which as
I have observed before, are all open, except a roof, afforded no place of
retirement; but the ladies, by frequently pointing to the mats upon the ground,
and sometimes seating themselves and drawing us down upon them, left us no room to
doubt of their being much less jealous of observation than we were.
We now took leave of our friendly Chief, and directed our course along the
shore; when we had walked about a mile, we met, at the head of a great number of
people, another Chief, whose name was TUBOURAI TAMAIDE, with whom we were also to
ratify a treaty of peace, with the ceremony of which we were now become better
acquainted. Having received the branch which he presented to us, and given another
in return, We laid our hands upon our left breasts, and pronounced the word Taio,
which we supposed to signify friend; the Chief then gave us to understand, that if
we chose to eat, he had victuals ready for us. We accepted his offer, and dined
very heartily upon fish, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts and plantains, dressed after
their manner; they eat some of their fish raw, and raw fish was offered to us, but
we declined that part of the entertainment.
During this visit a wife of our noble host, whose name was TOMIO, did Mr.
Banks the honour to place herself upon the same matt,* close by him.
Tomio was not in the first bloom of her youth, nor did she appear to have been
ever remarkable for her beauty: he did not therefore, I believe, pay her the most
flattering attention: it happened too, as a farther mortification to this lady,
that seeing a very pretty girl among the crowd, he, not adverting to the dignity
of his companion, beckoned her to come to him: the girl, after some entreaty,
complied, and sat down on the other side of him; he loaded her with beads, and
every showy trifle that would please her: his Princess, though she was somewhat
mortified at the preference that was given to her rival, did not discontinue her
civilities, but still assiduously supplied him with the milk of the cocoa-nut, and
such other dainties as were in her reach. This scene might possibly have become
more curious and interesting, if it had not been suddenly interrupted by an
interlude of a more serious kind. Just at this time, Dr.
Solander and Mr. Monkhouse complained that their pockets had been
picked. Dr. Solander had lost an opera glass in a shagreen
case, and Mr. Monkhouse his snuff-box. This incident unfortunately put an end to
the good-humour of the company. Complaint of the injury was made to the Chief;
and, to give it weight, Mr. Banks started up, and hastily
struck the but end of his firelock upon the ground: this action, and the noise
that accompanied it, struck the whole assembly with a panic, and every one of the
natives rap out of the house with the utmost precipitation, except the Chief,
three women, and two or three others, who appeared by their dress to be of a
superior rank.
The Chief, with a mixture of confusion and concern, took Mr.
Banks by the hand, and led him to a large quantity of cloth, which
lay at the other end of the house: this he offered to him piece by
piece, intimating by signs,* that if that would atone for the wrong which had been
done, he might take any part of it, or, if he pleased, the whole. Mr.
Banks put it by, and gave him to understand, that he wanted nothing
but what had been dishonestly taken away. Toubourai Tamaide then went hastily out,
leaving Mr. Banks with his wife Tomio, who during the whole
scene of terror and confusion had kept constantly at his side, and intimating his
desire that he should wait there till his return. Mr. Banks accordingly sat down,
and conversed with her, as well as he could by signs, about half an hour. The
chief then came back with the snuff-box and the case of the opera glass in his
hand, and, with a joy in his countenance that was painted with a strength of
expression which distinguishes these people from all others, delivered them to the
owners. The case of the opera glass, however, upon being opened, was found to be
empty; upon this discovery, his countenance changed in a moment; and catching
Mr. Banks again by the hand, he rushed out of the house,
without uttering any sound, and led him along the shore, walking with great
rapidity: when they had got about a mile from the house, a woman met him and gave
him a piece of cloth, which he hastily took from her, and continued to press
forward with it in his hand. Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouse
had followed them, and they came at length to a house where they were received by
a woman, to whom he gave the cloth, and intimated to the gentlemen that they
should give her some beads. They immediately complied; and the beads and cloth
being deposited upon the floor, the woman went out, and in about half an hour
returned with the opera glass, expressing the same joy upon the occasion that had
before been expressed by the Chief. The beads were now returned, with an
inflexible resolution not to accept them;* and the cloth was, with
with the same pertinacity, forced upon Dr. Solander, as a
recompence for the injury that had been done him. He could not avoid accepting the
cloth, but insisted in his turn upon giving a new present of beads to the woman.
It will not perhaps be easy to account for all the steps that were taken in the
recovery of this glass and snuff-box; but this cannot be thought strange,
considering that the scene of action was among a people whose language, policy and
connections are even now but imperfectly known; upon the whole, however, they show
an intelligence and influence which would do honour to any system of government,
however regular and improved. In the evening, about six o'clock, we returned to
the ship.
CHAP. IX.
A Place fixed upon for an Observatory and Fort: an
Excursion into the Woods, and its Consequences. The Fort erected: a Visit
from several Chiefs on board and at the Fort, with some Account of the Music
of the Natives, and the Manner in which they dispose of their Dead.
ON the next morning, Saturday the 15th,* several of the
Chiefs whom we had seen the day before came on board, and brought with them, hogs,
bread-fruit, and other refreshments, for which we gave them hatchets and linen,
and such things as seemed to be most acceptable.
As in my excursion to the westward, I had not found any more convenient
harbour than that in which we lay, I determined to go on shore and six upon some
spot, commanded by the ship's guns, where I might throw up a small fort for our
defence, and prepare for making our astronomical observation.
I therefore took a party of men, and landed without delay, accompanied by
Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and the
astronomer, Mr. Green. We soon fixed upon a part of the sandy
beach, on the N. E. point of the bay, which was in every respect convenient for
our purpose, and not near any habitation of the natives. Having marked out the
ground that we intended to occupy, a small tent belonging to Mr. Banks was set up,
which had been brought on shore for that purpose: by this time a great number of
the people had gathered about us; but, as it appeared, only to look on, there not being a single weapon of any kind among them.* I intimated,
however, that none of them were to come within the line I had drawn, except one
who appeared to be a chief, and Owhaw. To these two persons I addressed myself by
signs, and endeavoured to make them understand, that we wanted the ground which we
had marked out to sleep upon for a certain number of nights, and that then we
should go away. Whether I was understood I cannot certainly determine; but the
people behaved with a deference and respect that at once pleased and surprised us:
they sat down peaceably without the circle, and looked on, without giving us any
interruption, till we had done, which was upwards of two hours. As we had seen no
poultry, and but two hogs, in our walk when we were last on shore at this place,
we suspected that, upon our arrival, they had been driven farther up the country;
and the rather, as Owhaw was very importunate with us, by signs, not to go into
the woods, which, however, and partly for these reasons, we were determined to do.
Having therefore appointed the thirteen marines and a petty officer to guard the
tent, we set out, and a great number of the natives joined our party. As we were
crossing a little river that lay in our way we saw some ducks, and Mr.
Banks, as soon as he had got over, fired at them, and happened to
kill three at one shot: this struck them with the utmost terror, so that most of
them fell suddenly to the ground, as if they also had been shot at the same
discharge: it was not long, however, before they recovered from their fright, and
we continued our rout, but we had not gone far before we were alarmed by the
report of two pieces, which were fired by the guard at the tent. We had then
straggled a little distance from each other, but Owhaw immediately called us
together, and by waving his hand, sent away every Indian who followed us except
three, each of whom, as a pledge of peace on their part, and an
entreaty that there might be peace on ours,* hastily broke a branch from the
trees, and came to us with it in their hands. As we had too much reason to fear
that some mischief had happened, we hasted back to the tent, which was not distant
above half a mile, and when we came up, we found it entirely deserted, except by
our own people.
It appeared, that one of the Indians who remained about the tent after we
left it, had watched his opportunity, and, taking the centry unawares, had
snatched away his musquet. Upon this, the petty officer, a midshipman, who
commanded the party, perhaps from a sudden fear of farther violence, perhaps from
the natural petulance of power newly acquired, and perhaps from a brutality in his
nature, ordered the marines to fire: the men, with as little consideration or
humanity as the officer, immediately discharged their pieces among the thickest of
the flying crowd, consisting of more than a hundred; and observing that the thief
did not fall, pursued him, and shot him dead. We afterwards learnt, that none of
the others were either killed or wounded.
Owhaw, who had never left us, observing that we were now totally deserted,
got together a few of those who had fled, though not without some difficulty, and
ranged them about us: we endeavoured to justify our people as well as we could,
and to convince the Indians that if they did no wrong to us, we should do no wrong
to them: they went away without any appearance of distrust or resentment; and
having struck our tent, we returned to the ship, but by no means satisfied with
the transactions of the day.
Upon questioning our people more particularly, whose conduct they soon
perceived we could not approve, they alleged that the centinel whose musquet was
taken away, was violently assaulted and thrown down, and that a push
was afterwards made at him by the man who took the musquet,* before
any command was given to fire. It was also suggested, that Owhaw had suspicions,
at least, if not certain knowlege, that something would be attempted against our
people at the tent, which made him so very earnest in his endeavours to prevent
our leaving it; others imputed his importunity to his desire that we should
confine ourselves to the beach: and it was remarked that neither Owhaw, nor the
Chiefs who remained with us after he had sent the rest of the people away, would
have inferred the breach of peace from the firing at the tent, if they had had no
reason to suspect that some injury had been offered by their countrymen;
especially as Mr. Banks had just fired at the ducks: and yet
that they did infer a breach of peace from that incident, as was manifest from
their waving their hands for the people to disperse, and instantly pulling green
branches from the trees. But what were the real circumstances of this unhappy
affair, and whether either and which of these conjectures were true, can never
certainly be known.
*The next morning but few of the natives were seen upon the beach, and not
one of them came off to the ship. This convinced us that our endeavours to quiet
their apprehensions had not been effectual; and we remarked with particular
regret, that we were deserted even by Owhaw, who had hitherto been so constant in
his attachment, and so active in renewing the peace that had been broken.
Appearances being thus unfavourable, I warped the ship nearer to the
shore, and moored her in such a manner as to command all the N.E. part of the bay,
particularly the place which I had marked out for the building a fort. In the
evening, however, I went on shore with only a boat's crew, and some of the
Gentlemen: the natives gathered about us, but not in the same number
as before;* there were I believe between thirty and forty, and they trafficked
with us for cocoa-nuts and other fruit, to all appearance as friendly as ever.
On the 17th, early in the morning,* we had the misfortune to
lose Mr. Buchan, the person whom Mr. Banks had brought out as
a painter of landscapes and figures. He was a sober, diligent, and ingenious young
man, and greatly regretted by Mr. Banks; who hoped, by his
means, to have gratified his friends in England with
representations of this country and its inhabitants, which no other person on
board could delineate with the same accuracy and elegance. He had always been
subject to epileptic fits, one of which seized him on the mountains of Terra del
Fuego, and this disorder being aggravated by a bilious complaint which he
contracted on board the ship, at length put an end to his life. It was at first
proposed to bury him on shore, but Mr. Banks thinking, that
it might perhaps give offence to the natives, with whose customs we were then
wholly unacquainted, we committed his body to the sea, with as much decency and
solemnity as our circumstances and situation would admit.
In the forenoon of this day we received a visit from Tubourai Tamaide and
Tootahah, our Chiefs, from the West: they brought with
them, as emblems of peace, not branches of plantain, but two young trees, and
would not venture on board till these had been received, having probably been
alarmed by the mischief which had been done at the tent. Each of them also
brought, as propitiatory gifts, some bread-fruit, and a hog ready dressed: this
was a most acceptable present, as we perceived that hogs were not always to be
got; and in return we gave to each of our noble benefactors a hatchet and a nail.
In the evening we went on shore and set up a tent, in which Mr.
Green and myself spent the night, in order to observe
an eclipse of the first satellite of Jupiter;* but the weather becoming cloudy, we
were disappointed.
*On the 18th, at day-break, I went on shore, with as many
people as could possibly be spared from the ship, and began to erect our fort.
While some were employed in throwing up intrenchments, others were busy in cutting
pickets and fascines, which the natives, who soon gathered round us as they had
been used to do, were so far from hindering, that many of them voluntarily
assisted us, bringing the pickets and fascines from the wood where they had been
cut, with great alacrity: we had indeed been so scrupulous of invading their
property, that we purchased every stake which was used upon this occasion, and cut
down no tree till we had first obtained their consent. The soil where we
constructed our fort was sandy, and this made it necessary to strengthen the
intrenchments with wood; three sides were to be fortified in this manner; the
fourth was bounded by a river, upon the banks of which I proposed to place a
proper number of water-casks. This day we served pork to the ship's company for
the first time, and the Indians brought down so much bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts,
that we found it necessary to send away part of them unbought, and to acquaint
them, by signs, that we should want no more for two days to come. Every thing was
purchased this day with beads: a single bead, as big as a pea, being the purchase
of five or six cocoa-nuts, and as many of the bread-fruit. Mr.
Banks's tent was got up before night within the works, and he slept
on shore for the first time. Proper centries were placed round it, but no Indian
attempted to approach it the whole night.
*The next morning, our friend Tubourai Tamaide made Mr.
Banks a visit at the tent, and brought with him not
only his wife and family, but the roof of a house,* and several materials for
setting it up, with furniture and implements of various kinds, intending, as we
understood him, to take up his residence in our neighbourhood: this instance of
his confidence and good-will gave us great pleasure, and we determined to
strengthen his attachment to us by every means in our power. Soon after his
arrival, he took Mr. Banks by the hand, and leading him out
of the line, signified that he should accompany him into the woods. Mr.
Banks readily consented, and having walked with him about a quarter
of a mile, they arrived at a kind of awning which he had already set up, and which
seemed to be his occasional habitation. Here he unfolded a bundle of his country
cloth, and taking out two garments, one of red cloth, and the other of very neat
matting, he clothed Mr. Banks in them, and without any other
ceremony, immediately conducted him back to the tent. His attendants soon after
brought him some pork and bread-fruit, which he eat, dipping his meat into salt
water instead of sauce: after his meal he retired to Mr.
Banks's bed, and slept about an hour. In the afternoon, his wife
Tomio brought to the tent a young man about two and twenty years of age, of a very
comely appearance, whom they both seemed to acknowledge as their son, though we
afterwards discovered that he was not so. In the evening, this young man and
another Chief, who had also paid us a visit, went away to the westward, but
Tubourai Tamaide and his wife returned to the awning in the skirts of the wood.
Our Surgeon, Mr. Monkhouse, having walked out this evening, reported, that
he had seen the body of the man who had been shot at the tents, which he said was
wrapped in cloth, and placed on a kind of bier, supported by stakes, under a roof
that seemed to have been set up for the purpose: that near it were
deposited some instrument of war,* and other things, which he would particularly
have examined but for the stench of the body, which was intolerable. He said, that
he saw also two more sheds of the same kind, in one of which were the bones of a
human body that had lain till they were quite dry. We discovered afterwards, that
this was the way in which they usually disposed of their dead.
A kind of market now began to be kept just without the lines, and was
plentifully supplied with every thing but pork. Tubourai Tamaide was our constant
guest, imitating our manners, even to the using of a knife and fork, which he did
very handily.
As my curiosity was excited by Mr. Monkhouse's account of the situation of
the man who had been shot, I took an opportunity to go with some others to see it.
I found the shed under which his body lay, close by the house in which he resided
when he was alive, some others being not more than ten yards distant; it was about
15 feet long, and 11 broad, and of a proportionable height: one end was wholly
open, and the other end, and the two sides, were partly enclosed with a kind of
wicker work. The bier on which the corps was deposited, was a frame of wood like
that in which the sea beds, called cotts, are placed, with a matted bottom, and
supported by four posts, at the height of about five feet from the ground. The
body was covered first with a matt, and then with white cloth; by the side of it
lay a wooden mace, one of their weapons of war, and near the head of it, which lay
next to the close end of the shed, lay two cocoa nut-shells, such as are sometimes
used to carry water in; at the other end a bunch of green leaves, with some dried
twigs, all tied together, were stuck in the ground, by which lay a stone about as big as a cocoa-nut:* near these lay one of the young plantain
trees, which are used for emblems of peace, and close by it a stone ax. At the
open end of the shed also hung, in several strings, a great number of palm-nuts,
and without the shed, was stuck upright in the ground, the stem of a plantain tree
about five feet high, upon the top of which was placed a cocoa nut-shell full of
fresh water: against the side of one of the posts hung a small bag, containing a
few pieces of bread-fruit ready roasted, which were not all put in at the same
time, for some of them were fresh, and others stale. I took notice that several of
the natives observed us with a mixture of solicitude and jealousy in their
countenances, and by their gestures expressed uneasiness when we went near the
body, standing themselves at a little distance while we were making our
examination, and appearing to be pleased when we came away.
Our residence on more would by no means have been disagreeable if we had
not been incessantly tormented by the flies, which, among other mischief, made it
almost impossible for Mr. Parkinson, Mr. Banks's natural
history painter, to work; for they not only covered his subject so as that no part
of its surface could be seen, but even eat the colour off the paper as fast as he
could lay it on. We had recourse to musquito nets and fly-traps, which, though
they made the inconvenience tolerable, were very far from removing it.
On the 22d,* Tootahah gave us a specimen
of the music of this country; four persons performed upon flutes which had only
two stops, and therefore could not sound more than four notes, by half tones: they
were sounded like our German flutes, except that the performer, instead of
applying it to his mouth,* blew into it with one nostril, while he
stopped the other with his thumb: to these instruments four other persons sung,
and kept very good time; but only one tune was played during the whole concert.
Several of the natives brought us axes, which they had received from on
board the Dolphin, to grind and repair; but among others, there was one which
became the subject of much speculation, as it appeared to be French: after much
enquiry, we learnt that a ship had been here between our arrival and the departure
of the Dolphin, which we then conjectured to have been a Spaniard, but now know to
have been the Boudeuse, commanded by M. Bougainville.
CHAP. X.
An Excursion to the Eastward, an Account of several
Incidents that happened both on board and on shore, and of the first
Interview with Oberea, the Person who, when the Dolphin was here, was
supposed to be Queen of the Island, with a Description of the Fort.
ON the 24th,* Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined the country for several
miles along the shore to the eastward: for about two miles it was flat and
fertile; after that the hills stretched quite to the water's edge, and a little
farther ran out into the sea, so that they were obliged to climb over them. These
hills, which were barren, continued for about three miles more, and then
terminated in a large plain, which was full of good houses, and people who
appeared to live in great affluence. In this place there was a river, much more
considerable than that at our fort, which issued from a deep and beautiful valley,
and, where our travellers crossed it, though at some distance from the sea, was
near one hundred yards wide. About a mile beyond this river the country became
again barren, the rocks every where projecting into the sea, for which reason they
resolved to return. Just as they had formed this resolution, one of the natives
offered them refreshment, which they accepted. They found this man to be of a kind
that has been described by various authors, as mixed with many nations, but
distinct from them all. His skin was of a dead white, without the least appearance
of what is called complexion, though some parts of his body were in
a small degree less white than others:* his hair, eye-brows, and beard were as
white as his skin; his eyes appeared as if they were bloodshot, and he seemed to
be very short-sighted.
At their return they were met by Tubourai Tamaide, and his women, who, at
seeing them, felt a joy which not being able to express, they burst into tears,
and wept some time before their passion could be restrained.
This evening Dr. Solander lent his knife to one of these women,* who
neglected to return it, and the next morning Mr. Banks's also was missing; upon
this occasion I must bear my testimony, that the people of this country, of all
ranks, men and women, are the errantest thieves upon the face of the earth: the
very day after we arrived here, when they came on board us, the chiefs were
employed in stealing what they could in the cabbin, and their dependants were no
less industrious in other parts of the ship; they snatched up every thing that it
was possible for them to secrete till they got on shore, even to the glass ports,
two of which they carried off undetected. Tubourai Tamaide was the only one except
Tootahah who had not been found guilty, and the presumption, arising from this
circumstance, that he was exempt from a vice, of which the whole nation besides
were guilty, cannot be supposed to outweigh strong appearances to the contrary.
Mr. Banks therefore, though not without some reluctance, accused him of having
stolen his knife: he solemnly and steadily denied that he knew any thing of it;
upon which Mr. Banks made him understand, that whoever had taken it, he was
determined to have it returned: upon this resolute declaration, one of the natives
who was present, produced a rag in which three knives were very carefully tied up.
One was that which Dr. Solander
had lent to the woman,* another was
a table knife belonging to me, and the owner of the third was not known. With
these the chief immediately set out, in order to make restitution of them to their
owners at the tents. Mr. Banks remained with the women, who expressed great
apprehensions that some mischief was designed against their lord. When he came to
the tents he restored one of the knives to Dr. Solander and another to me, the
third not being owned, and then began to search for Mr. Banks's in all the places
where he had ever seen it. After some time, one of Mr. Banks's servants,
understanding what he was about, immediately fetched his master's knife, which it
seems he had laid by the day before, and till now knew nothing of its having been
missed. Tubourai Tamaide, upon this demonstration of his innocence, expressed the
strongest emotions of mind, both in his looks and gestures; the tears started from
his eyes, and he made signs, with the knife, that, if he was ever guilty of such
an action as had been imputed to him, he would submit to have his throat cut. He
then rushed out of the lines, and returned hastily to Mr. Banks, with a
countenance that severely reproached him with his suspicions. Mr. Banks soon
understood that the knife had been received from his servant, and was scarcely
less affected at what had happened than the Chief; he felt himself to be the
guilty person, and was very desirous to atone for his fault. The poor Indian,
however violent his passions, was a stranger to sullen resentment; and upon Mr.
Banks's spending a little time familiarly with him, and making him a few trifling
presents, he forgot the wrong that had been done him, and was perfectly
reconciled.
Upon this occasion it may be observed, that these people have a knowlege
of right and wrong from the mere dictates of natural conscience; and involuntarily
condemn themselves when they do that to others,* which they would
condemn others for doing to them. That Tubourai Tamaide felt the force of moral
obligation, is certain; for the imputation of an action which he considered as
indifferent, would not, when it appeared to be groundless, have moved him with
such excess of passion. We must indeed estimate the virtue of these people, by the
only standard of morality, the conformity of their conduct to what in their
opinion as right; but we must not hastily conclude that theft is a testimony of
the same depravity in them that it is in us, in the instances in which our people
were sufferers by their dishonesty; for their temptation was such, as to surmount
would be considered as a proof of uncommon integrity among those who have more
knowlege, better principles, and stronger motives to resist the temptations of
illicit advantage: an Indian among penny knives, and beads, or even nails and
broken glass, is in the same state of trial with the meanest servant in Europe
among unlocked coffers of jewels and gold.
*On the 26th, I mounted six swivel guns upon the fort, which I was sorry
to see struck the natives with dread: some fishermen who lived upon the point
removed farther off, and Owhaw told us, by signs, that in four days we should fire
great guns.
*On the 27th, Tubourai Tamaide, with a friend, who eat with a voracity
that I never saw before, and the three women that usually attended him, whose
names were TERAPO, TIRAO, and OMIE, dined at the fort: in the evening they took
their leave, and set out for the house which Tubourai Tamaide had set up in the
skirts of the wood; but in less than a quarter of an hour he returned in great
emotion, and hastily seizing Mr. Banks's arm, made signs that he should follow
him. Mr. Banks immediately complied, and they soon came up to a
place where they found the ship's butcher, with a reaping-hook in his hand:* here
the Chief stopped, and, in a transport of rage which rendered his signs scarcely
intelligible, intimated that the butcher had threatened, or attempted, to cut his
wife's throat with the reaping-hook. Mr. Banks then signified to him, that if he
could fully explain the offence, the man should be punished. Upon this he became
more calm, and made Mr. Banks understand that the offender, having taken a fancy
to a stone hatchet which lay in his house, had offered to purchase it of his wife
for a nail: that she having refused to part with it upon any terms, he had catched
it up, and throwing down the nail, threatened to cut her throat if she made any
resistance: to prove this charge the hatchet and the nail were produced, and the
butcher had so little to say in his defence that there was not the least reason to
doubt of its truth.
Mr. Banks having reported this matter to me, I took an opportunity, when
the Chief and his women, with other Indians, were on board the ship, to call up
the butcher, and after a recapitulation of the charge and the proof, I gave orders
that he should be punished, as well to prevent other offences of the same kind, as
to acquit Mr. Banks of his promise; the Indians saw him stripped and tied up to
the rigging with a fixed attention, waiting in silent suspence for the event; but
as soon as the first stroke was given, they interfered with great agitation,
earnestly intreating that the rest of the punishment might be remitted: to this,
however, for many reasons, I could not consent, and when they found that they
could not prevail by their intercession, they gave vent to their pity by tears.
Their tears indeed, like those of children, were always ready to express
any passion that was strongly excited, and like those of children
they also appeared to be forgotten as soon as shed;* of which the following among
many others, is a remarkable instance. Very early in the morning of the 28th, even
before it was day, a great number of them came down to the fort, and Terapo being
observed among the women on the outside of the gate, Mr. Banks went out and
brought her in; he saw that the tears then stood in her eyes, and as soon as she
entered they began to flow in great abundance: he enquired earnestly the cause,
but instead of answering she took from under her garment a shark's tooth, and
struck it six or seven times into her head with great force; a profusion of blood
followed, and she talked loud, but in a most melancholy tone, for some minutes,
without at all regarding his enquiries, which he repeated with still more
impatience and concern, while the other Indians, to his great surprize, talked and
laughed, without taking the least notice of her distress. But her own behaviour
was still more extraordinary. As soon as the bleeding was over, she looked up with
a smile, and began to collect some small pieces of cloth, which during her
bleeding she had thrown down to catch the blood; as soon as she had picked them
all up, she carried them out of the tent, and threw them into the sea, carefully
dispersing them abroad, as if she wished to prevent the sight of them from
reviving the remembrance of what she had done. She then plunged into the river,
and after having washed her whole body, returned to the tents with the same gaiety
and cheerfulness as if nothing had happened.
It is not indeed strange that the sorrows of these artless people should
be transient, any more than that their passions should be suddenly and strongly
expressed: what they feel they have never been taught either to disguise or
suppress, and having no habits of thinking which perpetually recal
the past, and anticipate the future,* they are affected by all the changes of the
passing hour, and reflect the colour of the time, however frequently it may vary:
they have no project which is to be pursued from day to day, the subject of
unremitted anxiety and solicitude, that first rushes into the mind when they awake
in the morning, and is last dismissed when they sleep at night. Yet if we admit
that they are upon the whole happier than we, we must admit that the child is
happier than the man, and that we are losers by the perfection of our nature, the
increase of our knowlege, and the enlargement of our views.
Canoes were continually coming in during all this forenoon, and the tents
at the fort were crowded with people of both sexes from different parts of the
Island. I was myself busy on board the ship, but Mr. Mollineux, our master, who
was one of those that made the last voyage in the Dolphin, went on shore. As soon
as he entered Mr. Banks's tent he fixed his eyes upon one of the women, who was
sitting there with great composure among the rest, and immediately declared her to
be the person who at that time was supposed to be Queen of the island; she also,
at the same time, acknowledging him to be one of the strangers whom she had seen
before. The attention of all present was now diverted from every other object, and
wholly engaged in considering a person who had made so distinguished a figure in
the accounts that had been given of this island by its first discoverers; and we
soon learnt that her name was OBEREA. She seemed to be about forty years of age,
and was not only tall, but of a large make; her skin was white, and there was an
uncommon intelligence and sensibility in her eyes: she appeared to have been
handsome when she was young, but at this time little more than memorials of her
beauty were left.
*As soon as her quality was known, an offer was made to conduct her
to the ship. Of this she readily accepted, and came on board with two men and
several women, who seemed to be all of her family; I received her with such marks
of distinction as I thought would gratify her most, and was not sparing of my
presents, among which this august personage seemed particularly delighted with a
child's doll. After some time spent on board, I attended her back to the shore;
and as soon as we landed, she presented me with a hog, and several bunches of
plantains, which she caused to be carried from her canoes up to the fort in a kind
of procession, of which she and myself brought up the rear. In our way to the fort
we met Tootahah, who, though not King, appeared to be at this time invested with
the sovereign authority; he seemed not to be well pleased with the distinction
that was shewed to the lady, and became so jealous when she produced her doll,
that to propitiate him it was thought proper to compliment him with another. At
this time he thought fit to prefer a doll to a hatchet; but this preference arose
only from a childish jealousy, which could not be soothed but by a gift of exactly
the same kind with that which had been presented to Oberea; for dolls in a very
short time were universally considered as trifles of no value.
The men who had visited us from time to time had, without scruple, eaten
of our provisions; but the women had never yet been prevailed upon to taste a
morsel. To-day, however, though they refused the most pressing solicitations to
dine with the Gentlemen, they afterwards retired to the servants apartment, and
eat of plantains very heartily; a mystery of female oeconomy here, which none of
us could explain.
On the 29th, not very early in the forenoon,* Mr. Banks went to pay
his court to Oberea, and was told that she was still asleep under the awning of
her canoe: thither therefore he went, intending to call her up, a liberty which he
thought he might take, without any danger of giving offence: but, upon looking
into her chamber, to his great astonishment, he found her in bed with a handsome
young fellow about five and twenty, whose name was OBADÉE: he retreated with some
haste and confusion, but was soon made to understand, that such amours gave no
occasion to scandal, and that Obadée was universally known to have been selected
by her as the object of her private favours. The lady being too polite to suffer
Mr. Banks to wait long in her antichamber, dressed herself with more than usual
expedition, and as a token of of special grace, clothed him in a suit of fine
cloth and proceeded with him to the tents. In the evening, Mr. Banks paid a visit
to Tubourai Tamaide, as he had often done before, by candle light, and was equally
grieved and surprized to find him and his family in a melancholy mood, and most of
them in tears: he endeavoured in vain to discover the cause, and therefore his
stay among them was but short. When he reported this circumstance to the officers
at the fort, they recollected that Owhaw had foretold, that in four days we should
fire our great guns; and as this was the eve of the third day, the situation in
which Tubourai Tamaide and his family had been found, alarmed them. The sentries
therefore were doubled at the fort, and the Gentlemen slept under arms; at two in
the morning, Mr. Banks himself went round the point, but found every thing so
quiet, that he gave up all suspicions of mischief intended by the natives as
groundless. We had however another source of security; our little fortification
was now complete. The north and south sides consisted of a bank of
earth four feet and an half high on the inside,* and a ditch without ten feet
broad and six deep; on the west side, facing the bay, there was a bank of earth
four feet high, and pallisadoes upon that, but no ditch, the works here being at
high-water mark; on the east side, upon the bank of the river, was placed a double
row of water casks, filled with water; and as this was the weakest side, the two
four pounders were planted there, and six swivel guns were mounted so as to
command the only two avenues from the woods. Our garrison consisted of about five
and forty men with small arms, including the officers, and the gentlemen who
resided on shore; and our sentries were as well relieved as in the best regulated
frontier in Europe.
*We continued our vigilance the next day, though we had no particular
reason to think it necessary; but about ten o'clock in the morning, Tomio came
running to the tents, with a mixture of grief and fear in her countenance, and
taking Mr. Banks, to whom they applied in every emergency and distress, by the
arm, intimated that Tubourai Tamaide was dying, in consequence of something which
our people had given him to eat, and that he must instantly go with her to his
house. Mr. Banks set out without delay, and found his Indian friend leaning his
head against a post, in an attitude of the utmost languor and despondency; the
people about him intimated that he had been vomiting, and brought out a leaf
folded up with great care, which they said contained some of the poison, by the
deleterious effects of which he was now dying. Mr. Banks hastily opened the leaf,
and upon examining its contents found them to be no other than a chew of tobacco,
which the chief had begged of some of our people, and which they had indiscreetly
given him: he had observed that they kept it long in the mouth,* and
being desirous of doing the same, he had chewed it to powder, and swallowed the
spittle. During the examination of the leaf and its contents, he looked up at Mr.
Banks with the most piteous aspect, and intimated that he had but a very short
time to live. Mr. Banks, however, being now master of his disease, directed him to
drink plentifully of cocoa-nut milk, which in a short time put an end to his
sickness and apprehensions, and he spent the day at the fort with that uncommon
flow of cheerfulness and good-humour, which is always produced by a sudden and
unexpected relief from pain either of body or mind.
Captain Wallis having brought home one of the adzes which these people,
having no metal of any kind, make of stone, Mr. Stevens, the Secretary to the
Admiralty, procured one to be made of iron in imitation of it, which I brought out
with me, to shew how much we excelled in making tools after their own fashion:
this I had not yet produced, as it never happened to come into my mind.* But on
the first of May, Tootahah coming on board about ten o'clock in the forenoon,
expressed a great curiosity to see the contents of every chest and drawer that was
in my cabbin; as I always made a point of gratifying him, I opened them
immediately, and having taken a fancy to many things that he saw, and collected
them together, he at last happened to cast his eye upon this adze; he instantly
snatched it up with the greatest eagerness, and putting away every thing which he
had before selected, he asked me whether I would let him have that: I readily
consented; and, as if he was afraid I should repent, he carried it off immediately
in a transport of joy, without making any other request, which whatever had been
our liberality was seldom the case.
*About noon, a Chief, who had dined with me a few days before,
accompanied by some of his women, came on board alone: I had observed that he was
fed by his women, but I made no doubt, that upon occasion he would condescend to
feed himself: in this, however, I found myself mistaken. When my noble guest was
seated, and the dinner upon the table, I helped him to some victuals: as I
observed that he did not immediately begin his meal, I pressed him to eat: but he
still continued to sit motionless like a statue, without attempting to put a
single morsel into his mouth, and would certainly have gone without his dinner, if
one of the servants had not fed him.
CHAP. XI.
The Observatory set up; the Quadrant stolen, and
Consequences of the Theft: A Visit to Tootahah:
Description of a Wrestling-match: European Seeds
sown: Names given to our People by the Indians.
IN the afternoon, of Monday the 1st of May,* we set up the
observatory, and took the astronomical quadrant, with some other instruments on
shore, for the first time.
The next morning, about nine
o'clock,* I went on shore with Mr. Green to fix the
quadrant in a situation for use, when to our inexpressible surprize and concern
it was not to be found. It had been deposited in the tent which was reserved
for my use, where, as I passed the night on board, nobody slept: it had never
been taken out of the packing-case, which was eighteen inches square, and the
whole was of considerable weight; a sentinel had been posted the whole night
within five yards of the tent door, and none of the other instruments were
missing. We at first suspected that it might have been stolen by some of our
own people, who seeing a deal box, and not knowing the contents, might think it
contained nails, or some other subjects of traffic with the natives. A large
reward was therefore offered to any one who could find it, as, without this, we
could not perform the service for which our voyage was principally undertaken.
Our search in the mean time was not confined to the fort and the places
adjacent, but as the case might possibly have been carried back to the ship, if
any of our own people had been the thieves,* the most diligent
search was made for it on board; all the parties however returned without any
news of the quadrant. Mr. Banks, therefore, who upon such
occasions declined neither labour nor risk, and who had more influence over the
Indians than any of us, determined to go in search of it into the woods; he
hoped, that if it had been stolen by the natives, he should find it wherever
they had opened the box, as they would immediately discover that to them it
would be wholly useless: or, if in this expectation he should be disappointed,
that he might recover it by the ascendancy he had acquired over the Chiefs. He
set out, accompanied by a midshipman and Mr. Green, and as he was crossing the
river he was met by Tubourai Tamaide, who immediately made the figure of a
triangle with three bits of straw upon his hand. By this Mr.
Banks knew that the Indians were the thieves; and that, although
they had opened the case, they were not disposed to part with the contents. No
time was therefore to be lost, and Mr. Banks made Tubourai
Tamaide understand, that he must instantly go with him to the place whither the
quadrant had been carried; he consented, and they set out together to the
eastward, the Chief inquiring at every house which they passed after the thief
by name: the people readily told him which way he was gone, and how long it was
since he had been there: the hope which this gave them that they should
overtake him, supported them under their fatigue, and they pressed forward,
sometimes walking, sometimes running, though the weather was intolerably hot;
when they had climbed a hill at the distance of about four miles, their
conductor shewed them a point full three miles farther, and gave them to
understand that they were not to expect the instrument till they had got
thither. Here they paused; they had no arms, except a pair of pistols, which
Mr. Banks always carried in his pocket;* they were going
to a place that was at least seven miles distant from the fort, where the
Indians might be less submissive than at home, and to take from them what they
had ventured their lives to get; and what, notwithstanding our conjectures,
they appeared desirous to keep: these were discouraging circumstances, and
their situation would become more critical at every step. They determined,
however, not to relinquish their enterprize, nor to pursue it without taking
the best measures for their security that were in their power. It was therefore
determined, that Mr. Banks and Mr. Green should go on, and
that the Midshipman should return to me, and desire that I would send a party
of men after them, acquainting me at the same time, that it was impossible they
should return till it was dark. Upon receiving this message I set out, with
such a party as I thought sufficient for the occasion; leaving orders, both at
the ship and at the fort, that no canoe should be suffered to go out of the
bay, but that none of the natives should be seized or detained.
In the mean time,
Mr. Banks and Mr. Green pursued
their journey, under the auspices of Tubourai Tamaide, and in the very spot
which he had specified, they met one of his own people, with part of the
quadrant in his hand. At this most welcome sight they stopped; and a great
number of Indians immediately came up, some of whom pressing rather rudely upon
them, Mr. Banks thought it necessary to shew one of his
pistols, the sight of which reduced them instantly to order: as the crowd that
gathered round them was every moment increasing, he marked out a circle in the
grass, and they ranged themselves on the outside of it to the number of several
hundreds with great quietness and decorum. Into the middle of this circle, the
box, which was now arrived, was ordered to be brought, with several reading
glasses, and other small matters,* which in their hurry they had
put into a pistol-case, that Mr. Banks knew to be his
property, it having been some time before stolen from the tents, with a horse
pistol in it, which he immediately demanded, and which was also restored.
Mr. Green was impatient to see whether all that had been
taken away was returned, and upon examining the box found the stand, and a few
small things of less consequence, wanting; several persons were sent in search of
these, and most of the small things were returned: but it was signified that the
thief had not brought the stand so far, and that it would be delivered to our
friends as they went back; this being confirmed by Tubourai Tamaide, they prepared
to return, as nothing would then be wanting but what might easily be supplied; and
after they had advanced about two miles, I met them with my party, to our mutual
satisfaction, congratulating each other upon the recovery of the quadrant, with a
pleasure proportioned to the importance of the event.
About eight o'clock, Mr. Banks with Tubourai Tamaide
got back to the fort; when, to his great surprize, he found
Tootahah in custody, and many of the natives in the utmost
terror and distress, crowding about the gate. He went hastily in, some of the
Indians were suffered to follow him, and the scene was extremely affecting.
Tubourai Tamaide pressing forward, ran up to Tootahah, and
catching him in his arms, they both burst into tears, and wept over each other,
without being able to speak: the other Indians were also in tears for their Chief,
both he and they being strongly possessed with the notion that he was to be put to
death. In this situation they continued till I entered the fort, which was about a
quarter of an hour afterwards. I was equally surprized and concerned
at what had happened,* the confining Tootahah being contrary
to my orders, and therefore instantly set him at liberty. Upon enquiring into the
affair, I was told, that my going into the woods with a party of men under arms,
at a time when a robbery had been committed, which it was supposed I should
resent, in proportion to our apparent injury by the loss, had so alarmed the
natives, that in the evening they began to leave the neighbourhood of the fort
with their effects: that a double canoe having been seen to put off from the
bottom of the bay by Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, who was left in command on
board the ship, and who had received orders not to suffer any canoe to go out, he
sent the Boatswain with a boat after her to bring her back: that as soon as the
boat came up, the Indians, being alarmed, leaped into the sea; and that
Tootahah, being unfortunately one of the number, the
Boatswain took him up, and brought him to the ship, suffering the rest of the
people to swim on shore: that Mr. Gore, not sufficiently attending to the order
that none of the people should be confined, had sent him to the fort, and
Mr. Hicks, the First Lieutenant, who commanded there,
receiving him in charge from Gore, did not think himself at liberty to dismiss
him.
The notion that we intended to put him to death had possessed him so
strongly, that he could not be persuaded to the contrary till by my orders he was
led out of the fort. The people received him as they would have done a father in
the same circumstances, and every one pressed forward to embrace him. Sudden joy is commonly liberal, without a
scrupulous regard to merit; and Tootahah, in the first
expansion of his heart, upon being unexpectedly restored to liberty and life,
insisted upon our receiving a present of two hogs; though, being conscious that
upon this occasion we had no claim to favours, we refused them many times.
*Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander
attended the next morning in their usual capacity of market-men, but very few
Indians appeared, and those who came brought no provisions.
Tootahah, however, sent some of his people for the canoe
that had been detained, which they took away. A canoe having also been detained
that belonged to Oberea, TUPIA, the person who managed her
affairs when the Dolphin was here, was sent to examine whether any thing on board
had been taken away: and he was so well satisfied of the contrary, that he left
the canoe where he found it, and joined us at the fort, where he spent the day,
and slept on board the canoe at night. About noon, some fishing boats came abreast
of the tents, but would part with very little of what they had on board; and we
felt the want of cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit very severely. In the course of the
day, Mr. Banks walked out into the woods, that by conversing
with the people he might recover their confidence and good-will: he found them
civil, but they all complained of the ill-treatment of their Chief; who, they
said, had been beaten and pulled by the hair. Mr. Banks
endeavoured to convince them, that he had suffered no personal violence, which to
the best of our knowlege was true; yet, perhaps the Boatswain had behaved with a
brutality which he was afraid or ashamed to acknowledge. The Chief himself being, probably, upon recollection, of
opinion that we had ill-deserved the hogs, which he had left with us as a
present, sent a messenger in the afternoon to demand an ax, and a shirt in
return; but as I was told that he did not intend to come down to the fort for
ten days, I excused myself from giving them till I should see him, hoping that
his impatience might induce him to fetch them, and knowing that absence would
probably continue the coolness between us, to which the first interview might
put an end.
The next day we were still more sensible of the inconvenience we had
incurred by giving offence to the people in the person of their Chief,* for the
market was so ill supplied that we were in want of necessaries. Mr.
Banks therefore went into the woods to Tubourai Tamaide, and with
some difficulty persuaded him to let us have five baskets of breadfruit; a very
seasonable supply, as they contained above one hundred and twenty. In the
afternoon another messenger arrived from Tootahah for the ax
and shirt; as it was now become absolutely necessary to recover the friendship of
this man, without which it would be scarcely possible to procure provisions, I
sent word that Mr. Banks and myself would visit him on the
morrow, and bring what he wanted with us.
Early the next morning he sent again to remind me of my promise,* and his
people seemed to wait till we should set out with great impatience: I therefore
ordered the pinnace, in which I embarked with Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander about ten o'clock: we took one of
Tootahah's people in the boat with us, and in about an
hour we arrived at his place of residence which is called EPARRE, and is about
four miles to the westward of the tents.
We found the people waiting for us in great numbers upon the shore, so
that it would have been impossible for us to have proceeded, if way had not been
made for us by a tall well-looking man, who had something like a turban about his
head, and a long white stick in his hand, with which he laid about him at an
unmerciful rate. This man conducted us to the Chief, while the people shouted
round us, Taio Tootahah, "Tootahah is
your friend."We found him, like an ancient
Patriarch, sitting under a tree, with a number of venerable old men standing
round him; he made a sign to us to sit down, and immediately asked for his ax:
this I presented to him,* with an upper garment of broadcloth,
made after the country fashion, and trimmed with tape, to which I also added a
shirt: he received them with great satisfaction, and immediately put on the
garment; but the shirt he gave to the person who had cleared the way for us
upon our landing, who was now seated by us, and of whom he seemed desirous that
we should take particular notice. In a short time,
Oberea, and several other women whom we knew, came and sat
down among us: Tootahah left us several times, but after a
short absence returned; we thought it had been to show himself in his new finery
to the people, but we wronged him, for it was to give directions for our
refreshment and entertainment. While we were
waiting for his return the last time he left us, very impatient to be
dismissed, as we were almost suffocated in the croud, word was brought us, that
he expected us elsewhere: we found him sitting under the awning of our own
boat, and making signs that we should come to him: as many of us therefore went
on board as the boat would hold, and he then ordered bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts
to be brought, of both which we tasted, rather to gratify him than because we
had a desire to eat. A message was soon after brought him, upon which he
went out of the boat, and we were in a short time desired to follow. We were
conducted to a large area or court-yard, which was railed round with bamboos about
three feet high, on one side of his house, where an entertainment was provided for
us, entirely new: this was a wrestling match. At the upper end of the area sat the
Chief, and several of his principal men were ranged on each side of him, so as to
form a semicircle; these were the judges, by whom the victor was to be applauded;
seats were also left for us at each end of the line, but we chose rather to be at
liberty among the rest of the spectators.
When all was ready, ten or twelve
persons,* whom we understood to be the combatants, and who were naked, except a
cloth that was fastened about the waist, entered the area, and walked slowly
round it, in a stooping posture, with their left hands on their right breasts,
and their right hands open, with which they frequently struck the left fore-arm
so as to produce a quick smart sound: this was a general challenge to the
combatants whom they were to engage, or any other person present: after these
followed others in the same manner, and then a particular challenge was given,
by which each man singled out his antagonist: this was done by joining the
finger ends of both hands, and bringing them to the breast, at the same time
moving the elbows up and down with a quick motion: if the person to whom this
was addressed accepted the challenge, he repeated the signs, and immediately
each put himself into an attitude to engage: the next minute they closed; but,
except in first seizing each other, it was a mere contest of strength: each
endeavoured to lay hold of the other, first by the thigh, and if that failed by
the hand, the hair, the cloth, or elsewhere as he could: when this was done
they grappled, without the least dexterity or skill, till one of them, by
having a more advantageous hold, or greater muscular force, threw the other on
his back. When the contest was over, the old men gave their plaudit to the
victor in a few words, which they repeated together in a kind of tune: his
conquest was also generally celebrated by three huzzas. The entertainment was
then suspended for a few minutes, after which another couple of wrestlers came
forward and engaged in the same manner: if it happened that neither was thrown,
after the contest had continued about a minute, they parted, either by consent
or the intervention of their friends, and in this case each slapped his arm, as
a challenge to a new engagement, either with the same antagonist
or some other.* While the wrestlers were engaged, another party of men
performed a dance which lasted also about a minute; but neither of these
parties took the least notice of each other, their attention being wholly fixed
on what they were doing. We observed with pleasure, that the conqueror never
exulted over the vanquished, and that the vanquished never repined at the
success of the conqueror; the whole contest was carried on with perfect
good-will and good-humour, though in the presence of at least five hundred
spectators, of whom some were women. The number of women indeed was
comparatively small, none but those of rank were present, and we had reason to
believe that they would not have been spectators of this exercise but in
compliment to us.
This lasted about two hours; during all which time the man who had made
way for us when we landed, kept the people at a proper distance, by striking those
who pressed forward very severely with his stick: upon enquiry we learnt, that he
was an officer belonging to Tootahah, acting as a master of
the ceremonies.
It is scarcely possible for those who are acquainted with the athletic
sports of very remote antiquity, not to remark a rude resemblance of them in this
wrestling-match among the natives of a little island in the midst of the Pacific
Ocean: and even our female readers may recollect the account given of them by
Fenelon in his Telemachus, where, though the events are fictitious, the manners of
the age are faithfully transcribed from authors by whom they are supposed to have
been truly related.
When the wrestling was over, we were
given to understand that two hogs, and a large quantity of bread-fruit were
preparing for our dinner, which, as our appetites were now keen,
was very agreeable intelligence. Our host, however,* seemed to repent of his
liberality; for, instead of setting his two hogs before us, he ordered one of
them to be carried into our boat; at first we were not sorry for this new
disposition of matters, thinking that we should dine more comfortably in the
boat than on shore, as the croud would more easily be kept at a distance: but
when we came on board, he ordered us to proceed with his hog to the ship; this
was mortifying, as we were now to row four miles while our dinner was growing
cold; however, we thought fit to comply, and were at last gratified with the
cheer that he had provided, of which he and Tubourai Tamaide had a liberal
share.
Our reconciliation with this man
operated upon the people like a charm; for he was no sooner known to be on
board, than bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other provisions were brought to the
fort in great plenty.
Affairs now went on in the usual channel; but pork being still a scarce
commodity, our Master, Mr. Mollineux, and Mr. Green went in
the pinnace to the eastward, on the 8th,* early in the morning, to
see whether they could procure any hogs or poultry in that part of the country:
they proceeded in that direction twenty miles; but though they saw many hogs, and
one turtle, they could not purchase either at any price: the people everywhere
told them, that they all belonged to Tootahah, and that they
could fell none of them without his permission. We now began to think that this
man was indeed a great Prince; for an influence so extensive and absolute could be
acquired by no other. And we afterwards found that he administered the government
of this part of the island, as sovereign, for a minor whom we never saw all the
time that we were upon it. When Mr. Green returned from this
expedition,* he said he had seen a tree of a size which he was afraid to relate,
it being no less than sixty yards in circumference; but Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander soon explained to him,
that it was a species of the fig, the branches of which, bending down, take fresh
root in the earth, and thus form a congeries of trunks, which being very close to
each other, and all joined by a common vegetation, might easily be mistaken for
one.
Though the market at the fort was now
tolerably supplied, provisions were brought more slowly: a sufficient quantity
used to be purchased between sun-rise and eight o'clock, but it was now become
necessary to attend the greatest part of the day. Mr.
Banks, therefore, fixed his little boat up before the door of the
fort, which was of great use as a place to trade in: hitherto we had purchased
cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit for beads; but the market becoming rather slack in
these articles, we were now, for the first time, forced to bring out our nails:
one of our smallest size, which was about four inches long, procured us twenty
cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit in proportion, so that in a short time our first
plenty was restored.
*On the 9th, soon after
breakfast, we received a visit from Oberea, being the
first that she had made us after the loss of our quadrant, and the unfortunate
confinement of Tootahah; with her came her present
favourite, Obadée, and Tupia: they
brought us a hog and some bread-fruit, in return for which we gave her a
hatchet. We had now afforded our Indian friends a new and interesting
object of curiosity, our forge, which having been set up some time, was almost
constantly at work. It was now common for them to bring pieces of iron, which we
supposed they must have got from the Dolphin, to be made into tools of various
kinds; and as I was very desirous to gratify them, they were
indulged,* except when the smith's time was too precious to be spared.
Oberea having received her hatchet, produced as much old
iron as would have made another, with a request that another might be made of it:
in this, however, I could not gratify her, upon which she brought out a broken ax,
and desired it might be mended; I was glad of an opportunity to compromise the
difference between us: her ax was mended, and she appeared to be content. They
went away at night, and took with them the canoe, which had been a considerable
time at the point, but promised to return in three days.
On the 10th,* I put some
seeds of melons and other plants into a spot of ground which had been turned up
for the purpose; they had all been sealed up by the person of whom they were
bought, in small bottles with rosin; but none of them came up except mustard;
even the cucumbers and melons failed, and Mr. Banks is of
opinion that they were spoiled by the total exclusion of fresh air.
This day we learnt the Indian name of the island, which is OTAHEITE, and
by that name I shall hereafter distinguish it: but after great pains taken we
found it utterly impossible to teach the Indians to pronounce our names; we had,
therefore, new names, consisting of such sounds as they produced in the attempt.
They called me Toote; Mr. Hicks, Hete; Molineux they
renounced in absolute despair, and called the Master Boba, from his Christian name
Robert; Mr. Gore was Toarro; Dr. Solander, Torano; and
Mr. Banks, Tapane; Mr. Green, Eteree;
Mr. Parkinson, ; , ; Petersgill, Petrodero; and in this
manner they had now formed names for almost every man in the ship: in some,
however, it was not easy to find any traces of the original, and
they were perhaps not mere arbitrary sounds formed upon the occasion,* but
significant words in their own language. Monkhouse, the Midshipman, who commanded
the party that killed the man for stealing the musket, they called Matte; not
merely by an attempt to imitate in sound the first syllable of Monkhouse, but
because Matte signifies dead; and this probably might be the case with others.
CHAP. XII.
Some Ladies visit the Fort with very uncommon Ceremonies:
The Indians attend Divine Service, and in the Evening exhibit a most
extraordinary Spectacle: Tubourai Tamaide falls into Temptation.
*FRIDAY, the 12th of May, was distinguished by a visit from some ladies
whom we had never seen before, and who introduced themselves with some very
singular ceremonies. Mr. Banks was trading in his boat at the gate of the fort as
usual, in company with Tootahah, who had that morning paid him a visit, and some
other of the natives; between nine and ten o'clock, a double canoe came to the
landing-place, under the awning of which sat a man and two women: the Indians that
were about him made signs that he should go out to meet them, which he hasted to
do; but by the time he could get out of the boat, they had advanced within ten
yards of him: they then stopped, and made signs that he should do so too, laying
down about a dozen young plantain trees, and some other small plants: he complied,
and the people having made a lane between them, the man, who
appeared to be a servant,* brought them to Mr. Banks by one of each at a time,
passing and repassing six times, and always pronouncing a short sentence when he
delivered them. Tupia, who stood by Mr. Banks, acted as his master of the
ceremonies, and receiving the branches as they were brought, laid them down in the
boat. When this was done, another man brought a large bundle of cloth, which
having opened, he spread piece by piece upon the ground, in the space between Mr.
Banks and has visitors; there were nine pieces, and having laid three pieces one
upon another, the foremost of the women, who seemed to be the principal, and who
was called OORATTOOA, stepped upon them, and taking up her garments all round her
to the waist, turned about, with great composure and deliberation, and with an air
of perfect innocence and simplicity, three times; when this was done, she dropped
the veil, and stepping off the cloth, three more pieces were laid on, and she
repeated the ceremony, then stepping off as before; the last three were laid on,
and the ceremony was repeated in the same manner the third time. Immediately after
this the cloth was rolled up, and given to Mr. Banks, as a present from the lady,
who, with her friend, came up and saluted him. He made such presents to them both
as he thought would be most acceptable, and after having staid about an hour they
went away. In the evening, the Gentlemen at the fort had a visit from Oberea, and
her favourite female attendant, whose name was OTHEOTHEA, an agreeable girl, whom
they were the more pleased to see, because, having been some days absent, it had
been reported that she was either sick or dead.
On the 13th, the market being over about ten o'clock,* Mr. Banks walked
into the woods with his gun, as he generally did, for the benefit of the shade in
the heat of the day: as he was returning back,* he met Tubourai
Tamaide, near his occasional dwelling, and stopping to spend a little time with
him, he suddenly took the gun out of Mr. Banks's hand, cocked it, and, holding it
up in the air, drew the trigger: fortunately for him, it flashed in the pan: Mr.
Banks immediately took it from him, not a little surprised how he had acquired
sufficient knowlege of a gun to discharge it, and reproved him with great severity
for what he had done. As it was of infinite importance to keep the Indians totally
ignorant of the management of fire-arms, he had taken every opportunity of
intimating that they could never offend him so highly as by even touching his
piece; it was now proper to enforce this prohibition, and he therefore added
threats to his reproof: the Indian bore all patiently; but the moment Mr. Banks
crossed the river, he set off with all his family and furniture for his house at
Eparre. This being quickly known from the Indians at the fort, and great
inconvenience being apprehended from the displeasure of this man, who upon all
occasions had been particularly useful, Mr. Banks determined to follow him without
delay, and solicit his return: he set out the same evening, accompanied by Mr.
Mollineux, and found him sitting in the middle of a large circle of people, to
whom he had probably related what had happened, and his fears of the consequences;
he was himself the very picture of grief and dejection, and the same passions were
strongly marked in the countenances of all the people that surrounded him. When
Mr. Banks and Mr. Mollineux went into the circle, one of the women expressed her
trouble, as Terapo had done upon another occasion, and struck a shark's tooth into
her head several times, till it was covered with blood. Mr. Banks lost no time in
putting an end to this universal distress; he assured the Chief, that every thing
which had passed should be forgotten, that there was not the least
animosity remaining on one side,* nor any thing to be feared on the other. The
Chief was soon soothed into confidence and complacency, a double canoe was ordered
to be got ready, they all returned together to the fort before supper, and as a
pledge of perfect reconciliation, both he and his wife slept all night in Mr.
Banks's tent: their presence, however, was no palladium; for, between eleven and
twelve o'clock, one of the natives attempted to get into the fort by scaling the
walls, with a design, no doubt, to steal whatever he should happen to find; he was
discovered by the centinel, who happily did not fire, and he ran away much faster
than any of our people could follow him. The iron, and iron-tools, which were in
continual use at the armourer's forge, that was set up within the works, were
temptations to theft which none of these people could withstand.
On the 14th, which was Sunday,* I directed that Divine Service should be
performed at the fort: we were desirous that some of the principal Indians should
be present, but when the hour came, most of them were returned home. Mr. Banks,
however, crossed the river, and brought back Tubourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio,
hoping that it would give occasion to some enquiries on their part, and some
instruction on ours: having seated them, he placed himself between them, and
during the whole service, they very attentively observed his behaviour, and very
exactly imitated it; standing, sitting, or kneeling, as they saw him do: they were
conscious that we were employed about somewhat serious and important, as appeared
by their calling to the Indians without the fort to be silent; yet when the
service was over, neither of them asked any questions, nor would they attend to
any attempt that was made to explain what had been done.
*Such were our Matins; our Indians thought fit to perform Vespers of
a very different kind. A young man, near six feet high, performed the rites of
Venus with a little girl about eleven or twelve years of age, before several of
our people, and a great number of the natives, without the least sense of its
being indecent or improper, but, as appeared, in perfect conformity to the custom
of the place. Among the spectators were several women of superior rank,
particularly Oberea, who may properly be said to have assisted at the ceremony;
for they gave instructions to the girl how to perform her part, which, young as
she was, she did not seem much to stand in need of.
This incident is not mentioned as an object of idle curiosity, but as it
deserves consideration in determining a question which has been long debated in
philosophy; Whether the shame attending certain actions, which are allowed on all
sides to be in themselves innocent, is implanted in Nature, or superinduced by
custom? If it has its origin in custom, it will, perhaps, be found difficult to
trace that custom, however general, to its source; if in instinct, it will be
equally difficult to discover from what cause it is subdued or at least over-ruled
among these people, in whose manners not the least trace of it is to be found.
*On the 14th and 15th, we had another opportunity of observing the general
knowlege which these people had of any design that was formed among them. In the
night between the 13th and 14th, one of the water-casks was stolen from the
outside of the fort: in the morning, there was not an Indian to be seen who did
not know that it was gone; yet they appeared not to have been trusted, or not to
have been worthy of trust; for they seemed all of them disposed to give
intelligence where it might be found. Mr. Banks
traced it to a part
of the bay where he was told it had been put into a canoe,* but as it was not of
great consequence he did not complete the discovery. When he returned, he was told
by Tubourai Tamaide, that another cask would be stolen before the morning: how he
came by this knowlege it is not easy to imagine; that he was not a party in the
design is certain, for he came with his wife and his family to the place where the
water casks stood, and placing their beds near them, he said he would himself be a
pledge for their safety, in despight of the thief: of this, however, we would not
admit; and making him understand that a sentry would be placed to watch the casks
till the morning, he removed the beds into Mr. Banks's tent, where he and his
family spent the night, making signs to the sentry when he retired, that he should
keep his eyes open. In the night this intelligence appeared to be true; about
twelve o'clock the thief came, but discovering that a watch had been set, he went
away without his booty.
Mr. Banks's confidence in Tubourai Tamaide had greatly increased since the
affair of the knife, in consequence of which he was at length exposed to
temptations which neither his integrity nor his honour was able to resist. They
had withstood many allurements, but were at length ensnared by the fascinating
charms of a basket of nails; these nails were much larger than any that had yet
been brought into trade, and had, with perhaps some degree of criminal negligence,
been left in a corner of Mr. Banks's tent, to which the Chief had always free
access. One of these nails Mr. Banks's servant happened to see in his possession,
upon his having inadvertently thrown back that part of his garment under which it
was concealed. Mr. Banks being told of this, and knowing that no such thing had
been given him,* either as a present or in barter, immediately
examined the basket, and discovered, that out of seven nails five were missing. He
then, though not without great reluctance, charged him with the fact, which he
immediately confessed, and however he might suffer, was probably not more hurt
than his accuser. A demand was immediately made of restitution; but this he
declined, saying, that the nails were at Eparre: however, Mr. Banks appearing to
be much in earnest, and using some threatening signs, he thought fit to produce
one of them. He was then taken to the fort, to receive such judgment as should be
given against him by the general voice.
After some deliberation, that we might not appear to think too lightly of
his offence, he was told, that if he would bring the other four nails to the fort,
it should be forgotten. To this condition he agreed; but I am sorry to say he did
not fulfil it. Instead of fetching the nails, he removed with his family before
night, and took all his furniture with him.
As our long-boat had appeared to be leaky, I thought it necessary to
examine her bottom, and, to my great surprize, found it so much eaten by the
worms, that it was necessary to give her a new one; no such accident had happened
to the Dolphin's boats, as I was informed by the officers on board, and therefore
it was a misfortune that I did not expect: I feared that the pinnace also might be
nearly in the same condition; but, upon examining her, I had the satisfaction to
find that not a worm had touched her, though she was built of the same wood, and
had been as much in the water; the reason of this difference I imagine to be, that
the long-boat was paid with varnish of pine, and the pinnace painted with white
lead and oil; the bottoms of all boats therefore which are sent into this country
should be painted like that of the pinnace,* and the ships should be
supplied with a good stock, in order to give them a new coating when it shall be
found necessary.
Having received repeated messages from Tootahah,* that if we would pay him
a visit he would acknowledge the favour by a present of four hogs, I sent Mr.
Hicks, my First Lieutenant, to try if he could not procure the hogs upon easier
terms, with orders to show him every civility in his power. Mr. Hicks found that
he was removed from Eparre to a place called TETTAHAH, five miles farther to the
westward. He was received with great cordiality; one hog was immediately produced,
and he was told that the other three, which were at some distance, should be
brought in the morning. Mr. Hicks readily consented to stay; but the morning came
without the hogs, and it not being convenient to stay longer, he returned in the
evening, with the one that he had got.
On the 25th,* Tubourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio made their appearance at
the tent, for the first time since he had been detected in stealing the nails; he
seemed to be under some discontent and apprehension, yet he did not think fit to
purchase our countenance and good-will by restoring the four which he had sent
away. As Mr. Banks and the other Gentlemen treated him with a coolness and reserve
which did not at all tend to restore his peace or good-humour, his stay was short,
and his departure abrupt. Mr. Monkhouse, the Surgeon, went the next morning in
order to effect a reconciliation, by persuading him to bring down the nails, but
he could not succeed.
CHAP. XIII.
Another Visit to Tootahah, with
various Adventures: Extraordinary Amusement of the Indians, with Remarks
upon it: Preparations to observe the Transit of Venus, and what happened in
the mean time at the Fort.
*ON the 27th, was determined that we should pay our visit to
Tootahah, though we were not very confident that we should
receive the hogs for our pains. I therefore set out early in the morning, with
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and three
others, in the pinnace. He was now removed from Tettahah, where Mr.
Hicks had seen him, to a place called ATAHOUROU, about six miles
farther, and as we could not go above half way thither in the boat, it was almost
evening before we arrived: we found him in his usual state, sitting under a tree,
with a great crowd about him. We made our presents in due form, consisting of a
yellow stuff petticoat, and some other trifling articles, which were graciously
received; a hog was immediately ordered to be killed and dressed for supper, with
a promise of more in the morning: however, as we were less desirous of feasting
upon our journey than of carrying back with us provisions, which would be more
welcome at the fort, we procured a reprieve for the hog, and supped upon the
fruits of the country. As night now came on, and the place was crowded with many
more than the houses and canoes would contain; there being
Oberea with her attendants, and many other travellers whom
we knew, we began to look out for lodgings. Our party consisted of
six:* Mr. Banks thought himself fortunate in being offered a
place by Oberea in her canoe, and wishing his friends a good
night, took his leave. He went to rest early, according to the custom of the
country, and taking off his clothes, as was his constant practice, the nights
being hot, Oberea kindly insisted upon taking them into her
own custody, for otherwise she said they would certainly be stolen. Mr.
Banks having such a safeguard, resigned himself to sleep with all
imaginable tranquillity: but awaking about eleven o'clock, and wanting to get up,
he searched for his clothes where he had seen them deposited by
Oberea when he lay down to sleep, and soon perceived that
they were missing. He immediately awakened Oberea, who
starting up, and hearing his complaint, ordered lights, and prepared in great
haste to recover what he had lost: Tootahah himself slept in
the next canoe, and being soon alarmed, he came to them and set out with
Oberea in search of the thief: Mr.
Banks was not in a condition to go with them, for of his apparel
scarce any thing was left him but his breeches; his coat, and his waistcoat, with
his pistols, powder-horn, and many other things that were in the pockets, were
gone. In about half an hour his two noble friends returned, but without having
obtained any intelligence of his clothes or of the thief. At first he began to be
alarmed, his musquet had not indeed been taken away, but he had neglected to load
it; where I and Dr. Solander had disposed of ourselves he did
not know; and therefore, whatever might happen, he could not have recourse to us
for assistance. He thought it best, however, to express neither fear nor suspicion
of those about him, and giving his musquet to Tupia, who had
been waked in the confusion and stood by him, with a charge not to suffer it to be
stolen, he betook himself again to rest, declaring himself perfectly satisfied
with the pains that Tootahah and Oberea
had taken to recover his things,* though they had not been
successful. As it cannot be supposed that in such a situation his sleep was very
sound, he soon after heard music, and saw lights at a little distance on shore:
this was a concert or assembly, which they call a HEIVA, a common name for every
public exhibition; and as it would necessarily bring many people together, and
there was a chance of my being among them with his other friends, he rose, and
made the best of his way towards it: he was soon led by the lights and the sound
to the hut where I lay, with three other Gentlemen of our party; and easily
distinguishing us from the rest, he made up to us more than half naked, and told
us his melancholy story. We gave him such comfort as the unfortunate generally
give to each other, by telling him that we were fellow-sufferers; I showed him
that I was myself without stockings, they having been stolen from under my head,
though I was sure I had never been asleep, and each of my associates convinced
him, by his appearance, that he had lost a jacket. We determined, however, to hear
out the concert, however deficient we might appear in our dress; it consisted of
three drums, four flutes, and several voices: when this entertainment, which
lasted about an hour, was over, we retired again to our sleeping-places; having
agreed, that nothing could be done toward the recovery of our things till the
morning.
*We rose at day-break, according to the custom of the country; the first
man that Mr. Banks saw was Tupia,
faithfully attending with his musquet; and soon after, Oberea
brought him some of her country clothes, as a succedaneum for his own, so that
when he came to us he made a most motley appearance, half Indian and half English.
Our party soon got together, except Dr. Solander, whose
quarters we did not know, and who had not assisted at the concert: in a short time Tootahah made his appearance,* and we
pressed him to recover our clothes; but neither he nor Oberea
could be persuaded to take any measure for that purpose, so that we began to
suspect that they had been parties in the theft. About eight o'clock, we were
joined by Dr. Solander, who had fallen into honester hands,
at a house about a mile distant, and had lost nothing.
Having given up all hope of recovering our clothes, which indeed were
never afterwards heard of, we spent all the morning in soliciting the hogs which
we had been promised; but in this we had no better success: we therefore, in no
very good humour, set out for the boat about twelve o'clock, with only that which
we had redeemed from the butcher and the cook the night before.
As we were returning to the boat, however, we were entertained with a
sight that in some measure compensated for our fatigue and disappointment. In our
way we came to one of the few places where access to the island is not guarded by
a reef, and, consequently, a high surf breaks upon the shore; a more dreadful one
indeed I had seldom seen; it was impossible for any
European boat to have lived in it; and if the best swimmer
in Europe had, by any accident, been exposed to its fury, I
am confident that he would not have been able to preserve himself from drowning,
especially as the shore was covered with pebbles and large stones; yet, in the
midst of these breakers, were ten or twelve Indians swimming for their amusement:
whenever a surf broke near them, they dived under it, and, to all appearance with
infinite facility, rose again on the other side. This diversion was greatly
improved by the stern of an old canoe, which they happened to find upon the spot;
they took this before them, and swam out with it as far as the outermost breach,
then two or three of them getting into it,* and turning the square
end to the breaking wave, were driven in towards the shore with incredible
rapidity, sometimes almost to the beach; but generally the wave broke over them
before they got half way, in which case they dived, and rose on the other side
with the canoe in their hands: they then swam out with it again, and were again
driven back, just as our holiday youth climb the hill in
Greenwich park for the pleasure of rolling down it. At
this wonderful scene we stood gazing for more than half an hour, during which time
none of the swimmers attempted to come on shore, but seemed to enjoy their sport
in the highest degree; we then proceeded in our journey, and late in the evening
got back to the fort.
Upon this occasion it may be observed, that human nature is endued with
powers which are only accidentally exerted to the utmost; and that all men are
capable of what no man attains, except he is stimulated to the effort by some
uncommon circumstances or situation. These Indians effected what to us appeared to
be supernatural, merely by the application of such powers as they possessed in
common with us, and all other men who have no particular infirmity or defect. The
truth of the observation is also manifest from more familiar instances. The
rope-dancer and balance-master owe their art, not to any peculiar liberality of
Nature, but to an accidental improvement of her common gifts; and though equal
diligence and application would not always produce equal excellence in these, any
more than in other arts; yet there is no doubt but that a certain degree of
proficiency in them might be universally attained. Another proof of the existence
of abilities in mankind, that are almost universally dormant, is furnished by the
attainments of blind men. It cannot be supposed that the loss of one sense, like
the amputation of a branch from a tree,* gives new vigour to those
that remain. Every man's hearing and touch, therefore, are capable of the nice
distinctions which astonish us in those that have lost their sight, and if they do
not give the same intelligence to the mind, it is merely because the same
intelligence is not required of them: he that can see may do from choice what the
blind do by necessity, and by the same diligent attention to the other senses, may
receive the same notices from them; let it therefore be remembered as an
encouragement to persevering diligence, and a principle of general use to mankind,
that he who does all he can, will ever effect much more than is generally thought
to be possible.
Among other Indians that had visited us, there were some from a
neighbouring island which they called EIMEO or IMAO, the same to which Captain
Wallis had given the name of the Duke of York's island, and they gave us an
account of no less than two and twenty islands that lay in the neighbourhood of
Otaheite.
As the day of observation now approached, I determined, in consequence of
some hints which had been given me by Lord Morton, to send out two parties to
observe the transit from other situations; hoping, that if we should fail at
Otaheite, they might have better success. We were,
therefore, now busily employed in preparing our instruments, and instructing such
Gentlemen in the use of them as I intended to send out.
On Thursday the 1st of June,* the Saturday following being
the day of the Transit, I dispatched Mr. Gore in the long-boat to Imao, with Mr.
Monkhouse and , a Gentleman belonging to Mr.
Banks, Mr. Green having furnished them with proper
instruments. Mr. Banks himself thought fit to
go upon this expedition,* and several natives, particularly Tubourai Tamaide and
Tomio, were also of the party. Very early on the Friday morning, I sent
Mr. Hicks, with Mr. Clerk and Mr. Petersgill, the Master's
Mates, and Mr. Saunders, one of the Midshipmen, in the pinnace to the eastward,
with orders to six on some convenient spot, at a distance from our principal
observatory, where they also might employ the instruments with which they had been
furnished for the same purpose.
The long-boat not having been got ready till Thursday in the afternoon,
though all possible expedition was used to fit her out; the people on board, after
having rowed most part of the night, brought her to a grappling just under the
land of Imao.* Soon after day-break, they saw an Indian canoe, which they hailed,
and the people on board shewed them an inlet through the reef into which they
pulled, and soon fixed upon a coral rock, which rose out of the water about one
hundred and fifty yards from the shore, as a proper situation for their
observatory: it was about eighty yards long and twenty broad, and in the middle of
it was a bed of white sand, large enough for the tents to stand upon. Mr. Gore and
his assistants immediately began to set them up, and make other necessary
preparations for the important business of the next day. While this was doing, Mr.
Banks, with the Indians of Otaheite, and the people whom
they had met in the canoe, went ashore upon the main island, to buy provisions; of
which he procured a sufficient supply before night. When he returned to the rock
he found the observatory in order, and the telescopes all fixed and tried. The
evening was very fine, yet their solicitude did not permit them to take much rest
in the night: one or other of them was up every half hour, who satisfied the
impatience of the rest by reporting the changes of the sky;* now
encouraging their hope by telling them that it was clear, and now alarming their
fears by an account that it was hazey.
At day-break they got up,* and had the satisfaction to see the sun rise,
without a cloud. Mr. Banks then, wishing the observers, Mr.
Gore and Mr. Monkhouse, success, repaired again to the island, that he might
examine its produce, and get a fresh supply of provisions: he began by trading
with the natives, for which purpose he took his station under a tree; and to keep
them from pressing upon him in a crowd, he drew a circle round him, which he
suffered none of them to enter.
About eight o'clock, he saw two canoes coming towards the place, and was
given to understand by the people about him, that they belonged to TARRAO, the
King of the island, who was coming to make him a visit. As soon as the canoes came
near the shore, the people made a lane from the beach to the trading-place, and
his Majesty landed, with his sister, whose name was NUNA; as they advanced towards
the tree where Mr. Banks stood, he went out to meet them,
and, with great formality, introduced them into the circle from which the other
natives had been excluded. As it is the custom of these people to sit during all
their conferences, Mr. Banks unwrapped a kind of Turban of
Indian cloth, which he wore upon his head instead of a hat, and spreading it upon
the ground, they all sat down upon it together. The royal present was then
brought, which consisted of a hog and a dog, some bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and
other articles of the like kind. Mr. Banks then dispatched a
canoe to the observatory for his present, and the messengers soon returned with an
adze, a shirt, and some beads, which were presented to his Majesty, and received
with great satisfaction.
*By this time, Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio joined them, from the
observatory. Tomio said, that she was related to Tarrao, and brought him a present
of a long nail, at the same time complimenting Nuna with a shirt.
The first internal contact of the planet with the sun being over, Mr.
Banks returned to the observatory, taking Tarrao, Nuna, and some of their
principal attendants, among whom were three very handsome young women, with him:
he showed them the planet upon the sun, and endeavoured to make them understand
that he and his companions had come from their own country on purpose to see it.
Soon after, Mr. Banks returned with them to the island, where
he spent the rest of the day in examining its produce, which he found to be much
the same with that of Otaheite. The people whom he saw
there also exactly resembled the inhabitants of that island, and many of them were
persons whom he had seen upon it; so that all those whom he had dealt with, knew
of what his trading articles consisted, and the value they bore.
*The next morning, having struck the tents, they set out on their return,
and arrived at the fort before night.
The observation was made with equal success by the persons whom I had sent
to the eastward, and at the fort, there not being a cloud in the sky from the
rising to the setting of the sun, the whole passage of the planet Venus over the
sun's disk was observed with great advantage by Mr. Green,
Dr. Solander, and myself: Mr. Green's
telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of Dr.
Solander was greater. We all saw an atmotsphere or dusky cloud round
the body of the planet, which very much disturbed the times of contact, especially
of the internal ones; and we differed from each other in our accounts of the times
of the contacts much more than might have been expected.* According
to Mr. Green,
Hours. Min. Sec. The first external contact, or first appearance of Venus
on the Sun, was 9 25 42 Morning. The first internal contact, or total immersion,
was 9 44 4 The second internal contact, or beginning of the emersion, 3 14 8
Afternoon. The second external contact, or total emersion 3 32 10 The latitude of
the observatory was found to be 17° 29′ 15″; and the longitude
149° 32′ 30″ W. of Greenwich. A more
particular account will appear by the tables, for which the reader is referred to
the Transactions of the Royal Society, vol. lxi. part 2. page 397 & seq. where
they are illustrated by a cut. But if we had reason to congratulate ourselves upon
the success of our observation, we had scarce less cause to regret the diligence
with which that time had been improved by some of our people to another purpose.
While the attention of the officers was engrossed by the Transit of Venus, some of
the ship's company broke into one of the store-rooms, and stole a quantity of
spike nails, amounting to no less than one hundred weight: this was a matter of
public and serious concern; for these nails, if circulated by the people among the
Indians, would do us irreparable injury, by reducing the value of iron, our staple
commodity. One of the thieves was detected, but only seven nails were found in his
custody. He was punished with two dozen lashes, but would impeach none of his
accomplices.
CHAP. XIV.
The Ceremonies of an Indian Funeral particularly
described: General Observations on the Subject: A Character found among the
Indians to which the Ancients paid great Veneration: A Robbery at the Fort,
and its Consequences; with a Specimen of Indian Cookery, and various
Incidents.
*ON the 5th, we kept his Majesty's birth-day; for though it
is the 4th, we were unwilling to celebrate it during the absence of
the two parties who had been sent out to observe the Transit. We had several of
the Indian Chiefs at our entertainment, who drank his Majesty's health by the name
of Kihiargo, which was the nearest imitation they could produce of King George.
About this time died an old woman of some rank, who was related to Tomio,
which gave us an opportunity to see how they disposed of the body, and confirmed
us in our opinion that these people, contrary to the present custom of all other
nations now known, never bury their dead. In the middle of a small square, neatly
railed in with bamboo, the awning of a canoe was raised upon two posts, and under
this the body was deposited upon such a frame as has before been described: it was
covered with fine cloth, and near it was placed bread-fruit, fish, and other
provisions: we supposed that the food was placed there for the spirit of the
deceased, and consequently, that these Indians had some confused notion of a
separate state; but upon our applying for further information to
Tubourai Tamaide, he told us,* that the food was placed there as an offering to
their gods. They do not, however, suppose, that the gods eat, any more than the
Jews supposed that Jehovah could dwell in a house: the offering is made here upon
the same principle as the Temple was built at Jerusalem, as an expression of
reverence and gratitude, and a solicitation of the more immediate presence of the
Deity. In the front of the area was a kind of stile, where the relations of the
deceased stood to pay the tribute of their sorrow; and under the awning were
innumerable small pieces of cloth, on which the tears and blood of the mourners
had been shed; for in their paroxysms of grief it is a universal custom to wound
themselves with the shark's tooth. Within a few yards two occasional houses were
set up, in one of which some relations of the deceased constantly resided, and in
the other the chief mourner, who is always a man, and who keeps there a very
singular dress in which a ceremony is performed that will be described in its
turn. Near the place where the dead are thus set up to rot, the bones are
afterwards buried.
What can have introduced among these people the custom of exposing their
dead above ground, till the flesh is consumed by putrefaction, and then burying
the bones, it is perhaps impossible to guess; but it is remarkable, that Aelian
and Apollonius Rhodius impute a similar practice to the ancient inhabitants of
Colchis, a country near Pontus in Asia, now called Mingrelia; except that among
them this manner of disposing of the dead did not extend to both sexes: the women
they buried; but the men they wrapped in a hide, and hung up in the air by a
chain. This practice among the Colchians is referred to a religious cause. The
principal objects of their worship were the Earth and the Air; and it is supposed
that, in consequence of some superstitious notion, they devoted
their dead to both.* Whether the natives of Otaheite had
any notion of the same kind we were never able certainly to determine; but we soon
discovered, that the repositories of their dead were also places of worship. Upon
this occasion it may be observed, that nothing can be more absurd than the notion
that the happiness or misery of a future life depends, in any degree, upon the
disposition of the body when the state of probation is past; yet that nothing is
more general than a solicitude about it. However cheap we may hold any funereal
rites which custom has not familiarized, or superstition rendered sacred, most men
gravely deliberate how to prevent their body from being broken by the mattock and
devoured by the worm, when it is no longer capable of sensation; and purchase a
place for it in holy ground, when they believe the lot of its future existence to
be irrevocably determined. So strong is the association of pleasing or painful
ideas with certain opinions and actions which affect us while we live, that we
involuntarily act as if it was equally certain that they would affect us in the
same manner when we are dead, though this is an opinion that nobody will maintain.
Thus it happens, that the desire of preserving from reproach even the name that we
leave behind us, or of procuring it honour, is one of the most powerful principles
of action, among the inhabitants of the most speculative and enlightened nations.
Posthumous reputation, upon every principle, must be acknowledged to have no
influence upon the dead; yet the desire of obtaining and securing it, no force of
reason, no habits of thinking can subdue, except in those whom habitual baseness
and guilt have rendered indifferent to honour and shame while they lived. This
indeed seems to be among the happy imperfections of our nature, upon which the
general good of society in a certain measure depends; for as some crimes are
supposed to be prevented by hanging the body of the criminal in
chains after he is dead,* so in consequence of the same association of ideas, much
good is procured to society, and much evil prevented, by a desire of preventing
disgrace or procuring honour to a name, when nothing but a name remains.
Perhaps no better use can be made of reading an account of manners
altogether new, by which the follies and absurdities of mankind are taken out of
that particular connection in which habit has reconciled them to us, than to
consider in how many instances they are essentially the same. When an honest
devotee of the Church of Rome reads, that there are Indians on the banks of the
Ganges, who believe that they shall secure the happiness of a future state by
dying with a cow's tail in their hands, he laughs at their folly and superstition;
and if these Indians were to be told, that there are people upon the continent of
Europe, who imagine that they shall derive the same
advantage from dying with the slipper of a St. Francis upon their foot, they would
laugh in their turn. But if, when the Indian heard the account of the Catholic,
and the Catholic that of the Indian, each was to reflect, that there was no
difference between the absurdity of the slipper and of the tail; but that the veil
of prejudice and custom, which covered it in their own case, was withdrawn in the
other, they would turn their knowlege to a profitable purpose.
Having observed that bread-fruit had for some days been brought in less
quantities than usual, we enquired the reason; and were told, that there being a
great show of fruit upon the trees, they had been thinned all at once, in order to
make a kind of sour paste, which the natives call Mahie, and which, in consequence
of having undergone a fermentation, will keep a considerable time, and supply them
with food when no ripe fruit is to be had.
*On the 10th, the ceremony was to be performed, in
honour of the old woman whose sepulchral tabernacle has just been described, by
the chief mourner; and Mr. Banks had so great a curiosity to
see all the mysteries of the solemnity, that he determined to take a part in it,
being told, that he could be present upon no other condition. In the evening,
therefore, he repaired to the place where the body lay, and was received by the
daughter of the deceased, and several other persons, among whom was a boy about
fourteen years old, who were to assist in the ceremony. Tubourai Tamaide was to be
the principal mourner; and his dress, which was extremely fantastical, though not
unbecoming, is represented by a figure in one of the plates. Mr.
Banks was stripped of his European clothes,
and a small piece of cloth being tied round his middle, his body was smeared with
charcoal and water, as low as the shoulders, till it was as black as that of a
negroe: the same operation was performed upon several others, among whom were some
women, who were reduced to a state as near to nakedness as himself; the boy was
blacked all over, and then the procession set forward. Tubourai Tamaide uttered
something, which was supposed to be a prayer, near the body; and did the same when
he came up to his own house: when this was done, the procession was continued
towards the fort, permission having been obtained to approach it upon this
occasion. It is the custom of the Indians to fly from these processions with the
utmost precipitation, so that as soon as those who were about the fort, saw it at
a distance, they hid themselves in the woods. It proceeded from the fort along the
shore, and put to flight another body of Indians, consisting of more than an
hundred, every one hiding himself under the first shelter that he could find: it
then crossed the river, and entered the woods, passing several houses, all which
were deserted, and not a single Indian could be seen during the rest
of the procession,* which continued more than half an hour. The office that
Mr. Banks performed, was called that of the Nineveh, of
which there were two besides himself; and the natives having all disappeared, they
came to the chief mourner, and said imatata, there are no people, after which the
company was dismissed to wash themselves in the river, and put on their customary
apparel.
On the 12th, complaint being made to me,* by some of the
natives, that two of the seamen had taken from them several bows and arrows, and
some strings of plaited hair, I examined the matter, and finding the charge well
supported, I punished each of the criminals with two dozen lashes.
Their bows and arrows have not been mentioned before, nor were they often
brought down to the fort: This day, however, Tubourai Tamaide brought down his, in
consequence of a challenge which he had received from Mr. Gore. The Chief supposed
it was to try who could send the arrow farthest; Mr. Gore, who best could hit a
mark: and as Mr. Gore did not value himself upon shooting to a great distance, nor
the Chief upon hitting a mark, there was no trial of skill between them. Tubourai
Tamaide, however, to shew us what he could do, drew his bow, and sent an arrow,
none of which are feathered, two hundred and seventy-four yards, which is
something more than a seventh, and something less than a sixth part of a mile.
Their manner of shooting is somewhat singular; they kneel down, and the moment the
arrow is discharged, drop the bow.
Mr. Banks, in his morning walk this day, met a number of the
natives whom, upon enquiry, he found to be travelling musicians; and having learnt
where they were to be at night, we all repaired to the place. The band consisted
of two flutes and three drums,* and we found a great number of
people assembled upon the occasion. The drummers accompanied the musick with their
voices, and, to our great surprize, we discovered that we were generally the
subject of the song. We did not expect to have found among the uncivilized
inhabitants of this sequestered spot, a character, which has been the subject of
such praise and veneration where genius and knowlege have been most conspicuous;
yet these were the bards or minstrels of Otaheite. Their
song was unpremeditated, and accompanied with musick; they were continually going
about from place to place, and they were rewarded by the master of the house, and
the audience, with such things as one wanted and the other could spare.
*On the 14th, we were brought into new difficulties and
inconvenience by another robbery at the fort. In the middle of the night, one of
the natives contrived to steal an iron coal-rake, that was made use of for the
oven. It happened to be set up against the inside of the wall, so that the top of
the handle was visible from without; and we were informed that the thief, who had
been seen lurking there in the evening, came secretly about three o'clock in the
morning, and, watching his opportunity when the centinel's back was turned, very
dexterously laid hold of it with a long crooked stick, and drew it over the wall.
I thought it of some consequence, if possible, to put an end to these practices at
once, by doing something that should make it the common interest of the natives
themselves, to prevent them. I had given strict orders that they should not be
fired upon, even when detected in these attempts, for which I had many reasons:
the common centinels were by no means fit to be entrusted with a power of life and
death, to be exerted whenever they should think fit, and I had already experienced
that they were ready to take away the lives that were in their
power,* upon the slightest occasion; neither indeed did I think that the thefts
which these people committed against us, were, in them, crimes worthy of death:
that thieves are hanged in England, I thought no reason why
they should be shot in Otaheite; because, with respect to
the natives, it would have been an execution by a law ex post facto: they had no
such law among themselves, and it did not appear to me that we had any right to
make such a law for them. That they should abstain from theft, or be punished with
death, was not one of the conditions under which they claimed the advantages of
civil society, as it is among us; and as I was not willing to expose them to
fire-arms, loaded with shot, neither could I perfectly approve of firing only with
powder: at first, indeed, the noise and the smoke would alarm them, but when they
found that no mischief followed, they would be led to despise the weapons
themselves, and proceed to insults, which would make it necessary to put them to
the test, and from which they would be deterred by the very sight of a gun, if it
was never used but with effect. At this time, an accident furnished me with what I
thought a happy expedient. It happened that above twenty of their sailing canoes
were just come in with a supply of fish: upon these I immediately seized, and
bringing them into the river behind the fort, gave publick notice, that except the
rake, and all the rest of the things which from time to time had been stolen, were
returned, the canoes should be burnt. This menace I ventured to publish, though I
had no design to put it into execution, making no doubt but that it was well known
in whose possession the stolen goods were, and that as restitution was thus made a
common cause, they would all of them in a short time be brought back. A list of
the things was made out, consisting principally of the rake, the musquet which had been taken from the marine when the Indian was shot;* the pistols
which Mr. Banks lost with his clothes at Atahourou; a sword
belonging to one of the petty officers, and the water cask. About noon, the rake
was restored, and great solicitation was made for the release of the canoes; but I
still insisted upon my original condition.* The next day came, and nothing farther
was restored, at which I was much surprised, for the people were in the utmost
distress for the fish, which in a short time would be spoilt; I was, therefore,
reduced to a disagreeable situation, either of releasing the canoes, contrary to
what I had solemnly and publickly declared, or to detain them, to the great injury
of those who were innocent, without answering any good purpose to ourselves: as a
temporary expedient, I permitted them to take the fish; but still detained the
canoes. This very licence, however, was productive of new confusion and injury;
for, it not being easy at once to distinguish to what particular persons the
several lots of fish belonged, the canoes were plundered, under favour of this
circumstance, by those who had no right to any part of their cargo. Most pressing
instances were still made that the canoes might be restored, and I having now the
greatest reason to believe, either that the things for which I detained them were
not in the island, or that those who suffered by their detention had not
sufficient influence over the thieves to prevail upon them to relinquish their
booty, determined at length to give them up, not a little mortified at the bad
success of my project.
Another accident also about this time was, notwithstanding all our
caution, very near embroiling us with the Indians. I sent the boat on shore with
an officer to get ballast for the ship, and not immediately finding stones
convenient for the purpose, he began to pull down some part of an inclosure where
they deposited the bones of their dead: this the Indians violently
opposed,* and a messenger came down to the tents to acquaint the officers that
they would not suffer it. Mr. Banks immediately repaired to
the place, and an amicable end was soon put to the dispute, by sending the boat's
crew to the river, where stones enough were to be gathered without a possibility
of giving offence. It is very remarkable, that these Indians appeared to be much
more jealous of what was done to the dead than the living. This was the only
measure in which they ventured to oppose us, and the only insult that was offered
to any individual among us was upon a similar occasion. Mr. Monkhouse happening
one day to pull a flower from a tree which grew in one of their sepulchral
inclosures, an Indian, whose jealousy had probably been upon the watch, came
suddenly behind him, and struck him: Mr. Monkhouse laid hold of him, but he was
instantly rescued by two more, who took hold of Mr. Monkhouse's hair, and forced
him to quit his hold of their companion, and then ran away without offering him
any farther violence.
In the evening of the 19th,* while the canoes were still
detained, we received a visit from Oberea, which surprised us
not a little, as she brought with her none of the things that had been stolen, and
knew that she was suspected of having some of them in her custody. She said
indeed, that her favourite Obadee, whom she had beaten and dismissed, had taken
them away; but she seemed conscious, that she had no right to be believed: she
discovered the strongest signs of fear, yet she surmounted it with astonishing
resolution; and was very pressing to sleep with her attendants in Mr.
Banks's tent. In this, however, she was not gratified; the affair of
the jackets was too recent, and the tent was besides filled with other people. No
body else seemed willing to entertain her,* and she therefore, with
great appearance of mortification and disappointment, spent the night in her
canoe.
*The next morning early, she returned to the fort, with her canoe and
every thing that it contained, putting herself wholly into our power, with
something like greatness of mind, which excited our wonder and admiration. As the
most effectual means to bring about a reconciliation, she presented us with a hog,
and several other things, among which was a dog. We had lately learnt, that these
animals were esteemed by the Indians as more delicate food than their pork; and
upon this occasion we determined to try the experiment: the dog, which was very
fat, we consigned over to Tupia, who undertook to perform the
double office of butcher and cook. He killed him by holding his hands close over
his mouth and nose, an operation which continued above a quarter of an hour. While
this was doing, a hole was made in the ground about a foot deep, in which a fire
was kindled, and some small stones placed in layers alternately with the wood to
heat; the dog was then singed, by holding him over the fire, and, by scraping him
with a shell, the hair taken off as clean as if he had been scalded in hot water:
he was then cut up with the same instrument, and his entrails being taken out,
were sent to the sea, where being carefully washed, they were put into cocoa-nut
shells, with what blood had come from the body: when the hole was sufficiently
heated, the fire was taken out, and some of the stones, which were not so hot as
to discolour any thing that they touched, being placed at the bottom, were covered
with green leaves: the dog, with the entrails, was then placed upon the leaves,
and other leaves being laid upon them, the whole was covered with the rest of the
hot stones, and the mouth of the hole close stopped with mould: in somewhat less
than four hours it was again opened, and the dog taken out
excellently baked,* and we all agreed that he made a very good dish. The dogs
which are here bred to be eaten, taste no animal food, but are kept wholly upon
bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, yams, and other vegetables of the like kind: all the
flesh and fish eaten by the inhabitants is dressed in the same way.
On the 21st, we were visited at the fort by a Chief,* called
OAMO, whom we had never seen before, and who was treated by the natives with
uncommon respect; he brought with him a boy about seven years old, and a young
woman about sixteen: the boy was carried upon a man's back, which we considered as
a piece of state, for he was as well able to walk as any present. As soon as they
were in sight, Oberea, and several other natives who were in
the fort, went out to meet them, having first uncovered their heads and bodies as
low as the waist: as they came on, the same ceremony was performed by all the
natives who were without the fort. Uncovering the body, therefore, is in this
country probably a mark of respect; and as all parts are here exposed with equal
indifference, the ceremony of uncovering it from the waist downwards, which was
performed by Oorattooa, might be nothing more than a different mode of compliment,
adapted to persons of a different rank. The Chief came into the tent, but no
entreaty could prevail upon the young woman to follow him, though she seemed to
refuse contrary to her inclination: the natives without were indeed all very
solicitous to prevent her; sometimes, when her resolution seemed to fail, almost
using force: the boy also they restrained in the same manner; but Dr.
Solander happening to meet him at the gate, took him by the hand,
and led him in before the people were aware of it: as soon, however, as those that
were within saw him, they took care to have him sent out.
*These circumstances having strongly excited our curiosity, we
enquired who they were, and were informed, that Oamo was the husband of
Oberea, though they had been a long time separated by
mutual consent; and that the young woman and the boy were their children. We
learnt also, that the boy, whose name was TERRIDIRI, was heir apparent to the
sovereignty of the island, and that his sister was intended for his wife, the
marriage being deferred only till he should arrive at a proper age. The sovereign
at this time was a son of WHAPPAI, whose name was OUTOU, and who, as before has
been observed, was a minor. Whappai, Oamo, and Tootahah, were
brothers: Whappai was the eldest, and Oamo the second; so that, Whappai having no
child but Outou, Terridiri, the son of his next brother Oamo, was heir to the
sovereignty. It will, perhaps, seem strange that a boy should be sovereign during
the life of his father; but, according to the custom of the country, a child
succeeds to a father's title and authority as soon as it is born: a regent is then
elected, and the father of the new sovereign is generally continued in his
authority, under that title, till his child is of age; but, at this time, the
choice had fallen upon Tootahah, the uncle, in consequence of
his having distinguished himself in a war. Oamo asked many questions concerning
England and its inhabitants, by which he appeared to
have great shrewdness and understanding.
CHAP. XV.
An Account of the Circumnavigation of the Island, and
various Incidents that happened during the Expedition; with a Description of
a Burying-place and Place of Worship, called a Morai.
ON Monday the 26th,* about three o'clock in the morning, I
set out in the pinnace, accompanied by Mr. Banks, to make the
circuit of the island, with a view to sketch out the coast and harbours. We took
our route to the eastward, and about eight in the forenoon we went on shore, in a
district called OAHOUNUE, which is governed by AHIO, a young Chief, whom we had
often seen at the tents, and who favoured us with his company to breakfast. Here
also we found two other natives of our old acquaintance, TITUBOALO and HOONA, who
carried us to their houses, near which we saw the body of the old woman, at whose
funeral rites Mr. Banks had assisted, and which had been
removed hither from the spot where it was first deposited, this place having
descended from her by inheritance to Hoona, and it being necessary on that account
that it should lie here. We then proceeded on foot, the boat attending within
call, to the harbour in which Mr. Bougainville lay, called OHIDEA, where the
natives shewed us the ground upon which his people pitched their tent, and the
brook at which they watered, though no trace of them remained, except the holes
where the poles of the tent had been fixed, and a small piece of potsheard, which
Mr. Banks found in looking narrowly about the spot. We
met, however, with ORETTE, a Chief who was their principal friend,*
and whose brother OUTORROU went away with them.
This harbour lies on the west side of a great bay, under shelter of a
small island called BOOUROU, near which is another called TAAWIRRII; the breach in
the reefs is here very large, but the shelter for the ships is not the best.
Soon after we had examined this place, we took boat, and asked Tituboalo
to go with us to the other side of the bay; but he refused, and advised us not to
go, for he said the country there was inhabited by people who were not subject to
Tootahah, and who would kill both him and us. Upon
receiving this intelligence, we did not, as may be imagined, relinquish our
enterprize; but we immediately loaded our pieces with ball: this was so well
understood by Tituboalo as a precaution which rendered us formidable, that he now
consented to be of our party.
Having rowed till it was dark, we reached a low neck of land, or isthmus,
at the bottom of the bay, that divides the island into two peninsulas, each of
which is a district or government wholly independent of the other. From
Port-Royal, where the ship was at anchor, the coast trends E. by S. and E. S. E.
ten miles, then S. by E. and S. eleven miles to the isthmus. In the first
direction, the shore is in general open to the sea; but in the last it is covered
by reefs of rocks, which form several good harbours, with safe anchorage, in 16,
18, 20, and 24 fathom of water, with other conveniences. As we had not yet got
into our enemy's country, we determined to sleep on shore: we landed, and though
we found but few houses, we saw several double canoes whose owners were well known
to us, and who provided us with supper and lodging; of which Mr.
Banks was indebted for his share to Ooratooa,* the
lady who had paid him her compliments in so singular a manner at the fort.
In the morning, we looked about the country,* and found it to be a marshy
flat, about two miles over, across which the natives haul their canoes to the
corresponding bay on the other side. We then prepared to continue our rout for
what Tituboalo called the other kingdom; he said that the name of it was
TIARRABOU, or OTAHEITE ETE; and that of the Chief who governed it, WAHEATUA: upon
this occasion also, we learnt that the name of the peninsula where we had taken
our station was OPOUREONU, or OTAHEITE NUE. Our new associate seemed to be now in
better spirits than he had been the day before; the people in Tiarrabou would not
kill us, he said, but he assured us that we should be able to procure no victuals
among them; and indeed we had seen no bread-fruit since we set out.
After rowing a few miles, we landed in a district, which was the dominion
of a Chief called MARAITATA, the burying-place of men; whose father's name was
PAHAIREDO, the stealer of boats. Though these names seemed to favour the account
that had been given by Tituboalo, we soon found that it was not true. Both the
father and the son received us with the greatest civility, gave us provisions,
and, after some delay, sold us a very large hog for a hatchet. A crowd soon
gathered round us, but we saw only two people that we knew; neither did we observe
a single bead or ornament among them that had come from our ship, though we saw
several things which had been brought from Europe. In one
of the houses lay two twelve-pound shot, one of which was marked with the broad
arrow of England, though the people said they had them from
the ships that lay in Bougainville's harbour.
*We proceeded on foot till we came to the district which was
immediately under the government of the principal Chief, or King of the peninsula,
Waheatua. Waheatua had a son, but whether, according to the custom of Opoureonu,
he administered the government as regent, or in his own right, is uncertain. This
district consists of a large and fertile plain, watered by a river so wide, that
we were obliged to ferry over it in a canoe; our Indian train, however, chose to
swim, and took to the water with the same facility as a pack of hounds. In this
place we saw no house that appeared to be inhabited, but the ruins of many, that
had been very large. We proceeded along the shore, which forms a bay, called
OAITIPEHA, and at last we found the Chief sitting near some pretty canoe awnings,
under which, we supposed, he and his attendants slept. He was a thin old man, with
a very white head and beard, and had with him a comely woman, about five and
twenty years old, whose name was TOUDIDDE. We had often heard the name of this
woman, and, from report and observation, we had reason to think that she was the
OBEREA of this peninsula. From this place, between which and the isthmus there are
other harbours, formed by the reefs that lie along the shore, where shipping may
lie in perfect security, and from whence the land trends S. S. E. and S. to the S.
E. part of the island, we were accompanied by TEAREE, the son of Waheatua, of whom
we had purchased a hog, and the country we passed through appeared to be more
cultivated than any we had seen in other parts of the island: the brooks were
every where banked into narrow channels with stone, and the shore had also a
facing of stone, where it was washed by the sea. The houses were neither large nor
numerous, but the canoes that were hauled up along the shore were almost
innumerable, and superior to any that we had seen before, both in size and make; they were longer, the sterns were higher,* and the awnings were
supported by pillars. At almost every point there was a sepulchral building, and
there were many of them also in land. They were of the same figure as those in
Opoureonu, but they were cleaner and better kept, and decorated with many carved
boards, which were set upright, and on the top of which were various figures of
birds and men: on one in particular, there was the representation of a cock, which
was painted red and yellow, to imitate the feathers of that animal, and rude
images of men were, in some of them, placed one upon the head of another. But in
this part of the country, however fertile and cultivated, we did not see a single
bread-fruit; the trees were entirely bare, and the inhabitants seemed to subsist
principally upon nuts which are not unlike a chesnut, and which they call Ahee.
When we had walked till we were weary, we called up the boat, but both our
Indians, Tituboalo and Tuahow, were missing: they had, it seems, stayed behind at
Waheatua's, expecting us to return thither, in consequence of a promise which had
been extorted from us, and which we had it not in our power to fulfil.
Tearee, however, and another, embarked with us, and we proceeded till we
came a-breast of a small island called OTOOAREITE; it being then dark, we
determined to land, and our Indians conducted us to a place where they said we
might sleep: it was a deserted house, and near it was a little cove, in which the
boat might lie with great safety and convenience. We were, however, in want of
provisions, having been very sparingly supplied since we set out; and
Mr. Banks immediately went into the woods to see whether
any could be procured. As it was dark; he met with no people, and could find but
one house that was inhabited: a bread-fruit and a half,* a few
Ahees, and some fire, were all that it afforded; upon which, with a duck or two,
and a few curlieus, we made our supper, which, if not scanty, was disagreeable, by
the want of bread, with which we had neglected to furnish ourselves, as we
depended upon meeting with bread-fruit, and took up our lodging under the awning
of a canoe belonging to Tearee, which followed us.
*The next morning, after having spent some time in another fruitless
attempt to procure a supply of provisions, we proceeded round the south east
point, part of which is not covered by any reef, but lies open to the sea; and
here the hill rises directly from the shore. At the southermost part of the
island, the shore is again covered by a reef, which forms a good harbour; and the
land about it is very fertile. We made this rout partly on foot and partly in the
boat: when we had walked about three miles, we arrived at a place where we saw
several large canoes, and a number of people with them, whom we were agreeably
surprised to find were of our intimate acquaintance. Here, with much difficulty,
we procured some cocoa-nuts, and then embarked, taking with us Tuahow, one of the
Indians who had waited for us at Waheatua's, and had returned the night before,
long after it was dark.
When we came a-breast of the south-east end of the island, we went ashore,
by the advice of our Indian guide, who told us that the country was rich and good.
The Chief, whose name was OTOOAREITE, soon came down to us, but seemed to be a total
stranger both to us and to our trade: his subjects, however, brought us plenty of
cocoa-nuts, and about twenty bread-fruit. The bread-fruit we bought at a very dear
rate, but his excellency sold us a pig for a glass bottle, which he preferred to
every thing else that we could give him. We found in his possession
a goose and a turkey-cock,* which, we were informed, had been left upon the island
by the Dolphin: they were both enormously fat, and so tame that they followed the
Indians, who were fond of them to excess, wherever they went.
In a long house in this neighbourhood, we saw what was altogether new to
us. At one end of it, fastened to a semicircular board, hung fifteen human
jaw-bones; they appeared to be fresh, and there was not one of them that wanted a
single tooth. A sight so extraordinary, strongly excited our curiosity, and we
made many enquiries about it; but at this time could get no information, for the
people either could not, or would not understand us.
When we left this place, the Chief, Mathiabo, desired leave to accompany
us, which was readily granted. He continued with us the remainder of the day, and
proved very useful, by piloting us over the shoals. In the evening, we opened the
bay on the north west side of the island, which answered to that on the south
east, so as at the isthmus, or carrying-place, almost to intersect the island, as
I have observed before; and when we had coasted about two-thirds of it, we
determined to go on shore for the night. We saw a large house at some distance,
which, Mathiabo informed us, belonged to one of his friends; and soon after
several canoes came off to meet us, having on board some very handsome women, who,
by their behaviour, seemed to have been sent to entice us on shore. As we had
before resolved to take up our residence here for the night, little invitation was
necessary. We found that the house belonged to the Chief of the district, whose
name was WIVEROU; he received us in a very friendly manner, and ordered his people
to assist us in dressing our provision, of which we had now got a tolerable stock.* When our supper was ready, we were conducted into that part
of the house where Wiverou was sitting, in order to eat it; Mathiabo supped with
us, and Wiverou calling for his supper at the same time, we eat our meal very
sociably, and with great good-humour. When it was over, we began to enquire where
we were to sleep, and a part of the house was shewn us, of which we were told we
might take possession for that purpose. We then sent for our cloaks, and
Mr. Banks began to undress, as his custom was, and, with a
precaution which he had been taught by the loss of the jackets at Atahourou, sent
his clothes aboard the boat, proposing to cover himself with a piece of Indian
cloth. When Mathiabo perceived what was doing, he also pretended to want a cloak;
and, as he had behaved very well, and done us some service, a cloak was ordered
for him. We lay down, and observed that Mathiabo was not with us; but we supposed
that he was gone to bathe, as the Indians always do before they sleep. We had not
waited long, however, when an Indian, who was a stranger to us, came and told
Mr. Banks, that the cloak and Mathiabo had disappeared
together. This man had so far gained our confidence, that we did not at first
believe the report; but it being soon after confirmed by Tuahow, our own Indian,
we knew no time was to be lost. As it was impossible for us to pursue the thief
with any hope of success, without the assistance of the people about us,
Mr. Banks started up, and telling our case, required them
to recover the cloak; and to enforce his requisition, shewed one of his pocket
pistols, which he always kept about him. Upon the sight of the pistol, the whole
company took the alarm, and, instead of assisting to catch the thief, or recover
what had been stolen, began with great precipitation to leave the place; one of
them, however, was seized, upon which he immediately offered to direct the chace:
I set out therefore with Mr. Banks, and though
we ran all the way,* the alarm had got before us, for in about ten minutes we met
a man bringing back the cloak, which the thief had relinquished in great terror;
and as we did not then think fit to continue the pursuit, he made his escape. When
we returned, we found the house, in which there had been between two and three
hundred people, entirely deserted. It being, however, soon known that we had no
resentment against any body but Mathiabo, the Chief Wiverou, our host, with his
wife and many others, returned, and took up their lodging with us for the night.
In this place, however, we were destined to more confusion and trouble, for about
five o'clock in the morning our sentry alarmed us, with an account that the boat
was missing: he had seen her, he said, about half an hour before, at her
grappling, which was not above fifty yards from the shore; but upon hearing the
sound of oars, he had looked out again, and could see nothing of her. At this
account we started up greatly alarmed, and ran to the water side: the morning was
clear and star light, so that we could see to a considerable distance, but there
was no appearance of the boat. Our situation was now such as might justify the
most terrifying apprehensions; as it was a dead calm, and we could not therefore
suppose her to have broken from her grappling, we had great reason to fear that
the Indians had attacked her, and finding the people asleep, had succeeded in
their enterprize: we were but four, with only one musquet and two pocket pistols,
without a spare ball or charge of powder for either. In this state of anxiety and
distress we remained a considerable time, expecting the Indians every moment to
improve their advantage, when, to our unspeakable satisfaction, we saw the boat
return, which had been driven from her grappling by the tide; a circumstance to which,* in our confusion and surprise, we did not advert.
*As soon as the boat returned, we got our breakfast, and were impatient to
leave the place, lest some other vexatious accident should befal us. It is
situated on the north side of Tiarrabou, the south east peninsula, or division, of
the island, and at the distance of about five miles south east from the isthmus,
having a large and commodious harbour, inferior to none in the island, about which
the land is very rich in produce. Notwithstanding we had had little communication
with this division, the inhabitants every where received us in a friendly manner;
we found the whole of it fertile and populous, and, to all appearance, in a more
flourishing state than Opoureonu, though it is not above one fourth part as large.
The next district in which we landed, was the last in Tiarrabou, and
governed by a Chief, whose name we understood to be OMOE. Omoe was building a
house, and being therefore very desirous of procuring a hatchet, he would have
been glad to have purchased one with any thing that he had in his possession; it
happened, however, rather unfortunately for him and us, that we had not one
hatchet left in the boat. We offered to trade with nails, but he would not part
with any thing in exchange for them; we therefore reimbarked, and put off our
boat, but the Chief being unwilling to relinquish all hope of obtaining something
from us that would be of use to him, embarked in a canoe, with his wife
WHANNO-OUDA, and followed us. After some time, we took them into the boat, and
when we had rowed about a league, they desired we would put ashore: we immediately
complied with his request, and found some of his people who had
brought down a very large hog.* We were as unwilling to lose the hog, as the Chief
was to part with us, and it was indeed worth the best axe we had in the ship; we
therefore hit upon an expedient, and told him, that if he would bring his hog to
the fort at MATAVAI, the Indian name for Port Royal bay, he should have a large
axe, and a nail into the bargain, for his trouble. To this proposal, after having
consulted with his wife, he agreed, and gave us a large piece of his country cloth
as a pledge that he would perform, his agreement, which, however, he never did.
At this place we saw a very singular curiosity: it was the figure of a
man, constructed of basket work, rudely made, but not ill designed; it was
something more than seven feet high, and rather too bulky in proportion to its
height. The wicker skeleton was completely covered with feathers, which were white
where the skin was to appear, and black in the parts which it is their custom to
paint or stain, and upon the head, where there was to be a representation of hair:
upon the head also were four protuberances, three in front and one behind, which
we should have called horns, but which the Indians dignified with the name of TATE
ETE, little men. The image was called MANIOE, and was said to be the only one of
the kind in Otaheite. They attempted to give us an
explanation of its use and design, but we had not then acquired enough of their
language to understand them. We learnt, however, afterwards, that it was a
representation of Mauwe, one of their Eatuas, or gods of the second class.
After having settled our affairs with Omoe, we proceeded on our return,
and soon reached Opoureonu, the north-west peninsula. After rowing a few miles, we
went on shore again, but the only thing we saw worth notice, was a repository for
the dead, uncommonly decorated: the pavement was extremely neat,*
and upon it was raised a pyramid, about five feet high, which was intirely covered
with the fruits of two plants, peculiar to the country. Near the pyramid was a
small image of stone, of very rude workmanship, and the first instance of carving
in stone that we had seen among these people. They appeared to set a high value
upon it, for it was covered from the weather by a shed, that had been erected on
purpose.
We proceeded in the boat, and passed through the only harbour, on the
south side of Opoureonu, that is fit for shipping. It is situated about five miles
to the westward of the isthmus, between two small islands that lie near the shore,
and about a mile distant from each other, and affords good anchorage in eleven and
twelve fathom water. We were now not far from the district called PAPARRA, which
belonged to our friends Oamo and Oberea, where we proposed to
sleep. We went on shore about an hour before night, and found that they were both
absent, having left their habitations to pay us a visit at Matavai: this, however,
did not alter our purpose, we took up our quarters at the house of
Oberea, which, though small, was very neat, and at this
time had no inhabitant but her father, who received us with looks that bid us
welcome. Having taken possession, we were willing to improve the little day-light
that was left us, and therefore walked out to a point, upon which we had seen, at
a distance, trees that are here called Etoa, which generally distinguish the
places where these people bury the bones of their dead: their name for such
burying-grounds, which are also places of worship, is MORAI. We were soon struck
with the sight of an enormous pile, which, we were told, was the Morai of Oamo and
Oberea, and the principal piece of Indian architecture in
the island. It was a pile of stone work, raised pyramidically, upon an oblong
base, or square, two hundred and sixty-seven feet long,* and
eighty-seven wide. It was built like the small pyramidal mounts upon which we
sometimes fix the pillar of a sun-dial, where each side is a flight of steps; the
steps, however, at the sides, were broader than those at the ends, so that it
terminated not in a square of the same figure with the base, but in a ridge, like
the roof of a house: there were eleven of these steps, each of which was four feet
high, so that the height of the pile was forty-four feet; each step was formed of
one course of white coral stone, which was neatly squared and polished, the rest
of the mass, for there was no hollow within, consisted of round pebbles, which,
from the regularity of their figure, seemed to have been wrought. Some of the
coral stones were very large; we measured one of them, and found it three feet and
an half by two feet and an half. The foundation was of rock stones, which were
also squared; and one of them measured four feet seven inches by two feet four.
Such a structure, raised without the assistance of iron tools to shape the stones,
or mortar to join them, struck us with astonishment: it seemed to be as compact
and firm as it could have been made by any workman in
Europe, except that the steps, which range along its
greatest length, are not perfectly strait, but sink in a kind of hollow in the
middle, so that the whole surface, from end to end, is not a right line, but a
curve. The quarry stones, as we saw no quarry in the neighbourhood, must have been
brought from a considerable distance; and there is no method of conveyance here
but by hand: the coral must also have been fished from under the water, where,
though it may be found in plenty, it lies at a considerable depth, never less than
three feet. Both the rock stone and the coral could be squared only by tools made
of the same substance, which must have been a work of incredible labour; but the
polishing was more easily effected by means of the sharp coral
sand,* which is found every where upon the sea-shore in great abundance. In the
middle of the top stood the image of a bird, carved in wood; and near it lay the
broken one of a fish, carved in stone. The whole of this pyramid made part of one
side of a spacious area or square, nearly of equal sides, being three hundred and
sixty feet by three hundred and fifty-four, which was walled in with stone, and
paved with flat stones in its whole extent; though there were growing in it,
notwithstanding the pavement, several of the trees which they call Etoa, and
plantains. About an hundred yards to the west of this building, was another paved
area or court, in which were several small stages raised on wooden pillars, about
seven feet high, which are called by the Indians Ewattas, and seem to be a kind of
altars, as upon these are placed provisions of all kinds as offerings to their
gods; we have since seen whole hogs placed upon them, and we found here the sculls
of above fifty, besides the sculls of a great number of dogs.
The principal object of ambition among these people is to have a
magnificent Morai, and this was a striking memorial of the rank and power of
Oberea. It has been remarked, that we did not find her
invested with the same authority that she exercised when the Dolphin was at this
place, and we now learnt the reason of it. Our way from her house to the Morai lay
along the sea side, and we observed every where under our feet a great number of
human bones, chiefly ribs and vertebrae. Upon enquiring into the cause of so
singular an appearance, we were told, that in the then last month of Owarahew,
which answered to our December, 1768, about four or five months before our
arrival, the people of Tiarrabou, the S. E. peninsula which we had just visited,
made a descent at this place, and killed a great number of people, whose bones
were those that we saw upon the shore: that, upon this occasion,
Oberea, and Oamo,* who then administered the government
for his son, had fled to the mountains; and that the conquerors burnt all the
houses, which were very large, and carried away the hogs and what other animals
they found. We learnt also, that the turkey and goose, which we had seen when we
were with Mathiabo, the stealer of cloaks, were among the spoils; this accounted
for their being found among people with whom the Dolphin had little or no
communication; and upon mentioning the jaw-bones, which we had seen hanging from a
board in a long house, we were told, that they also had been carried away as
trophies, the people here carrying away the jaw-bones of their enemies, as the
Indians of North America do the scalps.
After having thus gratified our curiosity, we returned to our quarters,
where we passed the night in perfect security and quiet. By the next evening we
arrived at Atahourou,* the residence of our friend Tootahah,
where, the last time we passed the night under his protection, we had been obliged
to leave the best part of our clothes behind us. This adventure, however, seemed
now to be forgotten on both sides. Our friends received us with great pleasure,
and gave us a good supper and a good lodging, where we suffered neither loss or
disturbance.
The next day, Saturday, July the 1st,* we got back to our
fort at Matavai, having found the circuit of the island, including both
peninsulas, to be about thirty leagues. Upon our complaining of the want of
bread-fruit, we were told, that the produce of the last season was nearly
exhausted; and that what was seen sprouting upon the trees, would not be fit to
use in less than three months; this accounted for our having been able to procure
so little of it in our route.
*While the bread-fruit is ripening upon the flats, the inhabitants
are supplied in some measure from the trees which they have planted upon the hills
to preserve a succession; but the quantity is not sufficient to prevent scarcity:
they live therefore upon the four paste which they call Mahie, upon wild
plantains, and ahee-nuts, which at this time are in perfection. How it happened
that the Dolphin, which was here at this season, found such plenty of bread-fruit
upon the trees, I cannot tell, except the season in which they ripen varies.
At our return, our Indian friends crouded about us, and none of them came
empty-handed. Though I had determined to restore the canoes which had been
detained to their owners, it had not yet been done; but I now released them as
they were applied for. Upon this occasion I could not but remark with concern,
that these people were capable of practising petty frauds against each other, with
a deliberate dishonesty, which gave me a much worse opinion of them than I had
ever entertained from the robberies they committed under the strong temptation to
which a sudden opportunity of enriching themselves with the inestimable metal and
manufactures of Europe exposed them.
Among others who applied to me for the release of a canoe, was one
POTATTOW, a man of some consequence, well known to us all. I consented, supposing
the vessel to be his own, or that he applied on the behalf of a friend: he went
immediately to the beach, and took possession of one of the boats, which, with the
assistance of his people, he began to carry off. Upon this, however, it was
eagerly claimed by the right owners, who, supported by the other Indians,
clamourously reproached him for invading their property, and prepared to take the
canoe from him by force. Upon this, he desired to be heard, and told
them, that the canoe did,* indeed, once belong to those who claimed it; but that
I, having seized it as a forfeit, had sold it to him for a pig. This silenced the
clamour, the owners, knowing that from my power there was no appeal, acquiesced;
and Potattow would have carried off his prize, if the dispute had not fortunately
been overheard by some of our people who reported it to me. I gave orders
immediately that the Indians should be undeceived; upon which the right owners
took possession of their canoe, and Potattow was so conscious of his guilt, that
neither he nor his wife, who was privy to his knavery, could look us in the face
for some time afterwards.
CHAP. XVI.
An Expedition of Mr. Banks to trace
the River: Marks of subterraneous Fire: Preparations for leaving the Island:
An Account of Tupai.
*ON the 3d, Mr. Banks fet out early in
the morning, with some Indian guides, to trace our river up the valley from which
it issues, and examine how far it's banks were inhabited. For about six miles they
met with houses, not far distant from each other, on each side of the river, and
the valley was every where about four hundred yards wide from the foot of the hill
on one side, to the foot of that on the other; but they were now shewn a house
which they were told was the last that they would see. When they came up to it,
the master of it offered them refreshments of cocoa-nuts and other fruit, of which
they accepted; after a short stay, they walked forward for a considerable time; in
bad way it is not easy to compute distances, but they imagined that they had
walked about six miles farther, following the course of the river, when they
frequently passed under vaults, formed by fragments of the rock, in which they
were told people who were benighted frequently passed the night. Soon after they
found the river banked by steep rocks, from which a cascade, falling with great
violence, formed a pool, so steep, that the Indians said they could not pass it.
They seemed, indeed, not much to be acquainted with the valley beyond this place,
their business lying chiefly upon the declivity of the rocks on each
side,* and the plains which extended on their summits, where they found plenty of
a wild plantain, which they called Vae. The way up these rocks from the banks of
the river was in every respect dreadful; the sides were nearly perpendicular, and
in some places one hundred feet high; they were also rendered exceeding slippery
by the water of innumerable springs which issued from the fissures on the surface:
yet up these precipices a way was to be traced by a succession of long pieces of
the bark of the Hibiscus tiliaceus, which served as a rope for the climber to take
hold of, and assisted him in scrambling from one ledge to another, though upon
these ledges there was footing only for an Indian or a goat. One of these ropes
was nearly thirty feet in length, and their guides offered to assist them in
mounting this pass, but recommended another at a little distance lower down, as
less difficult and dangerous. They took a view of this "better way," but found it
so bad that they did not to chuse to attempt it, as there was nothing at the top
to reward their toil and hazard but a grove of the wild plantain or Vae tree,
which they had often seen before.
During this excursion, Mr. Banks had an excellent
opportunity to examine the rocks, which were almost every where naked, for
minerals; but he found not the least appearance of any. The stones every where,
like those of Madeira, shewed manifest tokens of having
been burnt; nor is there a single specimen of any stone, among all those that were
collected in the island, upon which there are not manifest and indubitable marks
of fire; except perhaps some small pieces of the hatchet-stone, and even of that,
other fragments were collected which are burnt almost to a pumice. Traces of fire
are also manifest in the very clay upon the hills; and it may, therefore, not
unreasonably be supposed, that this, and the neighbouring islands, are either
shattered remains of a continent,* which some have supposed to be
necessary in this part of the globe, to preserve an equilibrium of its parts,
which were left behind when the rest sunk by the mining of a subterraneous fire,
so as to give a passage to the sea over it; or were torn from rocks, which, from
the creation of the world, had been the bed of the sea, and thrown up in heaps, to
a height which the waters never reach. One or other of these suppositions will
perhaps be thought the more probable, as the water does not gradually grow shallow
as the shore is approached, and the islands are almost every where surrounded by
reefs, which appear to be rude and broken, as some violent concussion would
naturally leave the solid substance of the earth. It may also be remarked upon
this occasion, that the most probable cause of earthquakes seems to be the sudden
rushing in of water upon some vast mass of subterraneous fire, by the
instantaneous rarefaction of which into vapour, the mine is sprung, and various
substances, in all stages of vitrification, with shells, and other marine
productions, that are now found fossil, and the strata that covered the furnace,
are thrown up; while those parts of the land which were supported upon the broken
shell give way, and sink into the gulph. With this theory the phaenomena of all
earthquakes seem to agree; pools of water are frequently left where land has
subsided, and various substances, which manifestly appear to have suffered by the
action of fire, are thrown up. It is indeed true, that fire cannot subsist without
air; but this cannot be urged against there being fire below that part of the
earth which forms the bed of the sea; because there may be innumerable fissures by
which a communication between those parts and the external air may be kept up,
even upon the highest mountains, and at the greatest distance from the sea-shore.
On the 4th,* Mr. Banks employed
himself in planting a great quantity of the seeds of water-melons, oranges,
lemons, limes, and other plants and trees which be had collected at Rio
de Janeiro. For these he prepared ground on each side of the fort,
with as many varieties of soil as he could chuse; and there is little doubt but
that they will succeed. He also gave liberally of these seeds to the Indians, and
planted many of them in the woods: some of the melon seeds having been planted
soon after our arrival, the natives shewed him several of the plants which
appeared to be in the most flourishing condition, and were continually asking him
for more.
We now began to prepare for our departure, by bending the sails and
performing other necessary operations on board the ship, our water being already
on board, and the provisions examined. In the mean time we had another visit from
Oamo, Oberea, and their son and daughter; the Indians
expressing their respect by uncovering the upper parts of their body as they had
done before. The daughter, whose name we understood to be TOIMATA, was very
desirous to see the fort, but her father would by no means suffer her to come in.
Tearee, the son of Waheatua, the sovereign of Tiarrabou, the south east peninsula,
was also with us at this time; and we received intelligence of the landing of
another guest, whose company was neither expected nor desired: this was no other
than the ingenious gentleman who contrived to steal our quadrant. We were told,
that he intended to try his fortune again in the night; but the Indians all
offered very zealously to assist us against him, desiring that, for this purpose,
they might be permitted to lie in the fort. This had so good an effect, that the
thief relinquished his enterprize in despair.
*On the 7th, the carpenters were employed in taking down
the gates and pallisadoes of our little fortification, for firewood on board the
ship; and one of the Indians had dexterity enough to steal the staple and hook
upon which the gate turned: he was immediately pursued, and after a chace of six
miles, he appeared to have been passed, having concealed himself among some rushes
in the brook; the rushes were searched, and though the thief had escaped, a
scraper was found which had been stolen from the ship sometime before; and soon
after our old friend Tubourai Tamaide brought us the staple.
*On the 8th and 9th, we continued to dismantle
our fort, and our friends still flocked about us; some, I believe, sorry at the
approach of our departure, and others desirous to make as much as they could of us
while we staid.
We were in hopes that we should now leave the island, without giving or
receiving any other offence; but it unfortunately happened otherwise. Two foreign
seamen having been out with my permission, one of them was robbed of his knife,
and endeavouring to recover it, probably with circumstances of great provocation,
the Indians attacked him and dangerously wounded him with a stone; they wounded
his companion also slightly in the head, and then fled into the mountains. As I
should have been sorry to take any farther notice of the affair, I was not
displeased that the offenders had escaped; but I was immediately involved in a
quarrel which I very much regretted, and which yet it was not possible to avoid.
In the middle of the night between the 8th and
9th, Clement Webb and Samuel Gibson, two of the marines, both
young men, went privately from the fort, and in the morning were not to be found.
As publick notice had been given, that all hands were to go on board
on the next day,* and that the ship would sail on the morrow of that day or the
day following, I began to fear that the absentees intended to stay behind. I knew
that I could take no effectual steps to recover them, without endangering the
harmony and good-will which at present subsisted among us; and, therefore,
determined to wait a day for the chance of their return.
On Monday morning the 10th, the marines,* to my great
concern, not being returned, an enquiry was made after them of the Indians, who
frankly told us, that they did not intend to return, and had taken refuge in the
mountains, where it was impossible for our people to find them. They were then
requested to assist in the search, and after some deliberation, two of them
undertook to conduct such persons as I should think proper to send after them to
the place of their retreat. As they were known to be without arms, I thought two
would be sufficient, and accordingly dispatched a petty officer, and the corporal
of the marines, with the Indian guides, to fetch them back. As the recovery of
these men was a matter of great importance, as I had no time to lose, and as the
Indians spoke doubtfully of their return, telling us, that they had each of them
taken a wife, and were become inhabitants of the country, it was intimated to
several of the Chiefs who were in the fort with their women, among whom were
Tubourai Tamaide, Tomio, and Oberea, that they would not be
permitted to leave it till our deserters were brought back. This precaution I
thought the more necessary, as, by concealing them a few days, they might compel
me to go without them; and I had the pleasure to observe, that they received the
intimation with very little signs either of fear or discontent; assuring me that
my people should be secured and sent back as soon as possible. While this was
doing at the fort, I sent Mr. Hicks in the pinnace to fetch Tootahah on board the ship,* which he did,
without alarming either him or his people. If the Indian guides proved faithful
and in earnest, I had reason to expect the return of my people with the deserters
before evening. Being disappointed, my suspicions increased; and night coming on,
I thought it was not safe to let the people whom I had detained as hostages
continue at the fort, and I therefore ordered Tubourai Tamaide,
Oberea, and some others, to be taken on board the ship.
This spread a general alarm, and several of them, especially the women, expressed
their apprehensions with great emotion and many tears when they were put into the
boat. I went on board with them, and Mr. Banks remained on
shore, with some others whom I thought it of less consequence to secure.
About nine o'clock, Webb was brought back by some of the natives, who
declared, that Gibson, and the petty officer and corporal, would be detained till
Tootahah should be set at liberty. The tables were now
turned upon me; but I had proceeded too far to retreat. I immediately dispatched
Mr. Hicks in the long-boat, with a strong party of men, to
rescue the prisoners, and told tootahah that it behoved him to send some of his
people with them, with orders to afford them effectual assistance, and to demand
the release of my men in his name, for that I should expect him to answer for the
contrary. He readily complied; this party recovered my men without the least
opposition; and about seven o'clock in the morning,* returned with them to the
ship, though they had not been able to recover the arms which had been taken from
them when they were seized: these, however, were brought on board in less than
half an hour, and the Chiefs were immediately set at liberty.
When I questioned the petty officer concerning what had happened on shore,
he told me, that neither the natives who went with him, nor those
whom they met in their way,* would give them any intelligence of the deserters;
but, on the contrary, became very troublesome: that, as he was returning for
further orders to the ship, he and his comrade were suddenly seized by a number of
armed men, who having learnt that Tootahah was confined, had
concealed themselves in a wood for that purpose, and, who having taken them at a
disadvantage, forced their weapons out of their hands, and declared, that they
would detain them till their Chief should be set at liberty. He said, however,
that the Indians were not unanimous in this measure; that some were for setting
them at liberty, and others for detaining them: that an eager dispute ensued, and
that from words they came to blows, but that the party for detaining them at
length prevailed: that soon after, Webb and Gibson were brought in by a party of
the natives, as prisoners, that they also might be secured as hostages for the
Chief; but that it was after some debate resolved to send Webb to inform me of
their resolution, to assure me that his companions were safe, and direct me where
I might send my answer. Thus it appears that whatever were the disadvantages of
seizing the Chiefs, I should never have recovered my men by any other method. When
the Chiefs were set on shore from the ship, those at the fort were also set at
liberty, and, after staying with Mr. Banks about an hour, they all went away. Upon
this occasion, as they had done upon another of the same kind, they expressed
their joy by an undeserved liberality, strongly urging us to accept of four hogs.
These we absolutely refused as a present, and they as absolutely refusing to be
paid for them, the hogs did not change masters. Upon examining the deserters, we
found that the account which the Indians had given of them was true: they had
strongly attached themselves to two girls, and it was their
intention to conceal themselves till the ship had sailed,* and take up their
residence upon the island. This night every thing was got off from the shore, and
every body slept on board.
Among the natives who were almost constantly with us, was
Tupia, whose name has been often mentioned in this
narrative. He had been, as I have before observed, the first minister of
Oberea, when she was in the height of her power: he was
also the chief Tahowa or priest of the island, consequently well acquainted with
the religion of the country; as well with respect to its ceremonies as principles.
He had also great experience and knowlege in navigation, and was particularly
acquainted with the number and situation of the neighbouring islands. This man had
often expressed a desire to go with us,* and on the 12th in the
morning, having with the other natives left us the day before, he came on board,
with a boy about thirteen years of age, his servant, and urged us to let him
proceed with us on our voyage. To have such a person on board, was certainly
desirable for many reasons; by learning his language, and teaching him ours, we
should be able to acquire a much better knowlege of the customs, policy, and
religion of the people, than our short stay among them could give us, I therefore
gladly agreed to receive them on board. As we were prevented from sailing to-day,
by having found it necessary to make new stocks to our small and best bower
anchors, the old ones having been totally destroyed by the worms,
Tupia said, he would go once more on shore, and make a
signal for the boat to fetch him off in the evening. He went accordingly, and took
with him a miniature picture of Mr. Banks's, to shew his friends, and several
little things to give them as parting presents.
After dinner,* Mr. Banks being desirous to
procure a drawing of the Morai belonging to Tootahah at
Eparré, I attended him thither, accompanied by Dr. Solander, in the pinnace. As
soon as we landed, many of our friends came to meet us, though some absented
themselves in resentment of what had happened the day before. We immediately
proceeded to Tootahah's house, were we were joined by
Oberea, with several others who had not come out to meet
us, and a perfect reconciliation was soon brought about; in consequence of which
they promised to visit us early the next day, to take a last farewel of us, as we
told them we should certainly set sail in the afternoon. At this place also we
found Tupia, who returned with us, and slept this night on
board the ship for the first time.
On the next morning, Thursday the 13th of July,* the ship was
very early crouded with our friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes,
which were filled with the natives of an inferior class. Between eleven and twelve
we weighed anchor, and as soon as the ship was under sail, the Indians on board
took their leaves, and wept, with a decent and silent sorrow, in which there was
something very striking and tender: the people in the canoes, on the contrary,
seemed to vie with each other in the loudness of their lamentations, which we
considered rather as affectation than grief. Tupia sustained
himself in this scene with a firmness and resolution truly admirable: he wept
indeed, but the effort that he made to conceal his tears, concurred, with them, to
do him honour. He sent his last present, a shirt, by Otheothea, to Potomai,
Tootahah's favourite mistress, and then went with
Mr. Banks to the mast-head, waving to the canoes as long
as they continued in sight.
*Thus we took leave of Otaheite, and its
inhabitants, after a stay of just three months; for much the greater part of the
time we lived together in the most cordial friendship, and a perpetual
reciprocation of good offices. The accidental differences which now and then
happened, could not be more sincerely regretted on their part than they were on
ours: the principal causes were such as necessarily resulted from our situation
and circumstances, in conjunction with the infirmities of human nature, from our
not being able perfectly to understand each other, and from the disposition of the
inhabitants to theft, which we could not at all times bear with or prevent. They
had not, however, except in one instance, been attended with any fatal
consequence; and to that accident were owing the measures that I took to prevent
others of the same kind. I hoped, indeed, to have availed myself of the impression
which had been made upon them by the lives that had been sacrificed in their
contest with the Dolphin, so as that the intercourse between us should have been
carried on wholly without bloodshed; and by this hope all my measures were
directed during the whole of my continuance at the island, and I sincerely wish,
that whoever shall next visit it, may be still more fortunate. Our traffick here
was carried on with as much order as in the best regulated market in
Europe. It was managed principally by Mr.
Banks, who was indefatigable in procuring provision and refreshments
while they were to be had; but during the latter part of our time they became
scarce, partly by the increased consumption at the fort and ship, and partly by
the coming on of the season in which cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit fail. All kind of
fruit we purchased for beads and nails, but no nails less than fortypenny were
current: after a very short time we could never get a pig of more than ten or
twelve pounds, for less than a hatchet; because,* though these
people set a high value upon spike nails, yet these being an article with which
many people in the ship were provided, the women found a much more easy way of
procuring them than by bringing down provisions.
The best articles for traffick here are axes, hatchets, spikes, large
nails, looking-glasses, knives, and beads, for some of which, every thing that the
natives have may be procured. They are indeed fond of fine linen cloth, both white
and printed; but an ax worth half a crown, will fetch more than a piece of cloth
worth twenty shillings.
CHAP. XVII.
A particular Description of the Island; its Produce and
Inhabitants; their Dress, Habitations, Food, domestic Life and
Amusements.
*WE found the longitude of Port-Royal bay, in this island, as settled by
Captain Wallis, who discovered it on the 9th of June 1767, to be
within half a degree of the truth. We found Point Venus, the northern extremity of
the island, and the eastern point of the bay, to lie in the longitude of 149°
30′ this being the mean result of a great number of observations made
upon the spot. The island is surrounded by a reef of coral rock, which forms
several excellent bays and harbours, some of which have been particularly
described, where there is room and depth of water for any number of the largest
ships. Port-Royal bay, called by the natives Matavai, which is not inferior to any
in Otaheite, may easily be known by a very high mountain in
the middle of the island, which bears due south from Point Venus. To sail into it,
either keep the west point of the reef that lies before Point Venus, close on
board, or give it a birth of near half a mile, in order to avoid a small shoal of
coral rocks, on which there is but two fathom and an half of water. The best
anchoring is on the eastern side of the bay, where there is sixteen and fourteen
fathom upon an ousey bottom. The shore of the bay is a fine sandy beach, behind
which runs a river of fresh water, so that any number of ships may water here
without incommoding each other; but the only wood for firing, upon the whole
island, is that of
[illustration] [illustration]
[illustration] fruit trees, which must be
purchased of the natives,* or all hope of living upon good terms with them given
up. There are some harbours to the westward of this bay which have not been
mentioned, but, as they are contiguous to it, and laid down in the plan, a
description of them is unnecessary. The face of the country, except that part of
it which borders upon the sea, is very uneven; it rises in ridges that run up into
the middle of the island, and there form mountains, which may be seen at the
distance of sixty miles: between the foot of these ridges and the sea, is a border
of low land, surrounding the whole island, except in a few places where the ridges
rise directly from the sea: the border of low land is in different parts of
different breadths, but no where more than a mile and a half. The soil, except
upon the very tops of the ridges, is extremely rich and fertile, watered by a
great number of rivulets of excellent water, and covered with fruit trees of
various kinds, some of which are of a stately growth and thick foliage, so as to
form one continued wood; and even the tops of the ridges, through in general they
are bare, and burnt up by the sun, are, in some parts, not without their produce.
The low land that lies between the foot of the ridges and the sea, and
some of the vallies, are the only parts of the island that are inhabited, and here
it is populous; the houses do not form villages or towns, but are ranged along the
whole border at the distance of about fifty yards from each other, with little
plantations of plantains, the tree which furnishes them with cloth. The whole
island, according to Tupia's account, who certainly knew,
could furnish six thousand seven hundred and eighty fighting men, from which the
number of inhabitants may easily be computed.
*The produce of this island is bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, bananas, of
thirteen forts, the best we had ever eaten; plantains; a fruit not unlike an
apple, which, when ripe, is very pleasant; sweet potatoes, yams, cocoas, a kind of
Arum; a fruit known here by the name of Jambu, and reckoned most delicious; sugar
cane, which the inhabitants eat raw; a root of the salop kind, called by the
inhabitants Pea; a plant called Ethee, of which the root only is eaten; a fruit
that grows in a pod, like that of a large kidney-bean, which, when it is roasted,
eats very much like a chesnut, by the natives called Ahee; a tree called Wharra,
called in the East Indies Pandanes, which produces fruit, something like the
pine-apple; a shrub called Nono; the Morinda, which also produces fruit; a species
of fern, of which the root is eaten, and sometimes the leaves; and a plant called
Theve, of which the root also is eaten: but the fruits of the Nono, the fern, and
the Theve, are eaten only by the inferior people, and in times of scarcity. All
these, which serve the inhabitants for food, the earth produces spontaneously, or
with so little culture, that they seem to be exempted from the first general
curse, that "man should eat his bread in the sweat of his brow." They have also
the Chinese paper mulberry, morus papyrifera, which they call Aouta; a tree
resembling the wild fig-tree of the West Indies; another species of fig, which
they call Matte; the cordia sebestina orientalis, which they call Etou; a kind of
Cyperus grass, which they call Moo; a species of tournefortia, which they call
Taheinoo; another of the convolvulus poluce, which they call Eurhe; the solanum
centifolium, which they call Ebaoa; the calophyllum mophylum, which they call
Tamannu; the hibiscus tiliaceus, called Poerou, a frutescent nettle; the urtica
argentea, called Erowa; with many other plants which cannot here be particularly
mentioned: those that have been named already, will be referred to in the
subsequent part of this work.
They have no European fruit, garden stuff,
pulse,* or legumes, nor grain of any kind.
Of tame animals they have only hogs, dogs, and poultry; neither is there a
wild animal in the island, except ducks, pigeons, paroquets, with a few other
birds, and rats, there being no other quadruped, nor any serpent. But the sea
supplies them with great variety of most excellent fish, to eat which is their
chief luxury, and to catch it their principal labour.
As to the people they are of the largest size of
Europeans.* The men are tall, strong, well-limbed, and
finely shaped. The tallest that we saw was a man upon a neighbouring island,
called HUAHEINE, who measured six feet three inches and an
half. The women of the superior rank are also in general above our middle stature,
but those of the inferior class are rather below it, and some of them are very
small. This defect in size probably proceeds from their early commerce with men,
the only thing in which they differ from their superiors, that could possibly
affect their growth.
Their natural complexion is that kind of clear olive, or Brunette, which
many people in Europe prefer to the finest white and red.
In those that are exposed to the wind and sun, it is considerably deepened, but in
others that live under shelter, especially the superior class of women, it
continues of its native hue, and the skin is most delicately smooth and soft; they
have no tint in their cheeks, which we distinguish by the name of colour. The
shape of the face is comely, the cheek bones are not high, neither are the eyes
hollow, nor the brow prominent: the only feature that does not correspond with our
ideas of beauty is the nose, which, in general, is somewhat flat; but their eyes,
especially those of the women, are full of expression, sometimes sparkling with
fire,* and sometimes melting with softness; their teeth also are,
almost without exception, most beautifully even and white, and their breath
perfectly without taint.
The hair is almost universally black, and rather coarse; the men have
beards, which they wear in many fashions, always, however, plucking out great part
of them, and keeping the rest perfectly clean and neat. Both sexes also eradicate
every hair from under their arms, and accused us of great uncleanliness for not
doing the same. In their motions there is at once vigour and ease; their walk is
graceful, their deportment liberal, and their behaviour to strangers and to each
other affable and courteous. In their dispositions also, they seemed to be brave,
open, and candid, without either suspicion or treachery, cruelty or revenge; so
that we placed the same confidence in them as in our best friends, many of us,
particularly Mr. Banks, sleeping frequently in their houses
in the woods, without a companion, and consequently wholly in their power. They
were, however, all thieves; and when that is allowed, they need not much fear a
competition with the people of any other nation upon earth. During our stay in
this island we saw about five or six persons, like one that was met by
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander on the
24th of April, in their walk to the eastward, whose skins were of
a dead white, like the nose of a white horse; with white hair, beard, brows, and
eye-lashes; red, tender eyes; a short sight, and scurfy skins, covered with a kind
of white down; but we found that no two of these belonged to the same family, and
therefore concluded, that they were not a species, but unhappy individuals,
rendered anomalous by disease.
*It is a custom in most countries where the inhabitants have long hair,
for the men to cut it short and the women to pride themselves in its
length. Here, however,* the contrary custom prevails; the women always cut it
short round their ears, and the men, except the fishers, who are almost
continually in the water, suffer it to flow in large waves over their shoulders,
or tie it up in a bunch on the top of their heads.
They have a custom also of anointing their heads, with what they call
Monoe, an oil expressed from the cocoa-nut, in which some sweet herbs or flowers
have been infused: as the oil is generally rancid, the smell is at first very
disagreeable to a European; and as they live in a hot
country, and have no such thing as a comb, they are not able to keep their heads
free from lice, which the children and common people sometimes pick out and eat: a
hateful custom, wholly different from their manners in every other particular; for
they are delicate and cleanly almost without example, and those to whom we
distributed combs, soon delivered themselves from vermin, with a diligence which
showed that they were not more odious to us than to them.
They have a custom of staining their bodies, nearly in the same manner as
is practised in many other parts of the world, which they call Tattowing. They
prick the skin, so as just not to fetch blood, with a small instrument, something
in the form of a hoe; that part which answers to the blade is made of a bone or
shell, scraped very thin, and is from a quarter of an inch to an inch and a half
wide; the edge is cut into sharp teeth or points, from the number of three to
twenty, according to its size: when this is to be used, they dip the teeth into a
mixture of a kind of lamp-black, formed of the smoke that rises from an oily nut
which they burn instead of candles, and water; the teeth, thus prepared, are
placed upon the skin, and the handle to which they are fastened
being struck,* by quick smart blows, with a stick fitted to the purpose, they
pierce it, and at the same time carry into the puncture the black composition,
which leaves an indelible stain. The operation is painful, and it is some days
before the wounds are healed. It is performed upon the youth of both sexes when
they are about twelve or fourteen years of age, on several parts of the body, and
in various figures, according to the fancy of the parent, or perhaps the rank of
the party. The women are generally marked with this stain, in the form of a Z, on
every joint of their fingers and toes, and frequently round the outside of their
feet: the men are also marked with the same figure, and both men and women have
squares, circles, crescents, and ill-designed representations of men, birds, or
dogs, and various other devices impressed upon their legs and arms, some of which
we were told had significations, though we could never learn what they were. But
the part on which these ornaments are lavished with the greatest profusion, is the
breech: this, in both sexes, is covered with a deep black; above which, arches are
drawn one over another as high as the short ribs. They are often a quarter of an
inch broad, and the edges are not strait lines, but indented. These arches are
their pride, and are shewn both by men and women with a mixture of ostentation and
pleasure; whether as an ornament, or a proof of their fortitude and resolution in
bearing pain, we could not determine. The face in general is left unmarked; for we
saw but one instance to the contrary. Some old men had the greatest part of their
bodies covered with large patches of black, deeply indented at the edges, like a
rude imitation of flame; but we were told, that they came from a low island called
NOOUOORA, and were not natives of Otaheite.
Mr. Banks saw the operation of tattowing performed upon the
backside of a girl about thirteen years old. The instrument
[illustration] used upon this occasion had thirty teeth,*
and every stroke, of which at least a hundred were made in a minute, drew an ichor
or serum a little tinged with blood. The girl bore it with most stoical resolution
for about a quarter of an hour; but the pain of so many hundred punctures as she
had received in that time then became intolerable: she first complained in
murmurs, then wept, and at last burst into loud lamentations, earnestly imploring
the operator to desist. He was, however, inexorable; and when she began to
struggle, she was held down by two women, who sometimes soothed and sometimes chid
her, and now and then, when she was most unruly, gave her a smart blow.
Mr. Banks staid in a neighbouring house an hour, and the
operation was not over when he went away; yet it was performed but upon one side,
the other having been done sometime before; and the arches upon the loins, in
which they most pride themselves, and which give more pain than all the rest, were
still to be done. It is strange that these people should value themselves upon
what is no distinction; for I never saw a native of this island, either man or
woman, in a state of maturity, in whom these marks were wanting: possibly they may
have their rise in superstition, especially as they produce no visible advantage,
and are not made without great pain; but though we enquired of many hundreds, we
could never get any account of the matter.
Their clothing consists of cloth or matting of different kinds, which will
be described among their other manufactures. The cloth, which will not bear
wetting, they wear in dry weather, and the matting when it rains; they are put on
in many different ways, just as their fancy leads them; for in their garments
nothing is cut into shape, nor are any two pieces sewed together.*
The dress of the better sort of women consists of three or four pieces: one piece,
about two yards wide and eleven yards long, they wrap several times round their
waist, so as to hang down like a petticoat as low as the middle of the leg, and
this they call Parou: two or three other pieces, about two yards and an half long
and one wide, each having a hole cut in the middle, they place one upon another,
and then putting the head through the holes, they bring the long ends down before
and behind; the others remain open at the sides, and give liberty to the arms:
this, which they call the Tebuta, is gathered round the waist, and confined with a
girdle or sash of thinner cloth, which is long enough to go many times round them,
and exactly resembles the garment worn by the inhabitants of
Peru and Chili, which the
Spaniards call Poncho. The dress of the men is the same, except that instead of
suffering the cloth that is wound about the hips to hang down like a petticoat,
they bring it between their legs so as to have some resemblance to breeches, and
it is then called Maro. This is the dress of all ranks of people, and being
universally the same as to form, the gentlemen and ladies distinguish themselves
from the lower people by the quantity; some of them will wrap round them several
pieces of cloth, eight or ten yards long, and two or three broad; and some throw a
large piece loosely over their shoulders in the manner of a cloak, or perhaps two
pieces, if they are very great personages, and are desirous to appear in state.
The inferior sort, who have only a small allowance of cloth from the tribes or
families to which they belong, are obliged to be more thinly clad. In the heat of
the day they appear almost naked, the women having only a scanty petticoat, and
the men nothing but the sash that is passed between their legs and fastened round
the waist. As finery is always troublesome, and particularly in a
hot country,* where it consists in putting one covering upon another, the women of
rank always uncover themselves as low as the waist in the evening, throwing off
all that they wear on the upper part of the body, with the same negligence and
ease as our ladies would lay by a cardinal or double handkerchief. And the Chiefs,
even when they visited us, though they had as much cloth round their middle as
would clothe a dozen people, had frequently the rest of the body quite naked.
Upon their legs and feet they wear no covering; but they shade their faces
from the sun with little bonnets, either of matting or of cocoa-nut leaves, which
they make occasionally in a few minutes. This, however, is not all their
headdress; the women sometimes wear little turbans, and sometimes a dress which
they value much more, and which, indeed, is much more becoming, called Tomou; the
Tomou consists of human hair, plaited in threads, scarcely thicker than sewing
silk. Mr. Banks has pieces of it above a mile in length,
without a knot. These they wind round the head in such a manner as produces a very
pretty effect, and in a very great quantity; for I have seen five or six such
pieces wound about the head of one woman: among these threads they stick flowers
of various kinds, particularly the cape-jessamine, of which they have great
plenty, as it is always planted near their houses. The men sometimes stick the
tail feather of the Tropic-bird upright in their hair, which, as I have observed
before, is often tied in a bunch upon the top of their heads: sometimes they wear
a kind of whimsical garland, made of flowers of various kinds, stuck into a piece
of the rind of a plantain; or of scarlet peas, stuck with gum upon a piece of
wood: and sometimes they wear a kind of wig, made of the hair of men or dogs, or
perhaps of cocoa-nut strings, woven upon one thread, which is tied under their hair,* so that these artificial honours of their head may hang down
behind. Their personal ornaments, besides flowers, are few; both sexes wear
ear-rings, but they are placed only on one side: when we came they consisted of
small pieces of shell, stone, berries, red peas, or some small pearls, three in a
string; but our beads very soon supplanted them all.
The children go quite naked; the girls till they are three or four years
old, and the boys till they are six or seven.
The houses,* or rather dwellings of these people have been occasionally
mentioned before: they are all built in the wood, between the sea and the
mountains, and no more ground is cleared for each house, than just sufficient to
prevent the dropping of the branches from rotting the thatch with which they are
covered; from the house, therefore, the inhabitant steps immediately under the
shade, which is the most delightful that can be imagined. It consists of groves of
bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, without underwood, which are intersected, in all
directions, by the paths that lead from one house to the other. Nothing can be
more grateful than this shade in so warm a climate, nor any thing more beautiful
than these walks. As there is no underwood, the shade cools without impeding the
air; and the houses, having no walls, receive the gale from whatever point it
blows. I shall now give a particular description of a house of a middling size,
from which, as the structure is universally the same, a perfect idea may be formed
both of those that are bigger, and those that are less.
The ground which it covers is an oblong square, four and twenty feet long,
and eleven wide; over this a roof is raised, upon three rows of pillars or posts,
parallel to each other, one on each side, and the other in the middle. This roof
consists of two flat sides inclining to each other, and terminating
in a ridge,* exactly like the roofs of our thatched houses in
England. The utmost height within is about nine feet,
and the eaves on each side reach to within about three feet and an half of the
ground: below this, and through the whole height at each end, it is open, no part
of it being inclosed with a wall. The roof is thatched with palm-leaves, and the
floor is covered, some inches deep, with soft hay; over this are laid mats, so
that the whole is one cushion, upon which they sit in the day, and sleep in the
night. In some houses, however, there is one stool, which is wholly appropriated
to the master of the family; besides this, they have no furniture, except a few
little blocks of wood, the upper side of which is hollowed into a curve, and which
serve them for pillows.
The house is indeed principally used as a dormitory; for, except it rains,
they eat in the open air, under the shade of the next tree. The clothes that they
wear in the day, serve them for covering in the night; the floor is the common bed
of the whole household, and is not divided by any partition. The master of the
house and his wife sleep in the middle, next to them the married people, next to
them the unmarried women, and next to them, at a little distance, the unmarried
men; the servants, or Toutous, as they are called, sleep in the open air, except
it rains, and in that case they come just within the shed.
There are, however, houses of another kind, belonging to the Chiefs, in
which there is some degree of privacy. These are much smaller, and so constructed
as to be carried about in their canoes from place to place, and set up
occasionally, like a tent; they are inclosed on the sides with cocoa-nut leaves,
but not so close as to exclude the air, and the Chief and his wife sleep in them
alone.
*There are houses also of a much larger size, not built either for
the accommodation of a single Chief, or a single family; but as common receptacles
for all the people of a district. Some of them are two hundred feet long, thirty
broad, and, under the ridge, twenty feet high; these are built and maintained at
the common expence of the district, for the accommodation of which they are
intended; and have on one side of them a large area, inclosed with low
pallisadoes.
These houses, like those of separate families, have no walls. Privacy,
indeed, is little wanted among people who have not even the idea of indecency, and
who gratify every appetite and passion before witnesses, with no more sense of
impropriety than we feel when we satisfy our hunger at a social board with our
family or friends. Those who have no idea of indecency with respect to actions,
can have none with respect to words; it is, therefore, scarcely necessary to
observe, that, in the conversation of these people, that which is the principal
source of their pleasure, is always the principal topic; and that every thing is
mentioned without any restraint or emotion, and in the most direct terms, by both
sexes.
*Of the food eaten here the greater part is vegetable. Here are no tame
animals except hogs, dogs, and poultry, as I have observed before, and these are
by no means plenty. When a Chief kills a hog, it is almost equally divided among
his dependants; and as they are very numerous, the share of each individual at
these feasts, which are not frequent, must necessarily be small. Dogs and fowls
fall somewhat more frequently to the share of the common people. I cannot much
commend the flavour of their fowls; but we all agreed, that a South Sea dog was
little inferior to an English lamb; their excellence is probably
owing to their being kept up,* and fed wholly upon vegetables. The sea affords
them a great variety of fish. The smaller fish, when they catch any, are generally
eaten raw, as we eat oysters; and nothing that the sea produces comes amiss to
them: they are fond of lobsters, crabs, and other shell-fish, which are found upon
the coast; and they will eat not only sea-insects, but what the seamen call
Blubbers, though some of them are so tough, that they are obliged to suffer them
to become putrid before they can be chewed. Of the many vegetables that have been
mentioned already as serving them for food, the principal is the bread-fruit, to
procure which costs them no trouble or labour but climbing a tree: the tree which
produces it, does not indeed shoot up spontaneously; but if a man plants ten of
them in his lifetime, which he may do in about an hour, he will as completely
fulfil his duty to his own and future generations, as the native of our less
temperate climate can do by ploughing in the cold of winter, and reaping in the
summer's heat, as often as these seasons return; even if, after he has procured
bread for his present household, he should convert a surplus into money, and lay
it up for his children.
It is true, indeed, that the bread-fruit is not always in season; but
cocoa-nuts, bananas, plantains, and a great variety of other fruits, supply the
deficiency.
It may well be supposed, that cookery is but little studied by these
people as an art; and, indeed, they have but two ways of applying fire to dress
their food, broiling and baking; the operation of broiling is so simple that it
requires no description, and their baking has been described already, (page 152.)
in the account of an entertainment prepared for us by Tupia.
Hogs, and large fish, are extremely well dressed in the same manner; and, in our
opinion, were more juicy and more equally done than by any art of
cookery now practised in Europe.* Bread-fruit is also
cooked in an oven of the same kind, which renders it soft, and something like a
boiled potatoe; not quite so farinaceous as a good one, but more so than those of
the middling sort.
Of the bread-fruit they also make three dishes, by putting either water or
the milk of the cocoa-nut to it, then beating it to a paste with a stone pestle,
and afterwards mixing it with ripe plantains, bananas, or the sour paste which
they call Mahie.
The mahie, which has been mentioned as a succedaneum for ripe bread-fruit,
before the season for gathering a fresh crop comes on, is thus made:
The fruit is gathered just before it is perfectly ripe, and being laid in
heaps, is closely covered with leaves; in this state it undergoes a fermentation,
and becomes disagreeably sweet: the core is then taken out entire, which is done
by gently pulling the stalk, and the rest of the fruit is thrown into a hole which
is dug for that purpose, generally in the houses, and neatly lined in the bottom
and sides with grass; the whole is then covered with leaves, and heavy stones laid
upon them: in this state it undergoes a second fermentation, and becomes sour,
after which it will suffer no change for many months: it is taken out of the hole
as it is wanted for use, and being made into balls, it is wrapped up in leaves and
baked; after it is dressed, it will keep five or six weeks. It is eaten both cold
and hot, and the natives seldom make a meal without it, though to us the taste was
as disagreeable as that of a pickled olive generally is the first time it is
eaten.
As the making of this mahie depends, like brewing, upon fermentation, so,
like brewing, it sometimes fails, without their being able to
ascertain the cause; it is very natural,* therefore, that the making it should be
connected with superstitious notions and ceremonies. It generally falls to the lot
of the old women, who will suffer no creature to touch any thing belonging to it,
but those whom they employ as assistants, nor even to go into that part of the
house where the operation is carrying on. Mr. Banks happened
to spoil a large quantity of it only by inadvertently touching a leaf which lay
upon it. The old woman, who then presided over these mysteries, told him, that the
process would fail; and immediately uncovered the hole in a fit of vexation and
despair. Mr. Banks regretted the mischief he had done, but was somewhat consoled
by the opportunity which it gave him of examining the preparation, which perhaps,
but for such an accident, would never have offered.
Such is their food, to which salt-water is the universal sauce, no meal
being eaten without it: those who live near the sea have it fetched as it is
wanted; those who live at some distance keep it in large bamboos, which are set up
in their houses, for use. Salt-water, however, is not their only sauce; they make
another of the kernels of cocoa-nuts, which being fermented till they dissolve
into a paste somewhat resembling butter, are beaten up with salt-water. The
flavour of this is very strong, and was, when we first tasted it, exceedingly
nauseous; a little use, however, reconciled some of us to it so much, that they
preferred it to our own sauces, especially with fish. The natives seemed to
consider it as a dainty, and do not use it at their common meals; possibly,
because they think it ill management to use cocoa-nuts so lavishly, or perhaps,
when we were at the island, they were scarcely ripe enough for the purpose.
For drink, they have in general nothing but water, or the juice of the
cocoa-nut; the art of producing liquors that intoxicate, by
fermentation,* being happily unknown among them; neither have they any narcotic
which they chew, as the natives of some other countries do opium, beetle-root, and
tobacco. Some of them drank freely of our liquors, and in a few instances became
very drunk; but the persons to whom this happened were so far from desiring to
repeat the debauch, that they would never touch any of our liquors afterwards. We
were however informed, that they became drunk by drinking a juice that is
expressed from the leaves of a plant which they call Ava Ava. This plant was not
in season when we were there, so that we saw no instances of its effects; and as
they considered drunkenness as a disgrace, they probably would have concealed from
us any instances which might have happened during our stay. This vice is almost
peculiar to the Chiefs, and considerable persons, who vie with each other in
drinking the greatest number of draughts, each draught being about a pint. They
keep this intoxicating juice with great care from their women.
Table they have none; but their apparatus for eating is set out with great
neatness, though the articles are too simple and too few to allow any thing for
show: and they commonly eat alone; but when a stranger happens to visit them, he
sometimes makes a second in their mess. Of the meal of one of their principal
people I shall give a particular description.
He sits down under the shade of the next tree, or on the shady side of his
house, and a large quantity of leaves, either of the bread-fruit or banana, are
neatly spread before him upon the ground as a table-cloth; a basket is then set by
him that contains his provision, which, if fish or flesh, is ready dressed, and
wrapped up in leaves, and two cocoa-nut shells, one full of salt water and the
other of fresh: his attendants, which are not few, seat themselves round him, and
when all is ready, he begins by washing his hands and his mouth
thoroughly with the fresh-water,* and this he repeats almost continually
throughout the whole meal; he then takes part of his provision out of the basket,
which generally consists of a small fish or two, two or three bread-fruits,
fourteen or fifteen ripe bananas, or six or seven apples: he first takes half a
bread-fruit, peels off the rind, and takes out the core with his nails; of this he
puts as much into his mouth as it can hold, and while he chews it, takes the fish
out of the leaves, and breaks one of them into the salt water, placing the other,
and what remains of the bread-fruit, upon the leaves that have been spread before
him. When this is done, he takes up a small piece of the fish that has been broken
into the salt-water, with all the fingers of one hand, and sucks it into his
mouth, so as to get with it as much of the salt-water as possible: in the same
manner he takes the rest by different morsels, and between each, at least very
frequently, takes a small sup of the salt-water, either out of the cocoa-nut
shell, or the palm of his hand: in the mean time one of his attendants has
prepared a young cocoa-nut, by peeling off the outer rind with his teeth, an
operation which to an European appears very surprising; but
it depends so much upon slight, that many of us were able to do it before we left
the island, and some that could scarcely crack a filbert: the master, when he
chuses to drink, takes the cocoa-nut thus prepared, and boring a hole through the
shell with his finger, or breaking it with a stone, he sucks out the liquor. When
he has eaten his bread-fruit and fish, he begins with his plantains, one of which
makes but a mouthful, though it be as big as a black-pudding; if instead of
plantains he has apples, he never tastes them till they have been pared; to do
this a shell is picked up from the ground, where they are always in plenty, and
tossed to him by an attendant: he immediately begins to cut or scrape off the rind,* but so awkwardly that great part of the fruit is wasted. If,
instead of fish, he has flesh, he must have some succedaneum for a knife to divide
it; and for this purpose a piece of bamboo is tossed to him, of which he makes the
necessary implement by splitting it transversely with his nail. While all this has
been doing, some of his attendants have been employed in bearing bread-fruit with
a stone pestle upon a block of wood; by being beaten in this manner, and sprinkled
from time to time with water, it is reduced to the consistence of a soft paste,
and is then put into a vessel somewhat like a butcher's tray, and either made up
alone, or mixed with banana or mahie, according to the taste of the master, by
pouring water upon it by degrees and squeezing it often through the hand: under
this operation it acquires the consistence of a thick custard, and a large
cocoa-nut shell full of it being set before him, he sips it as we should do a
jelly if we had no spoon to take it from the glass: the meal is then finished by
again washing his hands and his mouth. After which the cocoa-nut shells are
cleaned, and every thing that is left is replaced in the basket.
The quantity of food which these people eat at a meal is prodigious: I
have seen one man devour two or three fishes as big as a perch; three
bread-fruits, each bigger than two fists; fourteen or fifteen plantains or
bananas, each of them six or seven inches long, and four or five round; and near a
quart of the pounded bread-fruit, which is as substantial as the thickest unbaked
custard. This is so extraordinary that I scarcely expect to be believed; and I
would not have related it upon my own single testimony, but Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander, and most of the other Gentlemen, have had
ocular demonstration of its truth, and know that I mention them upon the occasion.
It is very wonderful, that these people,* who are remarkably fond of
society, and particularly that of their women, should exclude its pleasures from
the table, where among all other nations, whether civil or savage, they have been
principally enjoyed. How a meal, which every where else brings families and
friends together, came to separate them here, we often enquired, but could never
learn. They eat alone, they said, because it was right; but why it was right to
eat alone, they never attempted to tell us: such, however, was the force of habit,
that they expressed the strongest dislike, and even disgust, at our eating in
society, especially with our women, and of the same victuals. At first, we thought
this strange singularity arose from some superstitious opinion; but they
constantly affirmed the contrary. We observed also some caprices in the custom,
for which we could as little account as for the custom itself. We could never
prevail with any of the women to partake of the victuals at our table when we were
dining in company; yet they would go, five or six together, into the servants
apartments, and there eat very heartily of whatever they could find, of which I
have before given a particular instance; nor were they in the least disconcerted
if we came in while they were doing it. When any of us have been alone with a
woman, she has sometimes eaten in our company; but then she has expressed the
greatest unwillingness that it should be known, and always extorted the strongest
promises of secrecy.
Among themselves, even two brothers and two sisters have each their
separate baskets, with provision and the apparatus of their meal. When they first
visited us at our tents, each brought his basket with him; and when we sat down to
table, they would go out, sit down upon the ground, at two or three yards distance
from each other, and turning their faces different ways,* take their
repast without interchanging a single word.
The women not only abstain from eating with the men, and of the same
victuals, but even have their victuals separately prepared by boys kept for that
purpose, who deposit it in a separate shed, and attend them with it at their
meals.
But though they would not eat with us or with each other, they have often
asked us to eat with them, when we have visited those with whom we were
particularly acquainted at their houses; and we have often upon such occasions
eaten out of the same basket, and drunk out of the same cup. The elder women,
however, always appeared to be offended at this liberty; and if we happened to
touch their victuals, or even the basket that contained it, would throw it away.
*After meals, and in the heat of the day, the middle-aged people of the
better sort generally sleep; they are indeed extremely indolent, and sleeping and
eating is almost all that they do. Those that are older are less drowzy, and the
boys and girls are kept awake by the natural activity and sprightliness of their
age.
Their amusements have occasionally been mentioned in my account of the
incidents that happened during our residence in this island, particularly music,
dancing, wrestling, and shooting with the bow; they also sometimes vie with each
other in throwing a lance. As shooting is not at a mark, but for distance;
throwing the lance is not for distance, but at a mark: the weapon is about nine
feet long, the mark is the bole of a plantain, and the distance about twenty
yards.
Their only musical instruments are flutes and drums; the flutes are made
of a hollow bamboo about a foot long, and, as has been observed before, have only
two stops, and consequently but four notes, out of which they seem hitherto to have formed but one tune;* to these stops they apply the fore finger
of the left hand and the middle finger of the right.
The drum is made of a hollow block of wood, of a cylindrical form, solid
at one end, and covered at the other with shark's skin: these they beat not with
sticks, but their hands; and they know how to tune two drums of different notes
into concord. They have also an expedient to bring the flutes that play together
into unison, which is to roll up a leaf so as to slip over the end of the
shortest, like our sliding tubes for telescopes, which they move up or down till
the purpose is answered, of which they seem to judge by their ear with great
nicety.
To these instruments they sing; and, as I have observed before, their
songs are often extempore: they call every two verses or couplet a song, Pehay;
they are generally, though not always in rhime; and when pronounced by the
natives, we could discover that they were metre. Mr. Banks
took great pains to write down some of them which were made upon our arrival, as
nearly as he could express their sounds by combinations of our letters; but when
we read them, not having their accent, we could scarcely make them either metre or
rhime. The Reader will easily perceive that they are of very different structure.
Tede pahai de parow-a Ha maru no mina. E pahah Tayo malama tai ya No
Tabane tonatou whannomi ya. E Turai eattu terara patee whennua toai Ino o maio
Pretane to whennuaia no Tute. Of these verses our knowlege of the
language is too imperfect to attempt a translation.* They frequently amuse
themselves by singing such couplets as these when they are alone, or with their
families, especially after it is dark; for though they need no fires, they are not
without the comfort of artificial light between sunset and bed-time. Their candles
are made of the kernels of a kind of oily nut, which they stick one over another
upon a skewer that is thrust through the middle of them; the upper one being
lighted, burns down to the second, at the same time consuming that part of the
skewer which goes through it; the second taking fire burns in the same manner down
to the third, and so of the rest: some of these candles will burn a considerable
time, and they give a very tolerable light. They do not often sit up above an hour
after it is dark; but when they have strangers who sleep in the house, they
generally keep a light burning all night, possibly as a check upon such of the
women as they wish not to honour them with their favours. Of their itinerary
concerts I need add nothing to what has been said already; especially as I shall
have occasion, more particularly, to mention them when I relate our adventures
upon another island.
In other countries, the girls and unmarried women are supposed to be
wholly ignorant of what others upon some occasions may appear to know; and their
conduct and conversation are consequently restrained within narrower bounds, and
kept at a more remote distance from whatever relates to a connection with the
other sex: but here, it is just contrary. Among other diversions, there is a
dance, called Timorodee, which is performed by young girls, whenever eight or ten
of them can be collected together, consisting of motions and gestures beyond
imagination wanton, in the practice of which they are brought up
from their earliest childhood,* accompanied by words, which, if it were possible,
would more explicitly convey the same ideas. In these dances they keep time with
an exactness which is scarcely excelled by the best performers upon the stages of
Europe. But the practice which is allowed to the virgin,
is prohibited to the woman from the moment that she has put these hopeful lessons
in practice, and realized the symbols of the dance.
It cannot be supposed that, among these people, chastity is held in much
estimation. It might be expected that sisters and daughters would be offered to
strangers, either as a courtesy, or for reward; and that breaches of conjugal
fidelity, even in the wife; should not be otherwise punished than by a few hard
words, or perhaps a slight beating, as indeed is the case: but there is a scale in
dissolute sensuality, which these people have ascended, wholly unknown to every
other nation whose manners have been recorded from the beginning of the world to
the present hour, and which no imagination could possibly conceive.
A very considerable number of the principal people of
Otaheite, of both sexes, have formed themselves into a
society, in which every woman is common to every man; thus securing a perpetual
variety as often as their inclination prompts them to seek it, which is so
frequent, that the same man and woman seldom cohabit together more than two or
three days.
These societies are distinguished by the name of Arreoy; and the members
have meetings, at which no other is present, where the men amuse themselves by
wrestling, and the women, notwithstanding their occasional connection with
different men, dance the Timorodee in all its latitude, as an incitement to
desires which it is said are frequently gratified upon the spot.*
This however is comparatively nothing. If any of the women happen to be with
child, which in this manner of life happens less frequently than if they were to
cohabit only with one man, the poor infant is smothered the moment it is born,
that it may be no incumbrance to the father, nor interrupt the mother in the
pleasures of her diabolical prostitution. It sometimes indeed happens, that the
passion which prompts a woman to enter into this society, is surmounted when she
becomes a mother, by that instinctive affection which Nature has given to all
creatures for the preservation of their offspring; but even in this case, she is
not permitted to spare the life of her infant, except she can find a man who will
patronise it as his child: if this can be done, the murder is prevented; but both
the man and woman, being deemed by this act to have appropriated each other, are
ejected from the community, and forfeit all claim to the privileges and pleasures
of Arreoy for the future; the woman from that time being distinguished by the term
Whannownow, "bearer of children," which is here a term of reproach; though none
can be more honourable in the estimation of wisdom and humanity, of right reason,
and every passion that distinguishes the man from the brute.
It is not fit that a practice so horrid and so strange should be imputed
to human beings upon slight evidence, but I have such as abundantly justifies me
in the account I have given. The people themselves are so far from concealing
their connection with such a society as a disgrace, that they boast of it as a
privilege; and both myself and Mr. Banks, when particular
persons have been pointed out to us as members of the Arreoy, have questioned them
about it, and received the account that has been here given from their own lips.
They have acknowledged, that they had long been of this accursed
society, that they belonged to it at that time,* and that several of their
children had been put to death.
But I must not conclude my account of the domestic life of these people
without mentioning their personal cleanliness. If that which lessens the good of
life and increases the evil is vice, surely cleanliness is a virtue: the want of
it tends to destroy both beauty and health, and mingles disgust with our best
pleasures. The natives of Otaheite, both men and women,
constantly wash their whole bodies in running water three times every day; once as
soon as they rise in the morning, once at noon, and again before they sleep at
night, whether the sea or river is near them or at a distance. I have already
observed, that they wash not only the mouth, but the hands at their meals, almost
between every morsel; and their clothes, as well as their persons, are kept
without spot or stain; so that in a large company of these people, nothing is
suffered but heat, which, perhaps, is more than can be said of the politest
assembly in Europe.
CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Manufactures, Boats, and Navigation of
Otaheite.
*IF necessity is the mother of invention, it cannot be supposed to have
been much exerted where the liberality of Nature has rendered the diligence of Art
almost superfluous; yet there are many instances both of ingenuity and labour
among these people, which, considering the want of metal for tools, do honour to
both.
*Their principal manufacture is their cloth, in the making and dying of
which I think there are some particulars which may instruct even the artificers of
Great Britain, and for that reason my description will
be more minute.
Their cloth is of three kinds; and it is made of the bark of three
different trees, the Chinese paper mulberry, the bread-fruit tree, and the tree
which resembles the wild fig-tree of the West Indies.
The finest and whitest is made of the paper mulberry, Aouta; this is worn
chiefly by the principal people, and when it is dyed red takes a better colour. A
second sort, inferior in whiteness and softness, is made of the bread-fruit tree,
Ooroo, and worn chiefly by the inferior people; and a third of the tree that
resembles the fig, which is coarse and harsh, and of the colour of the darkest
brown paper: this, though it is less pleasing both to the eye and the touch, is
the most valuable, because it resists water, which the other two sorts will not.
Of this, which is the most rare as well as the most useful, the
greater part is perfumed,* and worn by the Chiefs as a morning dress.
All these trees are propagated with great care, particularly the mulberry,
which covers the largest part of the cultivated land, and is not fit for use after
two or three year's growth, when it is about six or eight feet high, and somewhat
thicker than a man's thumb; its excellence is to be thin, strait, tall, and
without branches: the lower leaves, therefore, are carefully plucked off, with
their germs, as often as there is any appearance of their producing a branch.
But though the cloth made of these three trees is different, it is all
manufactured in the same manner; I shall, therefore, describe the process only in
the fine sort, that is made of the mulberry. When the trees are of a proper size,
they are drawn up, and stripped of their branches, after which the roots and tops
are cut off; the bark of these rods being then slit up longitudinally is easily
drawn off, and, when a proper quantity has been procured, it is carried down to
some running water, in which it is deposited to soak, and secured from floating
away by heavy stones: when it is supposed to be sufficiently softened, the women
servants go down to the brook, and stripping themselves, sit down in the water, to
separate the inner bark from the green part on the outside; to do this they place
the under side upon a flat smooth board, and with the shell which our dealers call
Tyger's tongue, Tellina gargadia, scrape it very carefully, dipping it continually
in the water till nothing remains but the fine fibres of the inner coat. Being
thus prepared in the afternoon, they are spread out upon plantain leaves in the
evening; and in this part of the work there appears to be some difficulty, as the
mistress of the family always superintends the doing of it:* they
are placed in lengths of about eleven or twelve yards, one by the side of another,
till they are about a foot broad, and two or three layers are also laid one upon
the other: care is taken that the cloth shall be in all parts of an equal
thickness, so that if the bark happens to be thinner in any particular part of one
layer than the rest, a piece that is somewhat thicker is picked out to be laid
over it in the next. In this state it remains till the morning, when great part of
the water which it contained when it was laid out, is either drained off or
evaporated, and the several fibres adhere together, so as that the whole may be
raised from the ground in one piece.
It is then taken away, and laid upon the smooth side of a long piece of
wood, prepared for the purpose, and beaten by the women servants, with instruments
about a foot long and three inches thick, made of a hard wood which they call
Etoa. The shape of this instrument is not unlike a square razor strop, only that
the handle is longer, and each of its four sides or faces is marked, lengthways,
with small grooves, or furrows, of different degrees of fineness; those on one
side being of a width and depth sufficient to receive a small packthread, and the
others finer in a regular gradation, so that the last are not more than equal to
sewing silk.
They beat it first with the coarsest side of this mallet, keeping time
like our smiths; it spreads very fast under the strokes, chiefly however in the
breadth, and the grooves in the mallet mark it with the appearance of threads; it
is successively beaten with the other sides, last with the finest, and is then fit
for use. Sometimes, however, it is made still thinner, by beating it with the
finest side of the mallet, after it has been several times doubled: it is then
called Hoboo, and is almost as thin as a muslin; it becomes very white by being
[illustration] bleached in the air,* but is made still
whiter and softer by being washed and beaten again after it has been worn. Of this
cloth there are several sorts, of different degrees of fineness, in proportion as
it is more or less beaten without being doubled: the other cloth also differs in
proportion as it is beaten; but they differ from each other in consequence of the
different materials of which they are made. The bark of the bread-fruit is not
taken till the trees are considerably longer and thicker than those of the fig;
the process afterwards is the same.
When cloth is to be washed after it has been worn, it is taken down to the
brook, and left to soak, being kept fast to the bottom, as at first, by a stone;
it is then gently wrung or squeezed; and sometimes several pieces of it are laid
one upon another, and beaten together with the coarsest side of the mallet, and
they are then equal in thickness to broad-cloth, and much more soft and agreeable
to the touch, after they have been a little while in use, though, when they come
immediately from the mallet, they feel as if they had been starched. This cloth
sometimes breaks in the beating, but is easily repaired by pasting on a patch with
a gluten that is prepared from the root of the Pea, which is done so nicely that
it cannot be discovered. The women also employ themselves in removing blemishes of
every kind, as our ladies do in needle-work or knotting; sometimes when their work
is intended to be very fine, they will paste an entire covering of hoboo over the
whole. The principal excellencies of this cloth are its coolness and softness; and
its imperfections, its being pervious to water like paper, and almost as easily
torn.
The colours with which they die this cloth are principally red and yellow.
The red is exceedingly beautiful, and I may venture to say, a brighter and more
delicate colour than any we have in Europe;*
that which approaches nearest is our full scarlet, and the best imitation which
Mr. Banks's natural history painter could produce, was by
a mixture of vermilion and carmine. The yellow is also a bright colour, but we
have many as good.
The red colour is produced by the mixture of the juices of two vegetables,
neither of which separately has the least tendency to that hue. One is a species
of fig, called here Matte, and the other the Cordia Sebestina, or Etou; of the fig
the fruit is used, and of the Cordia the leaves.
The fruit of the fig is about as big as a rounceval pea, or very small
gooseberry; and each of them, upon breaking off the stalk very close, produces one
drop of a milky liquor, resembling the juice of our figs, of which the tree is
indeed a species. This liquor the women collect into a small quantity of cocoa-nut
water: to prepare a gill of cocoa-nut water will require between three and four
quarts of these little figs. When a sufficient quantity is prepared, the leaves of
the Etou are well wetted in it, and then laid upon a plantain leaf, where they are
turned about till they become more and more flaccid, and then they are gently
squeezed, gradually increasing the pressure, but so as not to break them; as the
flaccidity increases, and they become spungy, they are supplied with more of the
liquor; in about five minutes the colour begins to appear upon the veins of the
leaves, and in about ten or a little more, they are perfectly saturated with it:
they are then squeezed, with as much force as can be applied, and the liquor
strained at the same time that it is expressed.
For this purpose, the boys prepare a large quantity of the Moo, by drawing
it between their teeth, or two little sticks, till it is freed from the green bark
and the branny substance that lies under it, and a thin web of the
fibres only remains;* in this the leaves of the Etou are inveloped, and through
these the juice which they contain is strained as it is forced out. As the leaves
are not succulent, little more juice is pressed out of them than they have
imbibed: when they have been once emptied, they are filled again, and again
pressed till the quality which tinctures the liquor as it passes through them is
exhausted, they are then thrown away; but the Moo, being deeply stained with the
colour, is preserved, as a brush to lay the dye upon the cloth.
The expressed liquor is always received into small cups made of the
plantain leaf, whether from a notion that it has any quality favourable to the
colour, or from the facility with which it is procured, and the convenience of
small vessels to distribute it among the artificers, I do not know.
Of the thin cloth they seldom dye more than the edges, but the thick cloth
is coloured through the whole surface; the liquor is indeed used rather as a
pigment than a dye, for a coat of it is laid upon one side only, with the fibres
of the Moo; and though I have seen of the thin cloth that has appeared to have
been soaked in the liquor, the colour has not had the same richness and lustre, as
when it has been applied in the other manner.
Though the leaf of the Etou is generally used in this process, and
probably produces the finest colour; yet the juice of the figs will produce a red
by a mixture with the species of Tournefortia, which they call Taheinoo, the
Pohuc, the Eurhe or Convolvulus Brasiliensis, and a species of Solanum called
Ebooa; from the use of these different plants, or from different proportions of
the materials, many varieties are obobservable in the colours of their cloth, some
of which are conspicuously superior to others.
*The beauty, however, of the best is not permanent; but it is
probable that some method might be found to fix it, if proper experiments were
made, and perhaps to search for latent qualities, which may be brought out by the
mixture of one vegetable juice with another, would not be an unprofitable
employment: our present most valuable dyes afford sufficient encouragement to the
attempt; for by the mere inspection of indico, woad, dyer's weed, and most of the
leaves which are used for the like purposes, the colours which they yield could
never be discovered. Of this Indian red I shall only add, that the women who have
been employed in preparing or using it, carefully preserve the colour upon their
fingers and nails, where it appears in its utmost beauty, as a great ornament.
The yellow is made of the bark of the root of the Morinda citrifolia,
called Nono, by scraping and infusing it in water; after standing some time, the
water is strained and used as a dye, the cloth being dipped into it. The Morinda,
of which this is a species, seems to be a good subject for examination with a view
to dyeing. Brown, in his history of Jamaica, mentions three species of it, which
he says are used to dye brown; and Rumphius says of the Bancuda Augustifolia,
which is nearly allied to our Nono, that it is used by the inhabitants of the
East-Indian islands, as a fixing drug for red colours, with which it particularly
agrees.
The inhabitants of this island also dye yellow with the fruit of the
Tamanu; but how the colour is extracted, we had no opportunity to discover. They
have also a preparation with which they die brown and black; but these colours are
so indifferent, that the method of preparing them did not excite our curiosity.
Another considerable manufacture is matting of various kinds; some of
which is finer, and better in every respect,* than any we have in
Europe: the coarser sort serves them to sleep upon, and
the finer to wear in wet weather. With the fine, of which there are also two
sorts, much pains is taken, especially with that made of the bark of the Poerou,
the Hibiscus tiliaceus of Linnaeus, some of which is as fine
as a coarse cloth: the other sort, which is still more beautiful, they call Vanne;
it is white, glossy, and shining, and is made of the leaves of their Wharrou, a
species of the Pandanus, of which we had no opportunity to see either the flowers
or fruit: they have other matts, or as they call them Moeas, to sit or to sleep
upon, which are formed of a great variety of rushes and grass, and which they
make, as they do every thing else that is plaited, with amazing facility and
dispatch.
They are also very dexterous in making basket and wickerwork; their
baskets are of a thousand different patterns, many of them exceedingly neat; and
the making them is an art that every one practises, both men and women: they make
occasional baskets and panniers of the cocoa-nut leaf in a few minutes, and the
women who visited us early in a morning used to send, as soon as the sun was high,
for a few of the leaves, of which they made little bonnets to shade their faces,
at so small an expence of time and trouble, that, when the sun was again low in
the evening, they used to throw them away. These bonnets, however, did not cover
the head, but consisted only of a band that went round it, and a shade that
projected from the forehead.
Of the bark of the Poerou they make ropes and lines, from the thickness of
an inch to the size of a small packthread: with these they make nets
for fishing:* of the fibres of the cocoa-nut they make thread, for fastening
together the several parts of their canoes, and belts, either round or flat,
twisted or plaited; and of the bark of the Erowa, a kind of nettle which grows in
the mountains, and is therefore rather scarce, they make the best fishing lines in
the world: with these they hold the strongest and most active fish, such as
Bonetas and Albicores, which would snap our strongest silk lines in a minute,
though they are twice as thick.
They make also a kind of seine, of a coarse broad grass, the blades of
which are like flags: these they twist and tie together in a loose manner, till
the net, which is about as wide as a large sack, is from sixty to eighty fathom
long: this they haul in shoal smooth water, and its own weight keeps it so close
to the ground that scarcely a single fish can escape.
In every expedient, indeed, for taking fish, they are exceedingly
ingenious; they make harpoons of cane, and point them with hard wood, which in
their hands strike fish more effectually, than those which are headed with iron
can do in ours, setting aside the advantage of ours being fastened to a line, so
that the fish is secured if the hook takes place, though it does not mortally
wound him.
Of fish-hooks they have two sorts, admirably adapted in their construction
as well to the purpose they are to answer, as to the materials of which they are
made. One of these, which they call Wittee Wittee, is used for towing. The shank
is made of mother of pearl, the most glossy that can be got: the inside, which is
naturally the brightest, is put behind. To these hooks a tuft of white dog's or
hog's hair is fixed, so as somewhat to resemble the tail of a fish; these
implements, therefore, are both hook and bait,* and are used with a
rod of bamboo, and line of Erowa. The fisher, to secure his success, watches the
flight of the birds which constantly attend the Bonetas when they swim in shoals,
by which he directs his canoe, and when he has the advantage of these guides, he
seldom returns without a prize.
The other kind of hook is also made of mother of pearl, or some other hard
shell: they cannot make them bearded like our hooks; but to effect the same
purpose, they make the point turn inwards. These are made of all sizes, and used
to catch various kinds of fish, with great success. The manner of making them is
very simple, and every fisherman is his own artificer: the shell is first cut into
square pieces, by the edge of another shell, and wrought into a form corresponding
with the outline of the hook by pieces of coral, which are sufficiently rough to
perform the office of a file; a hole is then bored in the middle, the drill being
no other than the first stone they pick up that has a sharp corner: this they fix
into the end of a piece of bamboo, and turn it between the hands like a chocolate
mill; when the shell is perforated, and the hole sufficiently wide, a small file
of coral is introduced, by the application of which the hook is in a short time
completed, few costing the artificer more time than a quarter of an hour.
Of their masonry, carving, and architecture, the Reader has already formed
some idea from the account that has been given of the Morais, or repositories of
the dead: the other most important article of building and carving is their
boats;* and perhaps, to fabricate one of their principal vessels with their tools,
is as great a work, as to build a British man of war with ours.
*They have an adze of stone; a chissel, or gouge, of bone, generally
that of a man's arm between the wrist and elbow; a rasp of coral; and the skin of
a sting-ray, with coral sand, as a file or polisher.
This is a complete catalogue of their tools, and with these they build
houses, construct canoes, hew stone, and fell, cleave, carve, and polish timber.
The stone which makes the blade of their adzes is a kind of Basaltes, of a
blackish or grey colour, not very hard, but of considerable toughness: they are
formed of different sizes; some, that are intended for felling, weigh from six to
eight pounds; others, that are used for carving, not more than so many ounces; but
it is necessary to sharpen both almost every minute; for which purpose, a stone
and a cocoa-nut shell full of water are always at hand.
Their greatest exploit, to which these tools are less equal than to any
other, is felling a tree: this requires many hands, and the constant labour of
several days. When it is down, they split it, with the grain, into planks from
three to four inches thick, the whole length and breadth of the tree, many of
which are eight feet in the girt, and forty to the branches, and nearly of the
same thickness throughout. The tree generally used is in their language called
Avie, the stem of which is tall and strait; though some of the smaller boats are
made of the bread-fruit tree, which is a light spongy wood, and easily wrought.
They smooth the plank very expeditiously and dexterously with their adzes, and can
take off a thin coat from a whole plank without missing a stroke. As they have not
the art of warping a plank, every part of the canoe, whether hollow or flat, is
shaped by hand.
The canoes, or boats,* which are used by the inhabitants of this and
the neighbouring islands, may be divided into two general classes; one of which
they call Ivahahs, the other Pahies.
The Ivahah is used for short excursions to sea, and is wall-sided and
flat-bottomed; the Pahie for longer voyages, and is bow-sided and sharp-bottomed.
The Ivahahs are all of the same figure, but of different sizes, and used for
different purposes: their length is from seventy-two feet to ten, but the breadth
is by no means in proportion; for those of ten feet are about a foot wide, and
those of more than seventy are scarcely two. There is the fighting Ivahah, the
fishing Ivahah, and the travelling Ivahah; for some of these go from one island to
another. The fighting Ivahah is by far the longest, and the head and stern are
considerably raised above the body, in a semicircular form; particularly the
stern, which is sometimes seventeen or eighteen feet high, though the boat itself
is scarcely three. These never go to sea single; but are fastened together, side
by side, at the distance of about three feet, by strong poles of wood, which are
laid across them and lashed to the gunwales. Upon these, in the forepart, a stage
or platform is raised, about ten or twelve feet long, and somewhat wider than the
boats, which is supported by pillars about six feet high: upon this stage stand
the fighting men, whose missile weapons are slings and spears; for, among other
singularities in the manners of these people, their bows and arrows are used only
for diversion, as we throw quoits: below these stages sit the rowers, who receive
from them those that are wounded, and furnish fresh men to ascend in their room.
Some of these have a platform of bamboos or other light wood, through their whole
length, and considerably broader, by means of which they will carry
a great number of men;* but we saw only one fitted in this manner.
The fishing Ivahahs vary in length from about forty feet to the smallest
size, which is about ten; all that are of the length of twenty-five feet and
upwards, of whatever sort, occasionally carry sail. The travelling Ivahah is
always double, and furnished with a small neat house about five or six feet broad,
and six or seven feet long, which is fastened upon the fore-part for the
convenience of the principal people, who sit in them by day, and sleep in them at
night. The fishing Ivahahs are sometimes joined together, and have a house on
board; but this is not common.
Those which are shorter than five and twenty feet, seldom or never carry
sail; and, though the stern rises about four or five feet, have a flat head, and a
board that projects forward about four feet.
The Pahie is also of different sizes, from sixty to thirty feet long; but,
like the Ivahah, is very narrow. One that I measured was fifty-one feet long, and
only one foot and a half wide at the top. In the widest part, it was about three
feet; and this is the general proportion. It does not, however, widen by a gradual
swell; but the sides being strait, and parallel, for a little way below the
gunwale, it swells abruptly, and draws to a ridge at the bottom; so that a
transverse section of it has somewhat the appearance of the mark upon cards called
a Spade, the whole being much wider in proportion to its length. These, like the
largest Ivahahs, are used for fighting; but principally for long voyages. The
fighting Pahie, which is the largest, is fitted with the stage or platform, which
is proportionably larger than those of the Ivahah, as their form enables them to
sustain a much greater weight. Those that are used for sailing are generally
double; and the middle size are said to be the best sea-boats.* They
are sometimes out a month together, going from island to island; and sometimes, as
we were credibly informed, they are a fortnight or twenty days at sea, and could
keep it longer if they had more stowage for provisions, and conveniencies to hold
fresh water.
When any of these boats carry sail single, they make use of a log of wood
which is fastened to the end of two poles that lie cross the vessel, and project
from six to ten feet, according to the size of the vessel, beyond its side,
somewhat like what is used by the flying Proa of the Ladrone Islands, and called
in the Account of Lord Anson's Voyage, an Outrigger. To this
outrigger the shrouds are fastened, and it is essentially necessary in trimming
the boat when it blows fresh.
Some of them have one mast, and some two; they are made of a single stick,
and when the length of the canoe is thirty feet, that of the mast is somewhat less
than five and twenty; it is fixed to a frame that is above the canoe, and receives
a sail of matting about one third longer than itself: the sail is pointed at the
top, square at the bottom, and curved at the side; somewhat resembling what we
call a shoulder of mutton sail, and use for boats belonging to men of war: it is
placed in a frame of wood, which surrounds it on every side, and has no
contrivance either for reefing or furling; so that, if either should become
necessary, it must be cut away, which, however, in these equal climates can seldom
happen. At the top of the mast are fastened ornaments of feathers, which are
placed inclining obliquely forwards; the shape and position of which will be
conceived at once from the figure, in one of the cuts.
*The oars or paddles that are used with these boats, have a long
handle and a flat blade, not unlike a baker's peel. Of these every person in the
boat has one, except those that sit under the awning; and they push her forward
with them at a good rate. These boats, however, admit so much water at the seams,
that one person at least is continually employed in throwing it out. The only
thing in which they excel is landing, and putting off from the shore in a surf: by
their great length and high sterns they land dry, when our boats could scarcely
land at all; and have the same advantages in putting off by the height of the
head.
The Ivahahs are the only boats that are used by the inhabitants of
Otaheite; but we saw several Pahies that came from other
islands. Of one of these I shall give the exact dimensions from a careful
admeasurement, and then particularly describe the manner in which they are built.
Feet. Inches. Extreme length from stem to stern, not reckoning the
bending up of either 51 0 Breadth in the clear of the top forward 1 2 Breadth in
the midships 1 6 Breadth aft 1 3 In the bilge forward 2 8 In the midships 2 11 Aft
2 9 Depth in the midships 3 4 Height from the ground on which she stood 3 6 Height
of her head from the ground, without the figure 4 4 Height of the figure 0 11
Height of the stern from the ground 8 9 Height of the figure 2 0 To
illustrate my description of the manner in which these vessels are built,* it will
be necessary [illustration] to refer to the figure; in which a a is the first
seam, b b the second, and c c the third. The first stage or keel, under a a, is
made of a tree hollowed out like a trough; for which the longest trees are chosen
that can be got, so that there are never more than three in the whole length: the
next stage, under b b, is formed of strait plank, about four feet long, fifteen
inches broad, and two inches thick: the third stage, under c c, is, like the
bottom made of trunks, hollowed into its bilging form; the last is also cut out of
trunks, so that the moulding is of one piece with the upright. To form these parts
separately, without saw, plane, chissel, or any other iron tool, may well be
thought no easy task; but the great difficulty is to join them together.
When all the parts are prepared, the keel is laid upon blocks, and the
planks being supported by stanchions, are sewed or clamped together with strong
thongs of plaiting, which are passed several times through holes that are bored
with a gouge or auger of bone, that has been described already; and the nicety
with which this is done, may be inferred from their being sufficiently water-tight
for use without caulking. As the plaiting soon rots in the water, it is renewed at
least once a-year; in order to which, the vessel is taken entirely to pieces. The
head and stern are rude with respect to the design; but very neatly finished, and
polished to the highest degree.
These Pahies are kept with great care, in a kind of house built on purpose
for their reception; the houses are formed of poles set upright in the ground, the
tops of which are drawn towards each other,* and fastened together
with their strongest cord, so as to form a kind of Gothic arch, which is
completely thatched quite to the ground, being open only at the ends; they are
sometimes fifty or sixty paces long.
As connected with the navigation of these people, I shall mention their
wonderful sagacity in foretelling the weather, at least the quarter from which the
wind shall blow at a future time; they have several ways of doing this, of which
however I know but one. They say, that the Milky-way is always curved laterally;
but sometimes in one direction, and sometimes in another: and that this curvature
is the effect of its being already acted upon by the wind, and its hollow part
therefore towards it; so that, if the same curvature continues a night, a
corresponding wind certainly blows the next day. Of their rules, I shall not
pretend to judge; but I know that, by whatever means, they can predict the
weather, at least the wind, with much greater certainty than we can.
In their longer voyages, they steer by the sun in the day, and in the
night by the stars; all of which they distinguish separately by names, and know in
what part of the heavens they will appear in any of the months during which they
are visible in their horizon; they also know the time of their annual appearing
and disappearing with more precision than will easily be believed by an
European astronomer.
CHAP. XIX.
Of the Division of Time in
Otaheite; Numeration, Computation of Distance,
Language, Diseases, Disposal of the Dead, Religion, War, Weapons, and
Government; with some general Observations for the Use of future
Navigators.
WE were not able to acquire a perfect idea of their method of dividing
time; but observed,* that in speaking of it, either past or to come, they never
used any term but Malama, which signifies Moon. Of these moons they count
thirteen, and then begin again; which is a demonstration that they have a notion
of the solar year: but how they compute their months so that thirteen of them
shall be commensurate with the year, we could not discover; for they say that each
month has twenty-nine days, including one in which the moon is not visible. They
have names for them separately, and have frequently told us the fruits that would
be in season, and the weather that would prevail, in each of them; and they have
indeed a name for them collectively, though they use it only when they speak of
the mysteries of their religion.
Every day is subdivided into twelve parts, each of two hours, of which six
belong to the day, and six to the night. At these divisions they guess pretty
nearly by the height of the sun while he is above the horizon; but there are few
of them that can guess at them, when he is below it, by the stars.
*In numeration they proceed from one to ten, the number of fingers on
both hands; and though they have for each number a different name, they generally
take hold of their fingers one by one, shifting from one hand to the other till
they come to the number they want to express. And in other instances, we observed
that, when they were conversing with each other, they joined signs to their words,
which were so expressive that a stranger might easily apprehend their meaning.
In counting from ten they repeat the name of that number, and add the word
more; ten, and one more, is eleven; ten, and two more, twelve; and so of the rest,
as we say one and twenty, two and twenty. When they come to ten and ten more, they
have a new denomination, as we say a score; and by these scores they count till
they get ten of them, when they have a denomination for two hundred; and we never
could discover that they had any denomination to express a greater number:
neither, indeed, do they seem to want any; for ten of these amount to two
thousand, a greater number than they can ever apply.
In measuring distance they are much more deficient than in computing
numbers, having but one term which answers to fathom; when they speak of distances
from place to place, they express it, like the Asiatics, by the time that is
required to pass it.
*Their language is soft and melodious; it abounds with vowels, and we
easily learnt to pronounce it: but found it exceedingly difficult to teach them to
pronounce a single word of ours; probably not only from its abounding in
consonants, but from some peculiarity in its structure; for Spanish and Italian
words, if ending in a vowel, they pronounced with great facility.
Whether it is copious,* we were not sufficiently acquainted with it
to know; but it is certainly very imperfect, for it is almost totally without
inflexion, both of nouns and verbs. Few of the nouns have more than one case, and
few of the verbs more than one tense; yet we found no great difficulty in making
ourselves mutually understood, however strange it may appear in speculation.
They have, however, certain affixa, which, though but few in number, are
very useful to them, and puzzled us extremely. One asks another, Harre hea?
Where are you going? the other answers Ivahinera, To my wives; upon which
the first repeating the answer interrogatively, To your wives? is answered,
Ivahinereira; Yes, I am going to my wives. Here the suffixa era and eira save
several words to both parties. I have inserted a few of their words, from which
perhaps some idea may be formed of the language.
Pupo, the head. Ahewh, the nose. Roourou, the hair. Outou, the mouth.
Niheo, the teeth. Arrero, the tongue. Meu-eumi, the beard. Tiarraboa, the throat.
Tuamo, the shoulders. Tuah, the back. Oama, the breast. Eu, the nipples. Oboo, the
belly. Rema, the arm. Oporema, the hand. Manneow, the fingers. Mieu, the nails.
Touhe, the buttocks. Hoouhah, the thighs. Avia, the legs. Tapoa, the feet. Booa, a
hog. Moa, a fowl. Euree, a dog. Eure-eure, iron. Ooroo, bread-fruit. Hearee,
cocoa-nuts. Mia, bananas. *Vaee, wild plantains. Poe, beads. Poe
matawewwe, pearl. Ahou, a garment. Avee, a fruit like apples. Ahee, another like
chesnuts. Ewharre, a house. Whennua, a high island. Motu, a low island. Toto,
blood. Aeve, bone. Aeo, flesh. Mae, fat. Tuea, lean. Huru-huru, hair. Eraow, a
tree. Ama, a branch. Tiale, a flower. Huero, fruit. Etummoo, the stem. Aaa, the
root. Eiherre, herbaceous plants. Ooopa, a pigeon. Avigne, a paroquet. A-a,
another species. Mannu, a bird. Mora, a duck. Mattow, a fish-hook. Toura, a rope.
Mow, a shark. Mahi-mahi, a dolphin. Mattera, a fishing-rod. Eupea, a net. Mahanna,
the sun. Malama, the moon. Whettu, a star. Whettu-euphe, a comet. Erai, the sky.
Eatta, a cloud. Miti, good. Eno, bad. A, yes. Ima, no. Paree, ugly. Paroree,
hungry. Pia, full. Timahah, heavy. Mama, light. Poto, short. Roa, tall. Nehenne,
sweet. Mala-mala, bitter. Whanno, to go far. Harre, to go. Arrea, to stay. Enoho,
to remain. Rohe rohe, to be tired. Maa, to eat. Inoo, to drink. Ete, to
understand. Warrido, to steal. Worridde, to be angry. Teparahi, to beat. Among people whose food is so simple,* and who in general are seldom
drunk, it is scarcely necessary to say, that there are but few diseases; we saw no
critical disease during our stay upon the island, and but few instances of
sickness, which were accidental fits of the colic. The natives, however, are
afflicted with the erysipelas, and cutaneous eruptions of the scaly kind, very
nearly approaching to a leprosy. Those in whom this distemper was far advanced,
lived in a state of seclusion from all society, each in a small house built upon
some unfrequented spot, where they were supplied with provisions: but whether they
had any hope of relief, or languished out the remainder of their lives in solitude
and despair, we could not learn. We observed also a few who had ulcers upon
different parts of their bodies, some of which had a very virulent appearance; yet
they seemed not much to be regarded by those who were afflicted with them, for
they were left intirely without application even to keep off the flies.
Where intemperance produces no diseases, there will be no physicians by
profession; yet where there is sufferance, there will always be attempts to
relieve; and where the cause of the mischief and the remedy are alike unknown,
these will naturally be directed by superstition: thus it happens, that in this
country, and in all others which are not further injured by luxury, or improved by
knowlege, the management of the sick falls to the lot of the priest. The method of
cure that is practised by the priests of Otaheite, consists
chiefly of prayers and ceremonies. When he visits his patient he repeats certain
sentences, which appear to be set forms contrived for the occasion, and at the
same time plaits the leaves of the cocoa-nut into different figures very neatly;
some of these he fastens to the fingers and toes of the sick, and
often leaves behind him a few branches of the thespecia populnea,* which they call
E'midho: these ceremonies are repeated till the patient recovers or dies. If he
recovers, they say the remedies cured him, if he dies, they say the disease was
incurable, in which perhaps they do not much differ from the custom of other
countries.
If we had judged of their skill in surgery from the dreadful scars which
we sometimes saw, we should have supposed it to be much superior to the art not
only of their physicians, but of ours. We saw one man whose face was almost
intirely destroyed, his nose, including the bone, was perfectly flat, and one
cheek and one eye were so beaten in, that the hollow would almost receive a man's
fist, yet no ulcer remained; and our companion, Tupia, had
been pierced quite through his body by a spear headed with the bone of the
sting-ray, the weapon having entered his back, and come out just under his breast;
but except in reducing dislocations and fractures, the best surgeon can contribute
very little to the cure of a wound; the blood itself is the best vulnerary balsam,
and when the juices of the body are pure, and the patient is temperate, nothing
more is necessary as an aid to Nature in the cure of the worst wound, than the
keeping it clean.
Their commerce with the inhabitants of Europe has,
however, already entailed upon them that dreadful curse which avenged the
inhumanities committed by the Spaniards in America, the venereal disease. As it is
certain that no European vessel besides our own, except the
Dolphin, and the two that were under the command of Mons. Bougainville, ever
visited this island, it must have been brought either by one of them or by us.
That it was not brought by the Dolphin, Captain Wallis has demonstrated in the
account of her voyage,* [vol. I. p. 489, 490.] and nothing is more
certain than that when we arrived it had made most dreadful ravages in the island.
One of our people contracted it within five days after we went on shore, and by
the enquiries among the natives, which this occasioned, we learnt, when we came to
understand a little of their language, that it had been brought by the vessels
which had been there about fifteen months before us, and had lain on the east side
of the island. They distinguished it by a name of the same import with rottenness,
but of a more extensive signification, and described, in the most pathetic terms,
the sufferings of the first victims to its rage, and told us that it caused the
hair and the nails to fall off, and the flesh to rot from the bones: that it
spread a universal terror and consternation among them, so that the sick were
abandoned by their nearest relations, lest the calamity should spread by
contagion, and left to perish alone in such misery as till then had never been
known among them. We had some reason, however, to hope that they had found out a
specific to cure it: during our stay upon the island we saw none in whom it had
made a great progress, and one who went from us infected, returned after a short
time in perfect health; and by this it appeared either that the disease had cured
itself, or that they were not unacquainted with the virtues of simples, nor
implicit dupes to the superstitious follies of their priests. We endeavoured to
learn the medical qualities which they imputed to their plants, but our knowlege
of their language was too imperfect for us to succeed. If we could have learnt
their specific for the venereal disease, if such they have, it would have been of
great advantage to us, for when we left the island it had been contracted by more
than half the people on board the ship.
It is impossible but that, in relating incidents, many particulars with
respect to the customs, opinions, and works of these people should
be anticipated;* to avoid repetition, therefore, I shall only supply deficiencies.
Of the manner of disposing of their dead, much has been said already. I must more
explicitly observe that there are two places in which the dead are deposited; one
a kind of shed, where the flesh is suffered to putrefy; the other an enclosure,
with erections of stone, where the bones are afterwards buried. The sheds are
called TUPAPOW, and the enclosures Morai. The Morais are also places of worship.
As soon as a native of Otaheite is known to be
dead, the house is filled with relations, who deplore their loss, some by loud
lamentations, and some by less clamorous, but more genuine expressions of grief.
Those who are in the nearest degree of kindred, and are really affected by the
event, are silent; the rest are one moment uttering passionate exclamations in a
chorus, and the next laughing and talking without the least appearance of concern.
In this manner the remainder of the day on which they assemble is spent, and all
the succeeding night. On the next morning the body is shrouded in their cloth, and
conveyed to the sea side upon a bier, which the bearers support upon their
shoulders, attended by the priest, who having prayed over the body, repeats his
sentences during the procession: when it arrives at the water's edge, it is set
down upon the beach; the priest renews his prayers, and taking up some of the
water in his hands, sprinkles it towards the body, but not upon it. It is then
carried back forty or fifty yards, and soon after brought again to the beach,
where the prayers and sprinkling are repeated: it is thus removed backwards and
forwards several times, and while these ceremonies have been performing a house
has been built, and a small space of ground railed in. In the center of this
house, or Tupapow, posts are set up to support the bier, which is at length
conveyed thither, and
[illustration] placed upon it,* and here the body remains to
putrify till the flesh is wholly wasted from the bones. These houses of corruption
are of a size proportioned to the rank of the person whose body they are to
contain; those allotted to the lower class are just sufficient to cover the bier,
and have no railing round them. The largest we ever saw was eleven yards long, and
such as these are ornamented according to the abilities and inclination of the
surviving kindred, who never fail to lay a profusion of good cloth about the body,
and sometimes almost cover the outside of the house. Garlands of the fruit of the
palm-nut or pandanus, and cocoa leaves, twisted by the priests in mysterious
knots, with a plant called by them Ethee no Morai, which is particularly
consecrated to funereal solemnities, are deposited about the place; provision and
water are also left at a little distance, of which, and of other decorations, a
more particular description has been given already.
As soon as the body is deposited in the Tupapow, the mourning is renewed.
The women assemble, and are led to the door by the nearest relation, who strikes a
shark's tooth several times into the crown of her head: the blood copiously
follows, and is carefully received upon pieces of linen, which are thrown under
the bier. The rest of the women follow this example, and the ceremony is repeated
at the interval of two or three days, as long as the zeal and sorrow of the
parties hold out. The tears also which are shed upon these occasions, are received
upon pieces of cloth, and offered as oblations to the dead: some of the younger
people cut off their hair, and that is thrown under the bier with the other
offerings. This custom is founded upon a notion that the soul of the deceased,
which they believe to exist in a separate state, is hovering about the place where
the body is deposited:* that it observes the actions of the
survivors, and is gratified by such testimonies of their affection and grief.
Two or three days after these ceremonies have been commenced by the women,
during which the men seem to be wholly insensible of their loss, they also begin
to perform their part. The nearest relations take it in turn to assume the dress,
and perform the office which have already been particularly described in the
account of Tubourai Tamaide's having acted as chief mourner to an old woman, his
relation, who died while we were in the island. One part of the ceremony, however,
which accounts for the running away of the people as soon as this procession is in
sight, has not been mentioned. The chief mourner carries in his hand a long flat
stick, the edge of which is set with shark's teeth, and in a phrenzy, which his
grief is supposed to have inspired, he runs at all he sees, and if any of them
happen to be overtaken, he strikes them most unmercifully with this indented
cudgel, which cannot fail to wound them in a dangerous manner.
These processions continue at certain intervals for five moons, but are
less and less frequent, by a gradual diminution, as the end of that time
approaches. When it is expired, what remains of the body is taken down from the
bier, and the bones having been scraped and washed very clean, are buried,
according to the rank of the person, either within or without a Morai: if the
deceased was an Earee, or Chief, his skull is not buried with the rest of the
bones, but is wrapped up in fine cloth, and put in a kind of box made for that
purpose, which is also placed in the Morai. This coffer is called Ewharre no te
Orometua, the house of a teacher or master. After this the mourning ceases, except
some of the women continue to be really afflicted for the loss,* and
in that case they will sometimes suddenly wound themselves with the shark's tooth
wherever they happen to be: this perhaps will account for the passion of grief in
which Terapo wounded herself at the fort; some accidental circumstance might
forcibly revive the remembrance of a friend or relation whom she had lost, with a
pungency of regret and tenderness which forced a vent by tears, and prompted her
to a repetition of the funereal rite.
The ceremonies, however, do not cease with the mourning: prayers are still
said by the priest, who is well paid by the surviving relations, and offerings
made at the Morai. Some of the things, which from time to time are deposited
there, are emblematical: a young plantain represents the deceased, and the bunch
of feathers the deity who is invoked. The priest places himself over-against the
symbol of the God, accompanied by some of the relations, who are furnished with a
small offering, and repeats his oraison in a set form, consisting of separate
sentences; at the same time weaving the leaves of the cocoa-nut into different
forms, which he afterwards deposits upon the ground where the bones have been
interred; the deity is then addressed by a shrill screech, which is used only upon
that occasion. When the priest retires, the tuft of feathers is removed, and the
provisions left to putrify, or be devoured by the rats.
Of the religion of these people,* we were not able to acquire any clear
and consistent knowlege: we found it like the religion of most other countries,
involved in mystery, and perplexed with apparent inconsistences. The religious
language is also here, as it is in China, different from
that which is used in common; so that Tupia, who took great
pains to instruct us, having no words to express his meaning which
we understood,* gave us lectures to very little purpose: what we learnt, however,
I will relate with as much perspicuity as I can.
Nothing is more obvious to a rational being, however ignorant or stupid,
than that the universe and its various parts, as far as they fall under his
notice, were produced by some agent inconceivably more powerful than himself; and
nothing is more difficult to be conceived, even by the most sagacious and knowing,
than the production of them from nothing, which among us is expressed by the word
Creation. It is natural therefore, as no Being apparently capable of producing the
universe is to be seen, that he should be supposed to reside in some distant part
of it, or to be in his nature invisible, and that he should have originally
produced all that now exists in a manner similar to that in which nature is
renovated by the succession of one generation to another; but the idea of
procreation includes in it that of two persons, and from the conjunction of two
persons these people imagine every thing in the universe either originally or
derivatively to proceed.
The Supreme Deity, one of these two first beings, they call
TAROATAIHETOOMOO, and the other, whom they suppose to have been a rock, TEPAPA. A
daughter of these was TETTOWMATATAYO, the year, or thirteen months collectively,
which they never name but upon this occasion, and she, by the common father,
produced the months, and the months, by conjunction with each other, the days: the
stars they suppose partly to be the immediate offspring of the first pair, and
partly to have increased among themselves; and they have the same notion with
respect to the different species of plants. Among other progeny of
Taroataihetoomoo and Tepapa, they suppose an inferior race of deities whom they
call EATUAS. Two of these Eatuas, they say,* at some remote period
of time, inhabited the earth, and were the parents of the first man. When this
man, their common ancestor, was born, they say that he was round like a ball, but
that his mother, with great care, drew out his limbs, and having at length moulded
him into his present form, she called him EOTHE, which signifies finished. That
being prompted by the universal instinct to propagate his kind, and being able to
find no female but his mother, he begot upon her a daughter, and upon the daughter
other daughters for several generations, before there was a son; a son, however,
being at length born, he, by the assistance of his sisters, peopled the world.
Besides their daughter Tettowmatatayo, the first progenitors of nature had
a son whom they called TANE. Taroataihetoomoo, the Supreme Deity, they
emphatically stile the causer of earthquakes; but their prayers are more generally
addressed to Tane, whom they suppose to take a greater part in the affairs of
mankind.
Their subordinate deities or Eatuas, which are numerous, are of both
sexes: the male are worshipped by the men, and the female by the women; and each
have Morais to which the other sex is not admitted, though they have also Morais
common to both. Men perform the office of priest to both sexes, but each sex has
its priests, for those who officiate for one sex, do not officiate for the other.
They believe the immortality of the soul, at least its existence in a
separate state, and that there are two situations of different degrees of
happiness, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell: the superior situation they
call Tavirua Perai, the other Tiahoboo. They do not, however, consider them as
places of reward and punishment, but as receptacles for different
classes;* the first, for their Chiefs and principal people, the other for those of
inferior rank, for they do not suppose that their actions here in the least
influence their future state, or indeed that they come under the cognizance of
their deities at all. Their religion, therefore, if it has no influence upon their
morals, is at least disinterested; and their expressions of adoration and
reverence, whether by words or actions, arise only from a humble sense of their
own inferiority, and the ineffable excellence of divine perfection.
The character of the priest or Tahowa, is hereditary: the class is
numerous, and consists of all ranks of people; the chief, however, is generally
the younger brother of a good family, and is respected in a degree next to their
kings. Of the little knowlege that is possessed in this country, the priests have
the greatest share; but it consists principally in an acquaintance with the names
and ranks of the different Eatuas or subordinate divinities, and the opinions
concerning the origin of things, which have been traditionally preserved among the
order in detached sentences, of which some will repeat an incredible number,
though but very few of the words that are used in their common dialect occur in
them.
The priests, however, are superior to the rest of the people in the
knowlege of navigation and astronomy, and indeed the name Tahowa signifies nothing
more than a man of knowlege. As there are priests of every class, they officiate
only among that class to which they belong: the priest of the inferior class is
never called upon by those of superior rank, nor will the priest of the superior
rank officiate for any of the inferior class.
Marriage in this island, as appeared to us, is nothing more than an
agreement between the man and woman, with which the priest has no
concern.* Where it is contracted it appears to be pretty well kept, though
sometimes the parties separate by mutual consent, and in that case a divorce takes
place with as little trouble as the marriage.
But though the priesthood has laid the people under no tax for a nuptial
benediction, there are two operations which it has appropriated, and from which it
derives considerable advantages. One is tattowing, and the other circumcision,
though neither of them have any connexion with religion. The tattowing has been
described already. Circumcision has been adopted merely from motives of
cleanliness; it cannot indeed properly be called circumcision, because the prepuce
is not mutilated by a circular wound, but only slit through the upper part to
prevent its contracting over the glans. As neither of these can be performed by
any but a priest, and as to be without either is the greatest disgrace, they may
be considered as a claim to surplice fees like our marriages and christenings,
which are cheerfully and liberally paid, not according to any settled stipend, but
the rank and abilities of the parties or their friends.
The Morai, as has already been observed, is at once a burying ground and a
place of worship, and in this particular our churches too much resemble it. The
Indian, however, approaches his Morai with a reverence and humility that disgraces
the christian, not because he holds any thing sacred that is there, but because he
there worships an invisible divinity, for whom, though he neither hopes for
reward, nor fears punishment, at his hand, he always expresses the profoundest
homage and most humble adoration. I have already given a very particular
description both of the Morais and the altars that are placed near them. When an
Indian is about to worship at the Morai,* or brings his offering to
the altar, he always uncovers his body to the waste, and his looks and attitude
are such as sufficiently express a corresponding disposition of mind.
It did not appear to us that these people are, in any instance, guilty of
idolatry; at least they do not worship any thing that is the work of their hands,
nor any visible part of the creation. This island indeed, and the rest that lie
near it, have a particular bird, some a heron, and others a king's fisher, to
which they pay a peculiar regard, and concerning which they have some
superstitious notions with respect to good and bad fortune, as we have of the
swallow and robin-red-breast, giving them the name of EATUA, and by no means
killing or molesting them; yet they never address a petition to them, or approach
them with any act of adoration.
*Though I dare not assert that these people, to whom the art of writing,
and consequently the recording of laws, are utterly unknown, live under a regular
form of government; yet a subordination is established among them, that greatly
resembles the early state of every nation in Europe under
the feudal system, which secured liberty in the most licentious excess to a few,
and entailed the most abject slavery upon the rest.
Their orders are, Earee rahie, which answers to king; Earee, baron;
Manahouni, vassal; and Toutou, villain. The Earee rahie, of which there are two in
this island, one being the sovereign of each of the peninsulas of which it
consists, is treated with great respect by all ranks, but did not appear to us to
be invested with so much power as was exercised by the Earees in their own
districts; nor indeed did we, as I have before observed, once see
the sovereign of Obereonoo,* while we were in the island. The Earees are lords of
one or more of the districts into which each of the peninsulas is divided, of
which there may be about one hundred in the whole island; and they parcel out
their territories to the Manahounies, who cultivate each his part which he holds
under the baron. The lowest class, called Toutous, seem to be nearly under the
same circumstances as the villains in feudal governments: these do all the
laborious work, they cultivate the land under the Manahounies, who are only
nominal cultivators for the lord, they fetch wood and water, and, under the
direction of the mistress of the family, dress the victuals; they also catch the
fish.
Each of the Earees keeps a kind of court, and has a great number of
attendants, chiefly the younger brothers of their own tribe; and among these some
hold particular offices, but of what nature exactly we could not tell. One was
called the Eowa no l' Earee, and another the Whanno no l' Earee, and these were
frequently dispatched to us with messages. Of all the courts of these Earees, that
of Tootahah was the most splendid, as indeed might reasonably
be expected, because he administered the government for Outou, his nephew, who was
Earee rahie of Obereonoo, and lived upon his estate. The child of the baron or
Earee, as well as of the sovereign or Earee rahie, succeeds to the title and
honours of the father as soon as it is born: so that a baron, who was yesterday
called Earee, and was approached with the ceremony of lowering the garments, so as
to uncover the upper part of the body, is to-day, if his wife was last night
delivered of a child, reduced to the rank of a private man, all marks of respect
being transferred to the child, if it is suffered to live, though
the father still continues possessor and administrator of his estate:* probably
this custom has its share, among other inducements, in forming the societies
called Arreoy.
*If a general attack happens to be made upon the island, every district
under the command of an Earee, is obliged to furnish its proportion of soldiers
for ther common defence. The number furnished by the principal districts, which
Tupia recollected, when added together, amounted, as I
have observed before, to six thousand six hundred and eighty.
Upon such occasions, the united force of the whole island is commanded in
chief by the Earee rahie. Private differences between two Earees, are decided by
their own people, without at all disturbing the general tranquillity.
*Their weapons are slings, which they use with great dexterity, pikes
headed with the stings of sting-rays, and clubs, of about six or seven feet long,
made of a very hard heavy wood. Thus armed, they are said to fight with great
obstinacy, which is the more likely to be true, as it is certain that they give no
quarter to either man, woman, or child, who is so unfortunate as to fall into
their hands during the battle, or for some hours afterwards, till their passion,
which is always violent, though not lasting, has subsided.
The Earee rahie of Obereonoo, while we were here, was in perfect amity
with the Earee rahie of Tiarreboo, the other peninsula, though he took himself the
title of king of the whole island: this, however, produced no more jealousy in the
other sovereign, than the title of king of France, assumed by our sovereign, does
in his most Christian Majesty.
In a government so rude, it cannot be expected that distributive justice
should be regularly administered, and indeed where there is so
little opposition of interest,* in consequence of the facility with which every
appetite and passion is gratified, there can be but few crimes. There is nothing
like money, the common medium by which every want and every wish is supposed to be
gratified by those who do not possess it; there is no apparently permanent good
which either fraud or force can unlawfully obtain; and when all the crimes that
are committed by the inhabitants of civilized countries, to get money, are set out
of the account, not many will remain: add to this, that where the commerce with
woman is restrained by no law, men will seldom be under any temptation to commit
adultery, especially as one woman is always less preferred to another, where they
are less distinguished by personal decorations, and the adventitious circumstances
which are produced by the varieties of art, and the refinements of sentiment. That
they are thieves is true; but as among these people no man can be much injured or
benefited by theft, it is not necessary to restrain it by such punishments, as in
other countries are absolutely necessary to the very existence of civil society.
Tupia, however, tells us, that adultery is sometimes
committed as well as theft. In all cases where an injury has been committed, the
punishment of the offender lies with the sufferer: adultery, if the parties are
caught in the fact, is sometimes punished with death in the first ardour of
resentment; but without circumstances of immediate provocation, the female sinner
seldom suffers more than a beating. As punishment, however, is enforced by no law,
nor taken into the hand of any magistrate, it is not often inflicted, except the
injured party is the strongest; though the Chiefs do sometimes punish their
immediate dependents, for faults committed against each other, and even the
dependents of others,* if they are accused of any offence committed
in their district.
Having now given the best description that I can of the island in its
present state, and of the people, with their customs and manners, language and
arts, I shall only add a few general observations, which may be of use to future
navigators, if any of the ships of Great Britain should
receive orders to visit it. As it produces nothing that appears to be convertible
into an article of trade, and can be useful only by affording refreshments to
shipping in their passage through these seas, it might be made to answer this
purpose in a much greater degree, by transporting thither sheep, goats, and horned
cattle, with European garden-stuff, and other useful
vegetables, which there is the greatest reason to suppose will flourish in so fine
a climate, and so rich a soil.
Though this, and the neighbouring islands lie within the tropick of
Capricorn, yet the heat is not troublesome, nor did the winds blow constantly from
the east. We had frequently a fresh gale from the S. W. for two or three days, and
sometimes, though very seldom, from the N. W. Tupia reported,
that south westerly winds prevail in October, November, and December, and we have
no doubt of the fact. When the winds are variable, they are always accompanied by
a swell from the S. W. or W. S. W.; there is also a swell from the same points
when it is calm, and the atmosphere loaded with clouds, which is a sure indication
that the winds are variable, or westerly out at sea, for with the settled
trade-wind the weather is clear.
The meeting with westerly winds, within the general limits of the eastern
trade, has induced some navigators to suppose that they were near some large track
of land, of which, however, I think they are no indication.
It has been found, both by us and the Dolphin,* that the trade-wind,
in these parts, does not extend farther to the south than twenty degrees, beyond
which, we generally found a gale from the westward; and it is reasonable to
suppose, that when these winds blow strong, they will drive back the easterly
wind, and consequently incroach upon the limits within which they constantly blow,
and thus necessarily produce variable winds, as either happens to prevail, and a
south westerly swell. This supposition is the more probable, as it is well known
that the trade-winds blow but faintly for some distance within their limits, and
therefore may be more easily stopped or repelled by a wind in the contrary
direction: it is also well known, that the limits of the trade-winds vary not only
at different seasons of the year, but sometimes at the same season, in different
years.
There is therefore no reason to suppose that south westerly winds, within
these limits, are caused by the vicinity of large tracts of land, especially as
they are always accompanied with a large swell, in the same direction in which
they blow; and we find a much greater surf beating upon the shores of the south
west side of the islands that are situated just within the limits of the
trade-wind, than upon any other part of them.
The tides about these islands, are perhaps as inconsiderable as in any
part of the world. A south or S. by W. moon, makes high water in the bay of
Matavai at Otaheite; but the water very seldom rises
perpendicularly above ten or twelve inches.
The variation of the compass, I found to be 40° 46′ Easterly,
this being the result of a great number of trials made with four of Dr. Knight's
needles, adapted to azimuth compasses. These compasses I thought the
best that could be procured,* yet, when applied to the meridian line, I found them
to differ not only one from another, sometimes a degree and an half, but the same
needle, half a degree from itself in different trials made on the same day; and I
do not remember that I have ever found two needles which exactly agreed at the
same time and place, though I have often found the same needle agree with itself,
in several trials made one after the other. This imperfection of the needle,
however, is of no consequence to navigation, as the variation can always be found
to a degree of accuracy, more than sufficient for all nautical purposes.
[illustration] CHART OF THE SOCIETY ISLES, discovered BY LIEUT. J. COOK.
1769.
[illustration] MATAVIA BAY IN OTAHEITE. [illustration] OWHARRE HARBOUR IN
HUAHEINE. [illustration] OHAMANENO HARBOUR IN
ULIETEA. [illustration] OOPOA HARBOUR IN
ULIETEA.
[illustration] A CHART of the ISLANDS (discovered in the Neighbourhood of
OTAHEITE, in the Course of several Voyages round the World.) MADE BY the Capns.
Byron Wallis, Carteret • Cooke, in the Years, 1765, 1767, 1769. Whitchurch sculp.
Pleasant Row. Islington.
CHAP. XX.
A Description of several other Islands in the
Neighbourhood of Otaheite, with various Incidents; a
dramatic Entertainment; and many Particulars relative to the Customs and
Manners of the Inhabitants.
AFTER parting with our friends, we made an easy sail,* with gentle breezes
and clear weather, and were informed by Tupia, that four of
the neighbouring islands, which he distinguished by the names of
HUAHEINE, ULIETEA,
OTAHA, and BOLABOLA, lay at the distance of between one
and two days sail from Otaheite; and that hogs, fowls, and
other refreshments, with which we had of late been but sparingly supplied, were
there to be procured in great plenty; but having discovered from the hills of
Otaheite, an island lying to the northward, which he
called TETHUROA, I determined first to stand that way, to take a nearer view of
it. It lies N. ½ W. distant eight leagues from the northern extremity of
Otaheite, upon which we had observed the transit, and to
which we had, for that reason, given the name of POINT VENUS. We found it to be a
small low island, and were told by Tupia, that it had no
settled inhabitants, but was occasionally visited by the inhabitants of
Otaheite, who sometimes went thither for a few days to
fish; we therefore determined to spend no more time in a farther examination of
it, but to go in search of Huaheine and Ulietea, which he
described to be well peopled, and as large as Otaheite.
*At six o'clock in the morning of the 14th, the
westermost part of EIMEO, or York Island, bore S. E. ½ S. and the body of
Otaheite E. ½ S. At noon, the body of York Island bore
E. by S. ½ S. and Port-Royal bay, at Otaheite, S. 70°
45′ E. distant 61 miles, and an island which we took to be Saunders's
Island, called by the natives TAPOAMANAO, bore S. S. W. We also saw land bearing
N. W. ½ W. which Tupia said was Huaheine.
*On the 15th, it was hazy, with light breezes and calms
succeeding each other, so that we could see no land, and made but little way. Our
Indian, Tupia, often prayed for a wind to his god Tane, and
as often boasted of his success, which indeed he took a very effectual method to
secure, for he never began his address to Tane, till he saw a breeze so near that
he knew it must reach the ship before his oraison was well over.
*On the 16th, we had a gentle breeze; and in the morning
about eight o'clock, being close in with the north west part of the island
Huaheine,* we sounded, but had no bottom with 80 fathom. Some canoes very soon
came off, but the people seemed afraid, and kept at a distance till they
discovered Tupia, and then they ventured nearer. In one of
the canoes that came up to the ship's side, was the king of the island and his
wife. Upon assurances of friendship, frequently and earnestly repeated, their
Majesties and some others came on board. At first they were struck with
astonishment, and wondered at every thing that was shewn them; yet they made no
enquiries, and seeming to be satisfied with what was offered to their notice, they
made no search after other objects of curiosity, with which it was natural to
suppose a building of such novelty and magnitude as the ship must abound. After
some time, they became more familiar. I was given to understand,*
that the name of the king was OREE, and he proposed, as a mark of amity, that we
should exchange names. To this I readily consented; and he was Cookee, for so he
pronounced my name, and I was Oree, for the rest of the time we were together. We
found these people to be very nearly the same with those of
Otaheite, in person, dress, language, and every other
circumstance, except, if Tupia might be believed, that they
would not steal.
Soon after dinner, we came to an anchor, in a small but excellent harbour
on the west side of the island, which the Natives call OWHARRE, in eighteen fathom
water, clear ground, and secure from all winds. I went immediately ashore,
accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander,
Mr. Monkhouse, Tupia, King Cookee, and some other of the
natives who had been on board ever since the morning. The moment we landed
Tupia stripped himself as low as the waist, and desired
Mr. Monkhouse to do the same: he then sat down before a great number of the
natives, who were collected together in a large house or shed; for here, as well
as at Otaheite, a house consists only of a roof supported
upon poles; the rest of us, by his desire, standing behind. He then began a speech
or prayer which lasted about a quarter of an hour, the King who stood over against
him every now and then answering in what appeared to be set responses. In the
course of this harangue he delivered at different times two handkerchiefs, a black
silk neckcloth, some beads, two small bunches of feathers, and some plantains, as
presents to their Eatua, or God. In return for these, he received for our Eatua, a
hog, some young plantains, and two small bunches of feathers, which he ordered to
be carried on board the ship. After these ceremonies, which we supposed to be the
ratification of a treaty between us, every one was dismissed to go
whither he pleased;* and Tupia immediately repaired to offer
his oblations at one of the Morais.
*The next morning, we went on shore again, and walked up the hills, where
the productions were exactly the same as those of Otaheite,
except that the rocks and clay appeared to be more burnt. The houses were neat,
and the boathouses remarkably large; one that we measured was fifty paces long,
ten broad, and twenty-four feet high; the whole formed a pointed arch, like those
of our old cathedrals, which was supported on one side by twenty-six, and on the
other by thirty pillars, or rather posts, about two feet high, and one thick, upon
most of which were rudely carved the heads of men, and several fanciful devices,
not altogether unlike those which we sometimes see printed from wooden blocks, at
the beginning and end of old books. The plains, or flat part of the country,
abounded in bread-fruit, and cocoa-nut trees; in some places, however, there were
salt swamps and lagoons, which would produce neither.
*We went again a-shore on the 18th, and would have taken the
advantage of Tupia's company, in our perambulation; but he
was too much engaged with his friends: we took however his boy, whose name was
TAYETO, and Mr. Banks went to take a farther view of what had
much engaged his attention before; it was a kind of chest or ark, the lid of which
was nicely sewed on, and thatched very neatly with palm-nut leaves: it was fixed
upon two poles, and supported on little arches of wood, very neatly carved; the
use of the poles seemed to be to remove it from place to place, in the manner of
our sedan chairs: in one end of it was a square hole, in the middle of which was a
ring touching the sides, and leaving the angles open, so as to form a round hole
within a square one. The first time Mr. Banks saw this
coffer,
[illustration] the aperture at the end was stopped with a
piece of cloth,* which, least he should give offence, he left untouched; probably
there was then something within, but now the cloth was taken away, and, upon
looking into it, it was found empty. The general resemblance between this
repository and the Ark of the Lord among the Jews is remarkable; but it is still
more remarkable, that upon enquiring of the boy what it was called, he said,
Ewharre no Eatua, the house of the God: he could however give no account of its
signification or use. We had commenced a kind of trade with the natives, but it
went on slowly; for when any thing was offered, not one of them would take it upon
his own judgment, but collected the opinions of twenty or thirty people, which
could not be done without great loss of time. We got, however, eleven pigs, and
determined to try for more the next day. The next day, therefore, we brought out
some hatchets,* for which we hoped we should have had no occasion, upon an island
which no European had ever visited before. These procured
us three very large hogs; and as we proposed to fail in the afternoon, King Oree
and several others came on board to take their leave. To the King I gave a small
plate of pewter, on which was stamped this inscription,
His Britannic Majesty's ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook Commander,
16th July 1769, Huaheine. I gave him also some medals or counters,
resembling the coin of England, struck in the year 1761,
with some other presents; and he promised that with none of these, particularly
the plate, he would ever part. I thought it as lasting a testimony of our having
first discovered this island, as any we could leave behind; and having dismissed
our visitors well satisfied, and in great good-humour, we set sail, about half an
hour after two in the afternoon. *The island of Huaheine, or Huahene,
is situated in the latitude of 16° 43′ S. and longitude 150° 52′
W. from Greenwich: it is distant from
Otaheite about thirty-one leagues, in the direction of
N. 58 W. and is about seven leagues in compass. Its surface is hilly and uneven,
and it has a safe and commodious harbour. The harbour, which is called by the
natives OWALLE, or OWHARRE, lies on the west side, under the northermost high
land, and within the north end of the reef, which lies along that side of the
island; there are two inlets or openings, by which it may be entered, through the
reef, about a mile and a half distant from each other; the southermost is the
widest, and on the south side of it lies a very small sandy island.
Huaheine seems to be a month forwarder in its productions than
Otaheite, as we found the cocoa-nuts full of kernel, and
some of the new bread-fruit fit to eat. Of the cocoa-nuts the inhabitants make a
food which they call Poe, by mixing them with yams; they scrape both fine, and
having incorporated the powder, they put it into a wooden trough, with a number of
hot stones, by which an oily kind of hasty pudding is made, that our people
relished very well, especially when it was fryed. Mr. Banks
found not more than eleven or twelve new plants; but he observed some insects, and
a species of scorpion which he had not seen before.
The inhabitants seem to be larger made, and more stout, than those of
Otaheite. Mr. Banks measured one of
the men, and found him to be six feet three inches and an half high; yet they are
so lazy, that he could not persuade any of them to go up the hills with him: they
said, if they were to attempt it, the fatigue would kill them. The women were very
fair, more so than those of Otaheite; and in general, we
thought them more handsome, though none that were equal to some
individuals. Both sexes seemed to be less timid,* and less curious: it has been
observed, that they made no enquiries on board the ship; and when we fired a gun,
they were frighted indeed, but they did not fall down, as our friends at
Otaheite constantly did when we first came among them.
For this difference, however, we can easily account upon other principles; the
people at Huaheine had not seen the Dolphin, those at
Otaheite had. In one, the report of a gun was connected
with the idea of instant destruction; to the other, there was nothing dreadful in
it but the appearance and the sound, as they had never experienced its power of
dispensing death.
While we were on shore, we found that Tupia had
commended them beyond their merit, when he said that they would not steal; for one
of them, was detected in the fact. But when he was seized by the hair, the rest,
instead of running away, as the people at Otaheite would
have done, gathered round, and enquired what provocation had been given: but this
also may be accounted for without giving them credit for superior courage; they
had no experience of the consequence of European
resentment, which the people at Otaheite had in many
instances purchased with life. It must however be acknowledged, to their honour,
that when they understood what had happened, they showed strong signs of
disapprobation, and prescribed a good beating for the thief, which was immediately
administered.
We now made sail for the island of ULIETEA,* which
lies S. W. by W. distant seven or eight leagues from Huaheine, and at half an hour
after six in the evening we were within three leagues of the shore, on the eastern
side. We stood off and on all night, and when the day broke the next morning,* we
stood in for the shore: we soon after discovered an opening in the
reef which lies before the island,* within which Tupia told
us there was a good harbour. I did not, however, implicitly take his word; but
sent the master out in the pinnace to examine it: he soon made the signal for the
ship to follow; we accordingly stood in, and anchored in two and twenty fathom,
with soft ground.
The natives soon came off to us in two canoes, each of which brought a
woman and a pig. The woman we supposed was a mark of confidence, and the pig was a
present; we received both with proper acknowledgments, and complimented each of
the ladies with a spike nail and some beads, much to their satisfaction. We were
told by Tupia, who has always expressed much fear of the men
of Bolabola, that they have made a conquest of this island;
and that, if we remain here, they will certainly come down tomorrow, and fight us.
We determined, therefore, to go on shore without delay, while the day was our own.
I landed in company with Mr. Banks, Dr.
Solander, and the other Gentlemen, Tupia being
also of the party. He introduced us by repeating the ceremonies which he had
performed at Huaheine, after which I hoisted an English jack, and took possession
of this and the three neighbouring islands, Huaheine, Otaha, and
Bolabola, which were all in sight, in the name of his
Britannic Majesty. After this, we took a walk to a great Morai, called
TAPODEBOATEA. We found it very different from those of
Otaheite; for it consisted only of four walls, about
eight feet high, of coral stones, some of which were of an immense size, inclosing
an area of about five and twenty yards square, which was filled up with smaller
stones: upon the top of it many planks were set up an end, which were carved in
their whole length: at a little distance we found an altar, or Ewhatta, upon which
lay the last oblation or sacrifice,* a hog of about eighty pounds
weight, which had been offered whole, and very nicely roasted. Here were also four
or five Ewharre-no-Eatua, or houses of God, to which carriage poles were fitted,
like that which we had seen at Huaheine. One of these Mr.
Banks examined by putting his hand into it, and found a parcel about
five feet long and one thick, wrapped up in matts: he broke a way through several
of these matts with his fingers, but at length came to one which was made of the
fibres of the cocoa-nut, so firmly plaited together that he found it impossible to
tear it, and therefore was forced to desist; especially as he perceived, that what
he had done already gave great offence to our new friends. From hence we went to a
long house, not far distant, where among rolls of cloth, and several other things,
we saw the model of a canoe, about three feet long, to which were tied eight human
jaw-bones: we had already learnt that these, like scalps among the Indians of
North America, were trophies of war.
Tupia affirmed that they were the jaw-bones of the natives
of this island; if so, they might have been hung up, with the model of a canoe, as
a symbol of invasion, by the warriors of Bolabola, as a
memorial of their conquest.
Night now came on apace, but Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander continued their walk along the shore, and at
a little distance saw another Ewharre-no-Eatua, and a tree of the fig kind, the
same as that which Mr. Green had seen at
Otaheite, in great perfection, the trunk, or rather
congeries of the roots of which was forty-two paces in circumference.
On the 21st,* having dispatched the Master in the long-boat
to examine the coast of the south part of the island, and one of the Mates in the
yawl, to sound the harbour where the ship lay, I went myself in the pinnace, to
survey that part of the island which lies to the north.*
Mr. Banks and the Gentlemen were again on shore, trading
with the natives, and examining the products and curiosities of the country; they
saw nothing, however, worthy notice, but some more jaw-bones, of which they made
no doubt but that the account they had heard was true.
*On the 22d and 23d, having strong gales and
hazey weather, I did not think it safe to put to sea; but on the
24th, though the wind was still variable, I got under sail, and plyed
to the northward within the reef, with a view to go out at a wider opening than
that by which I had entered; in doing this, however, I was unexpectedly in the
most imminent danger of striking on the rock: the Master, whom I had ordered to
keep continually sounding in the chains, suddenly called out, "two fathom." This
alarmed me, for though I knew the ship drew at least fourteen feet, and that
therefore it was impossible such a shoal should be under her keel; yet the Master
was either mistaken, or she went along the edge of a coral rock, many of which, in
the neighbourhood of these islands, are as steep as a wall.
This harbour or bay is called by the natives OOPOA, and taken in its
greatest extent, it is capable of holding any number of shipping. It extends
almost the whale length of the east side of the island, and is defended from the
sea by a reef of coral rocks: the southermost opening in this reef, or channel
into the harbour, by which we entered, is little more than a cable's length wide;
it lies off the eastermost point of the island, and may be known by another small
woody island, which lies a little to the south east of it, called by the people
here OATARA.* Between three and four miles north west from this island lie two
other islets, in the same direction as the reef,* of which they are a part, called
OPURURU
[illustration] and TAMOU;* between these lies the other
channel into the harbour, through which I went out, and which is a full quarter of
a mile wide. Still farther to the north west are some other small islands, near
which I am told there is another small channel into the harbour; but this I know
only by report. The principal refreshments that are to be procured at this part of
the island are, plantains, cocoa-nuts, yams, hogs, and fowls; the hogs and fowls,
however, are scarce; and the country, where we saw it, is neither so populous, nor
so rich in produce as Otaheite, or even Huaheine. Wood and
water may also be procured here; but the water cannot conveniently be got at.
We were now again at sea, without having received any interruption from
the hostile inhabitants of Bolabola, whom, notwithstanding
the fears of Tupia, we intended to visit. At four o'clock in
the afternoon of the 25th,* we were within a league of Otaha, which
bore N. 77 W. To the northward of the south end of that island, on the east side
of it, and something more than a mile from the shore, lie two small islands,
called TOAHOUTU and WHENNUAIA; between which,* Tupia says,
there is a channel into a very good harbour, which lies within the reef, and
appearances confirmed his report.
As I discovered a broad channel between Otaha and
Bolabola, I determined rather to go through it, than run
to the northward of all; but the wind being right a-head, I got no ground.
Between five and six in the evening of the 26th,* as I was
standing to the northward, I discovered a small low island, lying N. by W. or N.
N. W. distant four or five leagues from Bolabola. We were
told by Tupia that the name of this island is
TUBAI;* that it produces nothing but cocoa-nuts, and is inhabited only by three
families; though it is visited by the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands, who
resort thither to catch fish, with which the coast abounds.
*On the 27th, about noon, the peak of
Bolabola bore N. 25 W. and the north end of Otaha, N. 80
W. distant three leagues. The wind continued contrary all this day and the night
following.* On the 28th, at six in the morning, we were near the
entrance of the harbour on the east side of OTAHA,* which
has been just mentioned; and finding that it might be examined without losing
time, I sent away the Master in the long-boat, with orders to sound it; and, if
the wind did not shift in our favour, to land upon the island, and traffic with
the natives for such refreshments as were to be had. In this boat went
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who
landed upon the island, and before night purchased three hogs, twenty-one fowls,
and as many yams and plantains as the boat would hold. Plantains we thought a more
useful refreshment even than pork; for they were boiled and served to the ship's
company as bread, and were now the more acceptable as our bread was so full of
vermin, that notwithstanding all possible care, we had sometimes twenty of them in
our mouths at a time, every one of which tasted as hot as mustard. The island
seemed to be more barren than Ulietea, but the produce was
of the same kind. The people also exactly resembled those that we had seen at the
other islands; they were not numerous, but they flocked about the boat whereever
she went from all quarters, bringing with them whatever they had to sell. They
paid the strangers, of whom they had received an account from
Tupia, the same compliment which they used towards their
own Kings, uncovering their shoulders, and wrapping their garments round their
breasts; and were so solicitous to prevent its being neglected by
any of their people, that a man was sent with them,* who called out to every one
they met, telling him what they were, and what he was to do.
In the mean time, I kept plying off and on, waiting for the boat's return;
at half an hour after five, not seeing any thing of her, I fired a gun, and after
it was dark hoisted a light; at half an hour after eight, we heard the report of a
musquet, which we answered with a gun, and soon after the boat came on board. The
Master reported, that the harbour was safe and commodious, with good anchorage
from twenty-five to sixteen fathom water, clear ground.
As soon as the boat was hoisted in, I made sail to the northward, and at
eight o'clock in the morning of the 29th,* we were close under the
Peak of Bolabola, which was high, rude, and craggy. As the
island was altogether inaccessible in this part, and we found it impossible to
weather it, we tacked and stood off, then tacked again, and after many trips did
not weather the south end of it till twelve o'clock at night. At eight o'clock the
next morning,* we discovered an island, which bore from us N. 63° W.
distant about eight leagues; at the same time the Peak of
Bolabola bore N. ½ E. distant three or four leagues.
This island Tupia called MAURUA,* and
said that it was small, wholly surrounded by a reef, and without any harbour for
shipping; but inhabited, and bearing the same produce as the neighbouring islands:
the middle of it rises in a high round hill, that may be seen at the distance of
ten leagues.
When we were off Bolabola, we saw but few people on
the shore, and were told by Tupia that many of the
inhabitants were gone to Ulietea. In the afternoon we found
ourselves nearly the length of the south end of Ulietea,
and to windward of some harbours that lay on the west side of this
island.* Into one of these harbours, though we had before been ashore on the other
side of the island, I intended to put, in order to stop a leak which we had sprung
in the powder room, and to take in more ballast, as I found the ship too light to
carry sail upon a wind. As the wind was right against us,* we plied off one of the
harbours, and about three o'clock in the afternoon on the 1st of
August, we came to an anchor in the entrance of the channel leading into
it in fourteen fathom water, being prevented from working in, by a tide which set
very strong out. We then carried out the kedge-anchor, in order to warp into the
harbour; but when this was done, we could not trip the bower-anchor with all the
purchase we could make; we were therefore obliged to lie still all night,* and in
the morning, when the tide turned, the ship going over the anchor, it tripped of
itself, and we warped the ship into a proper birth with ease, and moored in
twenty-eight fathom, with a sandy bottom. While this was doing many of the natives
came off to us with hogs, fowls, and plantains, which they parted with at an easy
rate.
When the ship was secured, I went on shore to look for a proper place to
get ballast and water, both which I found in a very convenient situation.
This day Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander spent on shore very much to their satisfaction; every body
seemed to fear and respect them, placing in them at the same time the utmost
confidence, behaving as if conscious that they possessed the power of doing them
mischief, without any propensity to make use of it. Men, women and children
crowded round them, and followed them wherever they went; but none of them were
guilty of the least incivility: on the contrary, whenever there happened to be
dirt or water in the way, the men vied with each other to carry them
over on their backs.* They were conducted to the houses of the principal people,
and were received in a manner altogether new: the people, who followed them while
they were in their way, rushed forward as soon as they came to a house, and went
hastily in before them, leaving however a lane sufficiently wide for them to pass.
When they entered, they found those who had preceded them ranged on each side of a
long matt, which was spread upon the ground, and at the farther end of which sat
the family: in the first house they entered they found some very young women or
children, dressed with the utmost neatness, who kept their station, expecting the
strangers to come up to them and make them presents, which they did with the
greatest pleasure; for prettier children or better dressed they had never seen.
One of them was a girl about six years old; her gown, or upper garment, was red; a
large quantity of plaited hair was wound round her head, the ornament to which
they give the name of Tamou, and which they value more than any thing they
possess. She sat at the upper end of a matt thirty feet long, upon which none of
the spectators presumed to set a foot, notwithstanding the crowd; and she leaned
upon the arm of a well-looking woman about thirty, who was probably her nurse. Our
Gentlemen walked up to her, and as soon as they approached, she stretched out her
hand to receive the beads which they offered her, and no Princess in
Europe could have done it with a better grace.
The people were so much gratified by the presents which were made to these
girls, that when Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander returned they seemed attentive to nothing but how to oblige
them; and in one of the houses they were, by order of the master, entertained with
a dance, different from any that they had seen. It was performed by one man, who
put upon his head a large cylindrical piece of wicker-work,* or
basket, about four feet long and eight inches in diameter, which was faced with
feathers, placed perpendicularly, with the tops bending forwards, and edged round
with shark's teeth, and the tail feathers of Tropic birds: when he had put on this
head-dress, which is called a Whow, he began to dance, moving slowly, and often
turning his head so as that the top of his high wicker-cap described a circle, and
sometimes throwing it so near the faces of the spectators as to make them start
back: this was held among them as a very good joke, and never failed to produce a
peal of laughter, especially when it was played off upon one of the strangers.
*On the 3d, we went along the shore to the northward, which
was in a direction opposite to that of the route Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander had taken the day before, with a design to
purchase stock, which we always found the people more ready to part with, and at a
more easy price, at their houses than at the market. In the course of our walk we
met with a company of dancers, who detained us two hours, and during all that time
afforded us great entertainment. The company consisted of two women dancers, and
six men, with three drums; we were informed by Tupia, that
they were some of the most considerable people of the island, and that though they
were continually going from place to place, they did not, like the little
strolling companies of Otaheite, take any gratuity from the
spectators. The women had upon their heads a considerable quantity of Tamou, or
plaited hair, which was brought several times round the head, and adorned in many
parts with the flowers of the cape-jessamine, which were stuck in with much taste,
and made a head-dress truly elegant. Their necks, shoulders, and arms were naked;
so were the breasts also as low as the parting of
[illustration] the arm; below that, they were covered with
black cloth,* which set close to the body; at the side of each breast, next the
arm, was placed a small plume of black feathers, much in the same manner as our
ladies now wear their nosegays or Bouquets; upon their hips rested a quantity of
cloth plaited very full, which reached up to the breast, and fell down below into
long petticoats, which quite concealed their feet, and which they managed with as
much dexterity as our opera dancers could have done: the plaits above the waist
were brown and white alternately, the petticoats below were all white. In this
dress they advanced sideways in a measured step, keeping excellent time to the
drums, which beat briskly and loud; soon after they began to shake their hips,
giving the folds of cloth that lay upon them a very quick motion, which was in
some degree continued through the whole dance, though the body was thrown into
various postures, sometimes standing, sometimes sitting, and sometimes resting on
their knees and elbows, the fingers also being moved at the same time with a
quickness scarcely to be imagined. Much of the dexterity of the dancers, however,
and the entertainment of the spectators, consisted in the wantonness of their
attitudes and gestures, which was, indeed, such as exceeds all description.
One of these girls had in her ear three pearls; one of them was very
large, but so foul that it was of little value; the other two were as big as a
middling pea; these were clear, and of a good colour and shape, though spoiled by
the drilling. Mr. Banks would fain have purchased them, and
offered the owner any thing she would ask for them, but she could not be persuaded
to part with them at any price: he tempted her with the value of four hogs, and
whatever else she should chuse,* but without success; and indeed
they set a value upon their pearls very nearly equal to what they would fetch
among us, except they could be procured before they are drilled.
Between the dances of the women, the men performed a kind of dramatic
interlude, in which there was dialogue as well as dancing; but we were not
sufficiently acquainted with their language to understand the subject.
*On the 4th, some of our gentlemen saw a much more regular
entertainment of the dramatic kind, which was divided into four acts.
Tupia had often told us that he had large possessions in this
island, which had been taken away from him by the inhabitants of
Bolabola, and he now pointed them out in the very bay
where the ship was at anchor. Upon our going on shore, this was confirmed by the
inhabitants, who shewed us several districts or Whennuas, which they acknowledged
to be his right.
*On the 5th, I received a present of three hogs, some fowls,
several pieces of cloth, the largest we had seen, being fifty yards long, which
they unfolded and displayed so as to make the greatest show possible; and a
considerable quantity of plantains, cocoa-nuts, and other refreshments, from
Opoony, the formidable king, or, in the language of the country, Earee rahie, of
Bolabola, with a message that he was at this time upon
the island, and that the next day he intended to pay me a visit.
In the mean time Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander went upon the hills, accompanied by several of the Indians,
who conducted them by excellent paths, to such a height, that they plainly saw the
other side of the island, and the passage through which the ship had passed the
reef between the little islands of Opururu and Tamou, when we landed upon it the
first time. As they were returning,* they saw the Indians
exercising themselves at what they call Erowhaw, which is nothing more than
pitching a kind of light lance, headed with hard wood, at a mark: in this
amusement, though they seem very fond of it, they do not excel, for not above one
in twelve struck the mark, which was the bole of a plantain tree, at about twenty
yards distance.
On the 6th, we all staid at home,* expecting the visit of the
great king, but we were disappointed; we had, however, much more agreeable
company, for he sent three very pretty girls to demand something in return for his
present: perhaps he was unwilling to trust himself on board the ship, or perhaps
he thought his messengers would procure a more valuable return for his hogs and
poultry than he could himself; be that as it may, we did not regret his absence,
nor his messengers their visit.
In the afternoon, as the great king would not come to us, we determined to
go to the great king. As he was lord of the Bolabola men,
the conquerors of this, and the terror of all the other islands, we expected to
see a Chief young and vigorous, with an intelligent countenance, and an
enterprising spirit: we found, however, a poor feeble wretch, withered and
decrepit, half blind with age, and so sluggish and stupid that he appeared
scarcely to have understanding enough left to know that it was probable we should
be gratified either by hogs or women. He did not receive us sitting, or with any
state or formality as the other Chiefs had done: we made him our present, which he
accepted, and gave a hog in return. We had learnt that his principal residence was
at Otaha; and upon our telling him that we intended to go thither in our boats the
next morning, and that we should be glad to have him along with us,*
he promised to be of the party.
*Early in the morning, therefore, I set out both with the pinnace and
long-boat for Otaha, having some of the gentlemen with me; and in our way we
called upon Opoony, who was in his canoe, ready to join us. As soon as we landed
at Otaha, I made him a present of an ax, which I thought might induce him to
encourage his subjects to bring us such provision as we wanted; but in this we
found ourselves sadly disappointed, for after staying with him till noon, we left
him without being able to procure a single article. I then proceeded to the north
point of the island, in the pinnace, having sent the long-boat another way. As I
went along I picked up half a dozen hogs, as many fowls, and some plantains and
yams. Having viewed and sketched the harbour on this side of the island, I made
the best of my way back, with the long-boat, which joined me soon after it was
dark; and about ten o'clock at night we got on board the ship.
In this excursion Mr. Banks was not with us; he spent
the morning on board the ship, trading with the natives, who came off in their
canoes, for provisions and curiosities; and in the afternoon he went on shore with
his draughtsman, to sketch the dresses of the dancers which he had seen a day or
two before. He found the company exactly the same, except that another woman had
been added to it: the dancing also of the women was the same, but the interludes
of the men were somewhat varied; he saw five or six performed, which were
different from each other, and very much resembled the drama of our stage dances.*
The next day, he went ashore again, with Dr. Solander, and
they directed their course towards the dancing company, which, from the time of our second landing,* had gradually moved about two leagues in
their course round the island. They saw more dancing and more interludes, the
interludes still varying from each other: in one of them the performers, who were
all men, were divided into two parties, which were distinguished from each other
by the colour of their cloaths, one being brown, and the other white. The brown
party represented a master and servants, and the white party a company of thieves:
the master gave a basket of meat to the rest of his party, with a charge to take
care of it: the dance of the white party consisted of several expedients to steal
it, and that of the brown party in preventing their success. After some time,
those who had charge of the basket placed themselves round it, upon the ground,
and leaning upon it, appeared to go to sleep; the others, improving this
opportunity, came gently upon them, and lifting them up from the basket, carried
off their prize: the sleepers soon after awaking, missed their basket, but
presently fell a dancing, without any farther regarding their loss; so that the
dramatic action of this dance was, according to the severest laws of criticism,
one, and our lovers of simplicity would here have been gratified with an
entertainment perfectly suited to the chastity of their taste.
On the 9th,* having spent the morning in trading with the
canoes, we took the opportunity of a breeze, which sprung up at East, and having
stopped our leak, and got the fresh stock which we had purchased on board, we
sailed out of the harbour. When we were sailing away, Tupia
strongly urged me to fire a shot towards Bolabola, possibly
as a mark of his resentment, and to shew the power of his new allies: in this I
thought proper to gratify him, though we were seven leagues distant.
*While we were about these islands, we expended very little of the
ship's provisions, and were very plentifully supplied with hogs, fowls, plantains
and yams, which we hoped would have been of great use to us in our course to the
southward; but the hogs would not eat European grain of any
kind, pulse, or bread-dust, so that we could not preserve them alive; and the
fowls were all very soon seized with a disease that affected the head so, that
they continued to hold it down between their legs till they died: much dependence
therefore must not be placed in live stock taken on board at these places, at
least not till a discovery is made of some food that the hogs will eat, and some
remedy for the disease of the poultry.
Having been necessarily detained at Ulietea so
long, by the carpenters in stopping our leak, we determined to give up our design
of going on shore at Bolabola, especially as it appeared to
be difficult of access.
To these six islands, Ulietea, Otaha,
Bolabola, Huaheine, Tubai, and Maurua, as they lie
contiguous to each other, I gave the names of SOCIETY ISLANDS,* but did not think
it proper to distinguish them separately by any other names than those by which
they were known to the natives.
They are situated between the latitude of 16° 10′ and 16°
55′ S. and between the longitude of 150° 57′ and 152°
W. from the meridian of Greenwich.
Ulietea and Otaha lie within about two miles of each
other, and are both inclosed within one reef of coral rocks, so that there is no
passage for shipping between them. This reef forms several excellent harbours; the
entrances into them, indeed, are but narrow, yet when a ship is once in, nothing
can hurt her. The harbours on the east side have been described already; and on
the west side of Ulietea, which is the largest of the two,
there are three. The northermost, in which we lay,* is called
OHAMANENO: the channel leading into it is about a quarter of a mile wide, and lies
between two low sandy islands, which are the northermost on this side; between, or
just within the two islands, there is good anchorage in twenty-eight fathom, soft
ground. This harbour, though small, is preferable to the others, because it is
situated in the most fertile part of the island, and where fresh water is easily
to be got. The other two harbours lie to the southward of this, and not far from
the south end of the island: in both of them there is good anchorage, with ten,
twelve, and fourteen fathom. They are easily known by three small woody islands at
their entrance. The southermost of these two harbours lies within, and to the
southward of the southermost of these islands, and the other, lies between the two
northermost. I was told that there were more harbours at the south end of this
island, but I did not examine whether the report was true.
Otaha affords two very good harbours, one on the east side, and the other
on the west. That on the east side is called Ohamene, and has been mentioned
already; the other is called OHERURUA, and lies about the middle of the south west
side of the island; it is pretty large, and affords good anchorage in twenty and
twenty-five fathom, nor is there any want of fresh water. The breach in the reef,
that forms a channel into this harbour, is about a quarter of a mile broad, and
like all the rest is very sleep on both sides; in general there is no danger here
but what is visible.
The island of Bolabola lies N. W. and by W. from
Otaha, distant about four leagues; it is surrounded by a reef of rocks, and
several small islands, in compass together about eight leagues. I was told, that
on the south west side of the island there is a channel through the
reef into a very good harbour,* but I did not think it worth while to examine it,
for the reasons that have been just assigned. This island is rendered very
remarkable by a high craggy hill, which appears to be almost perpendicular, and
terminates at the top in two peaks, one higher than the other.
The land of Ulietea and Otaha is hilly, broken, and
irregular, except on the sea coast, yet the hills look green and pleasant, and are
in many places clothed with wood. The several particulars in which these islands
and their inhabitants differ from what we had observed at
Otaheite, have been mentioned in the course of the
narrative.
We pursued our course without any event worthy of note till the
13th,* about noon, when we saw land bearing S. E. which
Tupia told us was an island called OHETEROA.* About six in
the evening, we were within two or three leagues of it, upon which I shortened
sail, and stood off and on all night:* the next morning stood in for the land. We
ran to leeward of the island, keeping close in more, and saw several of the
natives, though in no great numbers, upon the beach. At nine o'clock I sent Mr.
Gore, one of my Lieutenants, in the pinnace, to endeavour to land upon the island,
and learn from the natives whether there was anchorage in a bay then in sight, and
what land lay farther to the southward. Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander accompanied Mr. Gore in this expedition, and as they thought
Tupia might be useful, they took him with them.
As the boat approached the shore, those on board perceived the natives to
be armed with long lances; as they did not intend to land till they got round a
point which run out at a little distance, they stood along the coast, and the
natives therefore very probably thought they were afraid of them.
They had now got together to the number of about sixty,* and all of them sat down
upon the shore, except two, who were dispatched forward to observe the motions of
those in the boat. These men, after walking a-breast of her some time, at length
leaped into the water, and swam towards her, but were soon left behind; two more
then appeared, and attempted to board her in the same manner, but they also were
soon left behind; a fifth man then ran forward alone, and having got a good way
a-head of the boat before he took to the water, easily reached her. Mr.
Banks urged the officer to take him in, thinking it a good
opportunity to get the confidence and good-will of a people, who then certainly
looked upon them as enemies, but he obstinately refused: this man therefore was
left behind like the others, and so was a sixth, who followed him.
When the boat had got round the point, she perceived that all her
followers had desisted from the pursuit: she now opened a large bay, at the bottom
of which appeared another body of men, armed with long lances like the first. Here
our people prepared to land, and pushed towards the shore, a canoe at the same
time putting off to meet them. As soon as it came near them, they lay upon their
oars, and calling out to them, told them that they were friends, and that if they
would come up they would give them nails, which were held up for them to see:
after some hesitation they came up to the boat's stern, and took some nails that
were offered them with great seeming satisfaction; but in less than a minute they
appeared to have formed a design of boarding the boat, and making her their prize:
three of them suddenly leaped into it, and the others brought up the canoe, which
the motion in quitting her had thrown off a little, manifestly with a design to
follow their associates, and support them in their attempt.* The
first that boarded the boat, entered close to Mr. Banks, and
instantly snatched his powder-horn out of his pocket: Mr.
Banks seized it, and with some difficulty wrenched it out of his
hand, at the same time pressing against his breast in order to force him
over-board, but he was too strong for him, and kept his place: the officer then
snapped his piece, but it missed fire, upon which he ordered some of the people to
fire over their heads; two pieces were accordingly discharged, upon which they all
instantly leaped into the water: one of the people, either from cowardice or
cruelty, or both, levelled a third piece at one of them as he was swimming away,
and the ball grazed his forehead; happily, however, the wound was very slight, for
he recovered the canoe, and stood up in her as active and vigorous as the rest.
The canoe immediately stood in for the shore, where a great number of people, not
less than two hundred, were now assembled. The boat also pushed in, but found the
land guarded all round with a shoal, upon which the sea broke with a considerable
surf; it was therefore thought advisable by the officer to proceed along shore in
search of a more convenient landing-place: in the mean time the people on board
saw the canoe go on shore, and the natives gather eagerly round her to enquire the
particulars of what had happened. Soon after, a single man ran along the shore,
armed with his lance, and when he came a-breast of the boat he began to dance,
brandish his weapon, and call out in a very shrill tone, which
Tupia said was a defiance from the people. The boat
continued to row along the shore, and the champion followed it, repeating his
defiance by his voice and his gestures; but no better landing-place being found
than that where the canoe had put the natives on shore, the officer turned back
with a view to attempt it there, hoping, that if it should not be
practicable,* the people would come to a conference either on the shoals or in
their canoes, and that a treaty of peace might be concluded with them.
As the boat rowed slowly along the shore back again, another champion came
down, shouting defiance, and brandishing his lance: his appearance was more
formidable than that of the other, for he wore a large cap made of the tail
feathers of the tropic bird, and his body was covered with stripes of different
coloured cloth, yellow, red, and brown. This gentleman also danced, but with much
more nimbleness and dexterity than the first; our people therefore, considering
his agility and his dress, distinguished him by the name of HARLEQUIN. Soon after
a more grave and elderly man came down to the beach, and hailing the people in the
boat, enquired who they were, and from whence they came;
Tupia answered in their own language, from
Otaheite: the three natives then walked peaceably along
the shore till they came to a shoal, upon which a few people were collected; here
they stopped, and after a short conference, they all began to pray very loud:
Tupia made his responses, but continued to tell us that
they were not our friends. When their prayer, or as they call it, their Poorah,
was over, our people entered into a parley with them, telling them, that if they
would lay by their lances and clubs, for some had one and some the other, they
would come on shore, and trade with them for whatever they would bring: they
agreed, but it was only upon condition that we would leave behind us our musquets:
this was a condition which, however equitable it might appear, could not be
complied with, nor indeed would it have put the two parties upon an equality,
except their numbers had been equal. Here then the negociation seemed to be at an
end; but in a little time they ventured to come nearer to the boat, and at last
came near enough to trade, which they did very fairly,* for a small
quantity of their cloth and some of their weapons; but as they gave our people no
hope of provisions, nor indeed any thing else except they would venture through a
narrow channel to the shore, which, all circumstances considered, they did not
think it prudent to do, they put off the boat and left them.
With the ship and the boat we had now made the circuit of the island, and
finding that there was neither harbour nor anchorage about it, and that the
hostile disposition of the people would render landing impracticable, without
bloodshed, I determined not to attempt it, having no motive that could justify the
risk of life.
The bay which the boat entered lies on the west side of the island, the
bottom was foul and rocky, but the water so clear that it could plainly be seen at
the depth of five and twenty fathom, which is one hundred and fifty feet.
This island is situated in the latitude of 22° 27′ S, and in
the longitude of 150° 47′ W. from the meridian of
Greenwich. It is thirteen miles in circuit, and rather
high than low, but neither populous nor fertile in proportion to the other islands
that we had seen in these seas. The chief produce seems to be the tree of which
they make their weapons, called in their language Etoa; many plantations of it
were seen along the shore, which is not surrounded, like the neighbouring islands,
by a reef.
The people seemed to be lusty and well-made, rather browner than those we
had left: under their arm-pits they had black marks about as broad as the hand,
the edges of which formed not a strait but an indented line; they had also circles
of the same colour, but not so broad, round their arms and legs, but were not
marked on any other part of the body.
Their dress was very different from any that we had seen before, as
well as the cloth of which it was made.* The cloth was of the same materials as
that which is worn in the other islands, and most of that which was seen by our
people was dyed of a bright but deep yellow, and covered on the outside with a
composition like varnish, which was either red, or of a dark lead-colour; over
this ground it was again painted in stripes of many different patterns, with
wonderful regularity, in the manner of our striped silks in
England; the cloth that was painted red was striped with
black, and that which was painted lead-colour with white. Their habit was a short
jacket of this cloth, which reached about as low as their knees; it was of one
piece, and had no other making than a hole in the middle of it, stitched round
with long stitches, in which it differed from all that we had seen before▪ through
this hole the head was put, and what hung down was confined to their bodies by a
piece of yellow cloth or sash, which passing round the neck behind, was crossed
upon the breast, and then collected round the waist like a belt, which passed over
another belt of red cloth, so that they made a very gay and warlike appearance;
some had caps of the feathers of the tropic bird, which have been before
described, and some had a piece of white or lead-coloured cloth wound about the
head like a small turban, which our people thought more becoming.
Their arms were long lances, made of the Etoa, the wood of which is very
hard; they were well polished and sharpened at one end: some were near twenty feet
long, though not more than three fingers thick: they had also a weapon which was
both club and pike, made of the same wood, about seven feet long; this also was
well polished, and sharpened at one end into a broad point. As a guard against these weapons,* when they attack each other, they have matts folded up
many times, which they place under their clothes from the neck to the waist: the
weapons themselves indeed are capable of much less mischief than those of the same
kind which we saw at the other islands, for the lances were there pointed with the
sharp bone of the sting-ray that is called the sting, and the pikes were of much
greater weight. The other things that we saw here were all superior in their kind
to any we had seen before; the cloth was of a better colour in the dye, and
painted with greater neatness and taste; the clubs were better cut and polished,
and the canoe, though a small one, was very rich in ornament, and the carving was
executed in a better manner: among other decorations peculiar to this canoe, was a
line of small white feathers, which hung from the head and stern on the outside,
and which, when we saw them, were thoroughly wetted by the spray.
Tupia told us, that there were several islands lying at
different distances and in different directions from this, between the south and
the north west; and that at the distance of three days sail to the north east,
there was an island called MANUA, bird-island: he seemed, however, most desirous
that we should sail to the westward, and described several islands in that
direction which he said he had visited: he told us that he had been ten or twelve
days in going thither, and thirty in coming back, and that the Pahie in which he
had made the voyage, sailed much faster than the ship: reckoning his Pahie
therefore to go at the rate of forty leagues a day, which from my own observation
I have great reason to think these boats will do, it would make four hundred
leagues in ten days, which I compute to be the distance of Boscawen and Keppel's
Islands, discovered by Captain Wallis, westward of
Ulietea,* and therefore think it very probable that they
were the islands he had visited. The farthest island that he knew any thing of to
the southward, he said, lay at the distance of about two days sail from Oteroah,
and was called MOUTOU; but he said that his father had told him there were islands
to the southward of that: upon the whole, I was determined to stand southward in
search of a continent, but to spend no time in searching for islands, if we did
not happen to fall in with them during our course.
[illustration] CHART of NEW-ZEALAND, explored in 1769 and 1770. by Lieut:
•: COOK, Commander of His MAJESTY'S Bark ENDEAVOUR. Engrav'd by I. Bayly.
EXPLANATION. The strick'd lines shews the Ships Trucks, and the figures annex'd,
the depth of Water in fathoms. The unfinish'd part of the Coast, has not been
explored. Places where the Ship Anchor'd. Rocks above Water. Rocks under Water.
Var. &c. Shews the Compass East Variation, in Degrees and Minutes. In Cook's
Strait, the Flood •ide comes strong in from the Southward, and on the days of the
New and Pull Moon is High-water about 11 o'Clock.
CHAP. I.
The Passage from Oteroah to New
Zealand; Incidents which happened on going a-shore there, and
while the Ship lay in Poverty Bay.
WE sailed from Oteroah on the 15th of August,* and on Friday
the 25th we celebrated the anniversary of our leaving
England, by taking a Cheshire cheese from a locker,
where it had been carefully treasured up for this occasion, and tapping a cask of
porter, which proved to be very good and in excellent order. On the
29th, one of the sailors got so drunk, that the next morning he
died: we thought at first that he could not have come honestly by the liquor, but
we afterwards learnt that the boatswain, whose mate he was, had in mere
good-nature given him part of a bottle of rum.
On the 30th we saw the comet;* at one o'clock in the morning
it was a little above the horizon in the eastern part of the heavens; at about
half an hour after four it passed the meridian, and its tail subtended an angle of
forty-two degrees. Our latitude was 38° 20′ S. our
longitude,* by log, 147° 6′ W. and the variation of the needle, by the
azimuth, 7° 9′ E. Among others that observed the comet, was
Tupia, who instantly cried out, that as soon as it should
be seen by the people of Bolabola, they would kill the
inhabitants of Ulietea, who would with the utmost
precipitation fly to the mountains.
*On the 1st of September, being in the latitude of 40°
22′ S. and longitude 174° 29′ W. and there not being any signs
of land, with a heavy sea from the westward, and strong gales, I wore, and stood
back to the northward, fearing that we might receive such damage in our sails and
rigging, as would hinder the prosecution of the voyage.
*On the next day, there being strong gales to the westward, I brought to,
with the ship's head to the northward; but in the morning of the 3d,*
the wind being more moderate, we loosened the reef of the main-sail, set the
top-sails, and plied to the westward.
*We continued our course till the 19th, when our latitude
being 29° and our longitude 159° 29′, we observed the
variation to be 8° 32′ E.* On the 24th, being in latitude
33° 18′, longitude 162° 51′, we observed a small piece of
sea weed, and a piece of wood covered with barnacles: the variation here was
10° 48′ E.
*On the 27th, being in latitude 28° 59′, longitude
169° 5′, we saw a seal asleep upon the water, and several bunches of
sea weed.* The next day we saw more sea weed in bunches, and on the
29th,* a bird, which we thought a land bird; it somewhat resembled
a snipe, but had a short bill. On the 1st of October,* we saw birds
innumerable, and another seal asleep upon the water; it is a general opinion that
seals never go out of soundings, or far from land, but those that we saw in these seas prove the contrary. Rock-weed is, however,* a certain
indication that land is not far distant. The next day, it being calm, we hoisted
out the boat, to try whether there was a current, but found none. Our latitude was
37° 10′, longitude 172° 54′ W. On the 3d,
being in latitude 36° 56′,* longitude 173° 27′, we took up
more sea-weed, and another piece of wood covered with barnacles.* The next day we
saw two more seals, and a brown bird, about as big as a raven, with some white
feathers under the wing. Mr. Gore told us, that birds of this kind were seen in
great numbers about Falkland's Islands, and our people gave
them the name of Port-Egmont hens.
On the 5th, we thought the water changed colour,* but upon
casting the lead, had no ground with 180 fathom. In the evening of this day, the
variation was 12° 50′ E. and while we were going nine leagues it
encreased to 14° 2′.
On the next day, Friday, October the 6th,* we saw land from
the mast-head, bearing W. by N. and stood directly for it; in the evening it could
just be discerned from the deck, and appeared large. The variation this day was,
by azimuth and amplitude, 15° 4′ ½ E. and by observation made of the
sun and moon, the longitude of the ship appeared to be 180° 55′ W. and
by the medium of this and subsequent observations, there appeared to be an error
in the ship's account of longitude during her run from
Otaheite of 3° 16′, she being so much to the
westward of the longitude resulting from the log. At midnight, I brought to and
sounded, but had no ground with one hundred and seventy fathom.
On the 7th, it fell calm, we therefore approached the land
slowly, and in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up,* we were still distant
seven or eight leagues. It appeared still larger as it was more distinctly seen,
with four or five ranges of hills,* rising one over the other, and a
chain of mountains above all, which appeared to be of an enormous height. This
land became the subject of much eager conversation; but the general opinion seemed
to be that we had found the Terra australis incognita. About five o'clock we saw
the opening of a bay, which seemed to run pretty far inland, upon which we hauled
our wind and stood in for it; we also saw smoke ascending from different places on
shore. When night came on,* however, we kept plying off and on till day-light,
when we found ourselves to the leeward of the bay, the wind being at north: we
could now perceive that the hills were cloathed with wood, and that some of the
trees in the valleys were very large. By noon we fetched in with the south west
point; but not being able to weather it, tacked and stood off: at this time we saw
several canoes standing cross the bay, which in a little time made to shore,
without seeming to take the least notice of the ship; we also saw some houses,
which appeared to be small, but neat; and near one of them a considerable number
of the people collected together, who were sitting upon the beach, and who, we
thought, were the same that we had seen in the canoes. Upon a small peninsula, at
the north east head, we could plainly perceive a pretty high and regular paling,
which inclosed the whole top of a hill; this was also the subject of much
speculation, some supposing it to be a park of deer, others an inclosure for oxen
and sheep. About four o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored on the north west side
of the bay, before the entrance of a small river, in ten fathom water, with a fine
sandy bottom, and at about half a league from the shore. The sides of the bay are
white cliffs of a great height; the middle is low land, with hills gradually
rising behind, one towering above another, and terminating in the chain of
mountains which appeared to be far inland.
In the evening I went on shore,* accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, and a party of
men. We landed abreast of the ship, on the east side of the river, which was here
about forty yards broad; but seeing some natives on the west side whom I wished to
speak with, and finding the river not fordable, I ordered the yawl in to carry us
over, and left the pinnace at the entrance. When we came near the place where the
people were assembled, they all ran away; however, we landed, and leaving four
boys to take care of the yawl, we walked up to some huts which were about two or
three hundred yards from the water-side. When we had got some distance from the
boat, four men, armed with long lances, rushed out of the woods, and running up to
attack the boat, would certainly have cut her off, if the people in the pinnace
had not discovered them, and called to the boys to drop down the stream: the boys
instantly obeyed; but being closely pursued by the Indians, the Cockswain of the
pinnace, who had the charge of the boats, fired a musquet over their heads; at
this they stopped and looked round them, but in a few minutes renewed the pursuit,
brandishing their lances in a threatening manner: the Cockswain then fired a
second musquet over their heads, but of this they took no notice; and one of them
lifting up his spear to dart it at the boat, another piece was fired, which shot
him dead. When he fell, the other three stood motionless for some minutes, as if
petrified with astonishment; as soon as they recovered, they went back, dragging
after them the dead body, which however they soon left, that it might not incumber
their flight. At the report of the first musquet we drew together, having
straggled to a little distance from each other, and made the best of our way back
to the boat; and crossing the river, we soon saw the Indian lying dead upon the
ground. Upon examining the body, we found that he had been shot
through the heart:* he was a man of the middle size and stature; his complexion
was brown, but not very dark; and one side of his face was tattowed in spiral
lines of a very regular figure: he was covered with a fine cloth, of a manufacture
altogether new to us, and it was tied on exactly according to the representation
in Valentyn's Account of Abel Tasman's Voyage, vol. iii. part
2. page 50. his hair also was tied in a knot on the top of his head, but had no
feather in it. We returned immediately to the ship, where we could hear the people
on shore talking with great earnestness, and in a very loud tone, probably about
what had happened, and what should be done.
*In the morning, we saw several of the natives where they had been seen
the night before, and some walking with a quick pace towards the place where we
had landed, most of them unarmed; but three or four with long pikes in their
hands. As I was desirous to establish an intercourse with them, I ordered three
boats to be manned with seamen and marines, and proceeded towards the shore,
accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander,
the other Gentlemen, and Tupia; about fifty of them seemed to
wait for our landing, on the opposite side of the river, which we thought a sign
of fear, and seated themselves upon the ground: at first, therefore, myself, with
only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and
Tupia, landed from the little boat, and advanced towards
them; but we had not proceeded many paces before they all started up, and every
man produced either a long pike, or a small weapon of green Talc, extremely well
polished, about a foot long, and thick enough to weigh four or five pounds:
Tupia called to them in the language of
Otaheite; but they answered only by flourishing their
weapons, and making signs to us to depart; a musquet was then fired wide of them,
and the ball struck the water, the river being still between us:
they saw the effect, and desisted from their threats;* but we thought it prudent
to retreat till the marines could be landed. This was soon done; and they marched,
with a jack carried before them, to a little bank, about fifty yards from the
water-side; here they were drawn up, and I again advanced, with Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander;
Tupia, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouse,
being with us. Tupia was again directed to speak to them, and
it was with great pleasure that we perceived he was perfectly understood, he and
the natives speaking only different dialects of the same language. He told them
that we wanted provision and water, and would give them iron in exchange, the
properties of which he explained as well as he was able. They were willing to
trade, and desired that we would come over to them for that purpose: to this we
consented, provided they would lay by their arms; which, however, they could by no
means be persuaded to do. During this conversation, Tupia
warned us to be upon our guard, for that they were not our friends: we then
pressed them in our turn to come over to us; and at last one of them stripped
himself, and swam over without his arms: he was almost immediately followed by two
more, and soon after by most of the rest, to the number of twenty or thirty; but
these brought their arms with them. We made them all presents of iron and beads;
but they seemed to set little value upon either, particularly the iron, not having
the least idea of its use; so that we got nothing in return but a few feathers:
they offered indeed to exchange their arms for ours, and, when we refused, made
many attempts to snatch them out of our hands. As soon as they came over,
Tupia repeated his declaration, that they were not our
friends, and again warned us to be upon our guard; their attempts to snatch our
weapons, therefore, did not succeed; and we gave them to understand by
Tupia, that we should be obliged to kill
them if they offered any farther violence.* In a few minutes, however,
Mr. Green happening to turn about, one of them snatched
away his hanger, and retiring to a little distance, waved it round his head, with
a shout of exultation: the rest now began to be extremely insolent, and we saw
more coming to join them from the opposite side of the river. It was therefore
become necessary to repress them, and Mr. Banks fired at the
man who had taken the hanger with small shot, at the distance of about fifteen
yards: when the shot struck him, he ceased his cry; but instead of returning the
hanger, continued to flourish it over his head, at the same time slowly retreating
to a greater distance. Mr. Monkhouse seeing this, fired at him with ball, and he
instantly dropped. Upon this the main body, who had retired to a rock in the
middle of the river upon the first discharge, began to return; two that were near
to the man who had been killed, ran up to the body, one feized his weapon of green
Tale, and the other endeavoured to secure the hanger, which Mr. Monkhouse had but
just time to prevent. As all that had retired to the rock were now advancing,
three of us discharged our pieces, loaded only with small shot, upon which they
swam back for the shore; and we perceived, upon their landing, that two or three
of them were wounded. They retired slowly up the country, and we reimbarked in our
boats.
As we had unhappily experienced that nothing was to be done with these
people at this place, and finding the water in the river to be salt, I proceeded
in the boats round the head of the bay in search of fresh water, and with a
design, if possible, to surprise some of the natives, and take them on board,
where by kind treatment and presents I might obtain their friendship, and by their
means establish an amicable correspondence with their countrymen.
To my great regret, I found no place where I could land,* a dangerous
surf every where beating upon the shore; but I saw two canoes coming in from the
sea, one under sail, and the other worked with paddles. I thought this a
favourable opportunity to get some of the people into my possession without
mischief, as those in the canoe were probably fishermen and without arms, and I
had three boats full of men. I therefore disposed the boats so as most effectually
to intercept them in their way to the shore; the people in the canoe that was
paddled perceived us so soon, that by making to the nearest land with their utmost
strength, they escaped us; the other sailed on till she was in the midst of us,
without discerning what we were; but the moment she discovered us, the people on
board struck their sail, and took to their paddles, which they plied so briskly
that she out-ran the boat. They were however within hearing, and
Tupia called out to them to come along side, and promised
for us that they should come to no hurt: they chose, however, rather to trust to
their paddles than our promises, and continued to make from us with all their
power. I then ordered a musquet to be fired over their heads, as the least
exceptionable expedient to accomplish my design, hoping it would either make them
surrender or leap into the water. Upon the discharge of the piece, they ceased
paddling; and all of them, being seven in number, began to strip, as we imagined
to jump overboard; but it happened otherwise. They immediately formed a resolution
not to fly, but to fight; and when the boat came up, they began the attack with
their paddles, and with stones and other offensive weapons that were in the boat,
so vigorously, that we were obliged to fire upon them in our own defence: four
were unhappily killed, and the other three who were boys, the eldest about
nineteen, and the youngest about eleven, instantly leaped into the water; the eldest swam with great vigour,* and resisted the attempts of our
people to take him into the boat by every effort that he could make: he was
however at last overpowered, and the other two were taken up with less difficulty.
I am conscious that the feeling of every reader of humanity will censure me for
having fired upon these unhappy people, and it is impossible that, upon a calm
review, I should approve it myself. They certainly did not deserve death for not
chusing to confide in my promises; or not consenting to come on board my boat,
even if they had apprehended no danger; but the nature of my service required me
to obtain a knowlege of their country, which I could no otherwise effect than by
forcing my way into it in a hostile manner, or gaining admission through the
confidence and good-will of the people. I had already tried the power of presents
without effect; and I was now prompted, by my desire to avoid further hostilities,
to get some of them on board, as the only method left of convincing them that we
intended them no harm, and had it in our power to contribute to their
gratification and convenience. Thus far my intentions certainly were not criminal;
and though in the contest, which I had not the least reason to expect, our victory
might have been complete without so great an expence of life; yet in such
situations, when the command to fire has been given, no man can restrain its
excess, or prescribe its effect.
As soon as the poor wretches whom we had taken out of the water were in
the boat, they squatted down, expecting no doubt instantly to be put to death: we
made haste to convince them of the contrary, by every method in our power; we
furnished them with clothes, and gave them every other testimony of kindness that
could remove their fears and engage their good-will. Those who are acquainted with
human nature will not wonder, that the sudden joy of these young
savages at being unexpectedly delivered from the fear of death,* and kindly
treated by those whom they supposed would have been their instant executioners,
surmounted their concern for the friends they had lost, and was strongly expressed
in their countenances and behaviour. Before we reached the ship, their suspicions
and fears being wholly removed, they appeared to be not only reconciled to their
situation but in high spirits, and upon being offered some bread when they came on
board, they devoured it with a voracious appetite. They answered and asked many
questions, with great appearance of pleasure and curiosity; and when our dinner
came, they expressed an inclination to taste every thing that they saw: they
seemed best pleased with the salt pork, though we had other provisions upon the
table. At sun-set, they eat another meal with great eagerness, each devouring a
large quantity of bread, and drinking above a quart of water. We then made them
beds upon the lockers, and they went to sleep with great seeming content. In the
night, however, the tumult of their minds having subsided, and given way to
reflection, they sighed often and loud. Tupia, who was always
upon the watch to comfort them, got up, and by soothing and encouragement made
them not only easy but cheerful; their cheerfulness was encouraged so that they
sung a song with a degree of taste that surprised us: the tune was solemn and
slow, like those of our Psalms, containing many notes and semitones. Their
countenances were intelligent and expressive, and the middlemost, who seemed to be
about fifteen, had an openness in his aspect, and an ease in his deportment which
were very striking: we found that the two eldest were brothers, and that their
names were TAAHOURANGE and KOIKERANGE; the name of the youngest was MARAGOVETE. As
we were returning to the ship, after having taken these boys into the boat, we picked up a large piece of pummice stone floating upon the water;* a
sure sign that there either is, or has been a volcano in this neighbourhood.
*In the morning, they all seemed to be cheerful, and eat another enormous
meal; after this we dressed them, and adorned them with bracelets, anclets, and
necklaces, after their own fashion, and the boat being hoisted out, they were told
that we were going to set them ashore: this produced a transport of joy; but upon
perceiving that we made towards our first landing-place near the river, their
countenances changed, and they entreated with great earnestness that they might
not be set ashore at that place, because they said, it was inhabited by their
enemies, who would kill them and eat them. This was a great disappointment to me;
because I hoped the report and appearance of the boys would procure a favourable
reception for ourselves. I had already sent an officer on shore with the marines
and a party of men to cut wood, and I was determined to land near the place; not
however to abandon the boys, if, when we got ashore, they should be unwilling to
leave us; but to send a boat with them in the evening to that part of the bay to
which they pointed, and which they called their home. Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander and
Tupia were with me, and upon our landing with the boys,
and crossing the river, they seemed at first to be unwilling to leave us; but at
length they suddenly changed their mind, and, though not without a manifest
struggle, and some tears, they took their leave: when they were gone, we proceeded
along a swamp, with a design to shoot some ducks, of which we saw great plenty,
and four of the marines attended us, walking abreast of us upon a bank that
overlooked the country. After we had advanced about a mile, these men called out
to us and told us, that a large body of the Indians was in sight, and advancing at
a great rate. Upon receiving this intelligence,* we drew together,
and resolved to make the best of our way to the boats; we had scarcely begun to
put this into execution, when the three Indian boys started suddenly from some
bushes, where they had concealed themselves, and again claimed our protection: we
readily received them, and repairing to the beach as the clearest place, we walked
briskly towards the boats. The Indians were in two bodies; one ran along the bank
which had been quitted by the marines, the other fetched a compass by the swamp so
that we could not see them: when they perceived that we had formed into one body,
they slackened their pace; but still followed us in a gentle walk: that they
slackened their pace, was for us, as well as for them, a fortunate circumstance;
for when we came to the side of the river, where we expected to find the boats
that were to carry us over to the wooders, we found the pinnace at least a mile
from her station, having been sent to pick up a bird which had been shot by the
officer on shore, and the little boat was obliged to make three trips before we
could all get over to the rest of the party. As soon as we were drawn up on the
other side, the Indians came down, not in a body as we expected, but by two or
three at a time, all armed, and in a short time their number increased to about
two hundred: as we now despaired of making peace with them, seeing that the dread
of our small arms did not keep them at a distance, and that the ship was too far
off to reach the place with a shot, we resolved to re-imbark, lest our stay should
imbroil us in another quarrel, and cost more of the Indians their lives. We
therefore advanced towards the pinnace which was now returning, when one of the
boys suddenly cried out, that his uncle was among the people who had marched down
to us, and desired us to stay and talk with them: we complied, and a parley
immediately commenced between them and Tupia;*
during which the boys held up every thing we had given them as tokens of our
kindness and liberality; but neither would either of the boys swim over to them,
or any of them to the boys. The body of the man who had been killed the day
before, still lay exposed upon the beach; the boys seeing it lie very near us,
went up to it, and covered it with some of the clothes that we had given them; and
soon after a single man, unarmed, who proved to be the uncle of Maragovete, the
youngest of the boys, swam over to us, bringing in his hand a green branch, which
we supposed, as well here as at Otaheite, to be an emblem
of peace. We received his branch by the hands of Tupia, to
whom he gave it, and made him many presents; we also invited him to go on board
the ship, but he declined it; we therefore left him, and expected that his nephew,
and the two other young Indians would have staid with him, but to our great
surprize, they chose rather to go with us. As soon as we had retired, he went and
gathered another green branch, and with this in his hand, he approached the dead
body which the youth had covered with part of his clothes▪ walking sideways, with
many ceremonies, and then throwing it towards him. When this was done, he returned
to his companions, who had sat down upon the sand to observe the issue of his
negotiation: they immediately gathered round him, and continued in a body above an
hour, without seeming to take any farther notice of us. We were more curious than
they, and observing them with our glasses from on board the ship, we saw some of
them cross the river upon a kind of raft, or catamarine, and four of them carry
off the dead body which had been covered by the boy, and over which his uncle had
performed the ceremony of the branch, upon a kind of bier, between four men: the
other body was still suffered to remain where it had been first left.
After dinner, I directed Tupia to ask the boys,*
if they had now any objection to going ashore, where we had left their uncle, the
body having been carried off, which we understood was a ratification of peace:
they said, they had not; and the boat being ordered, they went into it with great
alacrity: when the boat, in which I had sent two midshipmen, came to land, they
went willingly ashore; but soon after she put off, they returned to the rocks, and
wading into the water, earnestly entreated to be taken on board again; but the
people in the boat, having positive orders to leave them, could not comply. We
were very attentive to what happened on shore, and keeping a constant watch with
our glasses, we saw a man pass the river upon another raft, and fetch them to a
place where forty or fifty of the natives were assembled, who closed round them,
and continued in the same place till sunset: upon looking again, when we saw them
in motion, we could plainly distinguish our three prisoners, who separated
themselves from the rest, came down to the beach, and having waved their hands
three times towards the ship, ran nimbly back and joined their companions, who
walked leisurely away towards that part which the boys had pointed to as their
dwelling-place; we had therefore the greatest reason to believe that no mischief
would happen to them, especially as we perceived that they went off in the clothes
we had given them.
After it was dark, loud voices were heard on shore in the bottom of the
bay as usual, of which we could never learn the meaning.
CHAP. II.
A Description of Poverty Bay, and the Face of the adjacent
Country. The Range from thence to Cape Turnagain, and
back to Tolaga; with some Account of the People and the Country, and several
Incidents that happened on that Part of the Coast.
*THE next morning, at six o'clock, we weighed, and stood away from this
unfortunate and inhospitable place, to which I gave the name of POVERTY BAY, and
which by the natives is called TAONEROA or Long Sand, as it did not afford us a
single article that we wanted except a little wood. It lies in latitude 38°
42′ S. and longitude 181° 36′ W.; it is in the form of an
horse-shoe, and is known by an island lying close under the north east point: the
two points which form the entrance are high, with steep white cliffs, and lie a
league and a half or two leagues from each other, N.E. by E. and S. W. by W.: the
depth of water in the bay is from twelve to five fathom, with a sandy bottom and
good anchorage; but the situation is open to the wind between the south and east:
boats can go in and out of the river at any time of the tide in fine weather; but
as there is a bar at the entrance, no boat can go either in or out when the sea
runs high: the best place to attempt it, is on the north east side, and it is
there practicable when it is not so in any other part. The shore of the bay, a
little within its entrance, is a low flat sand; behind which, at a small distance,
the face of the country is finely diversified by hills and valleys, all clothed
with wood, and covered with verdure.* The country also appears to
be well inhabited, especially in the valleys leading up from the bay, where we
daily saw smoke rising in clouds one behind another to a great distance, till the
view terminated in mountains of a stupendous height.
The south west point of the bay I named YOUNG NICK's HEAD, after Nicholas
Young, the boy who first saw the land; at noon, it bore N. W. by W. distant about
three or four leagues, and we were then about three miles from the shore. The main
land extended from N. E. by N. to south, and I proposed to follow the direction of
the coast to the southward as far as the latitude of 40 or 41; and then, if I met
with no encouragement to proceed farther, to return to the northward.
In the afternoon we lay becalmed, which the people on shore perceiving,
several canoes put off, and came within less than a quarter of a mile of the
vessel; but could not be persuaded to come nearer, though
Tupia exerted all the powers of his lungs and his
eloquence upon the occasion, shouting, and promising that they should not be hurt.
Another canoe was now seen coming from Poverty Bay, with only four people on
board, one of whom we well remembered to have seen in our first interview upon the
rock. This canoe, without stopping or taking the least notice of the others, came
directly alongside of the ship, and with very little persuasion, we got the
Indians on board. Their example was soon followed by the rest, and we had about us
seven canoes, and about fifty men. We made them all presents with a liberal hand;
notwithstanding which, they were so desirous to have more of our commodities, that
they sold us every thing they had, even the clothes from their backs, and the
paddles from their boats. There were but two weapons among them,*
these were the instruments of green talc, which were shaped somewhat like a
pointed battledore, with a short handle and sharp edges; they were called
Patoo-Patoo, and were well contrived for close-fighting, as they would certainly
split the thickest scull at a single blow.
When these people had recovered from the first impressions of fear, which
notwithstanding their resolution in coming on board, had manifestly thrown them
into some confusion, we enquired after our poor boys. The man who first came on
board immediately answered, that they were unhurt and at home; adding, that he had
been induced to venture on board by the account which they had given him of the
kindness with which they had been treated, and the wonders that were contained in
the ship.
While they were on board they shewed every sign of friendship, and invited
us very cordially to go back to our old bay, or to a small cove which they pointed
out, that was not quite so far off; but I chose rather to prosecute my discoveries
than go back, having reason to hope that I should find a better harbour than any I
had yet seen.
About an hour before sun-set, the canoes put off from the ship with the
few paddles they had reserved, which were scarcely sufficient to set them on
shore; but by some means or other three of their people were left behind: as soon
as we discovered it, we hailed them; but not one of them would return to take them
on board: this greatly surprised us; but we were surprised still more to observe
that the deserted Indians did not seem at all uneasy at their situation, but
entertained us with dancing and singing after their manner, eat their suppers, and
went quietly to bed.
A light breeze springing up soon after it was dark,* we steered along
the shore under an easy sail till midnight, and then brought to, soon after which
it fell calm; we were now some leagues distant from the place where the canoes had
left us, and at day-break, when the Indians perceived it, they were seized with
consternation and terror, and lamented their situation in loud complaints, with
gestures of despair and many tears. Tupia, with great
difficulty, pacified them; and about seven o'clock in the morning,* a light breeze
springing up, we continued to stand south west along the shore. Fortunately for
our poor Indians, two canoes came off about this time, and made towards the ship:
they stopped, however, at a little distance, and seemed unwilling to trust
themselves nearer. Our Indians were greatly agitated in this state of uncertainty,
and urged their fellows to come alongside of the ship, both by their voice and
gestures, with the utmost eagerness and impatience. Tupia
interpreted what they said, and we were much surprised to find, that, among other
arguments, they assured the people in the canoes, we did not eat men. We now began
seriously to believe that this horrid custom prevailed among them; for what the
boys had said, we considered as a mere hyperbolical expression of their fear. One
of the canoes, at length, ventured to come under the ship's side; and an old man
came on board, who seemed to be a Chief from the finery of his garment, and the
superiority of his weapon, which was a Patoo-Patoo, made of bone, that, as he
said, had belonged to a whale. He staid on board but a short time, and when he
went away, he took with him our guests, very much to the satisfaction both of them
and us.
At the time when we sailed, we were abreast of a point, from which the
land trends S. S. W. and which, on account of its figure,* I called
CAPE TABLE. This point lies seven leagues to the southward of Poverty Bay, in
latitude 39° 7′ S. and longitude 181° 36′ W.: it is of a
considerable height, makes in a sharp angle, and appears to be quite flat at the
top.
In steering along the shore to the southward of the Cape, at the distance
of two or three miles, our soundings were from twenty to thirty fathom, having a
chain of rocks between us and the shore, which appeared at different heights above
the water.
At noon, Cape Table bore N. 20 E. distant about four leagues, and a small
island, which was the southermost land in sight, bore S. 70 W. at the distance of
about three miles. This island, which the natives call TEAHOWRAY, I named the
ISLAND OF PORTLAND,* from its very great resemblance to Portland in the English
Channel: it lies about a mile from a point on the main; but there appears to be a
ridge of rocks, extending nearly, if not quite, from one to the other. N. 57 E.
two miles from the south point of Portland, lies a sunken rock, upon which the sea
breaks with great violence. We passed between this rock and the land, having from
seventeen to twenty fathom.
In sailing along the shore, we saw the natives assembled in great numbers
as well upon Portland Island as the main: we could also distinguish several spots
of ground that were cultivated; some seemed to be fresh turned up, and lay in
furrows like ploughed land, and some had plants upon them in different stages of
their growth. We saw also in two places, high rails upon the ridges of hills, like
what we had seen upon the peninsula at the north east head of Poverty bay: as they
were ranged in lines only, and not so as to enclose an area, we
could not guess at their use,* and therefore supposed they might be the work of
superstition.
About noon another canoe appeared, in which were four men; she came within
about a quarter of a mile of us, where the people on board seemed to perform
divers ceremonies: one of them, who was in the bow, sometimes seemed to ask and to
offer peace, and sometimes to threaten war, by brandishing a weapon that he held
in his hand: sometimes also he danced, and sometimes he sung.
Tupia talked much to him, but could not persuade him to
come to the ship.
Between one and two o'clock we discovered land to the westward of
Portland, extending to the southward as far as we could see; and as the ship was
hauling round the south end of the island, she suddenly fell into shoal water and
broken ground: we had indeed always seven fathom or more, but the soundings were
never twice the same, jumping at once from seven fathom to eleven; in a short
time, however, we got clear of all danger, and had again deep water under us.
At this time the island lay within a mile of us, making in white cliffs,
and a long spit of low land running from it towards the main. On the sides of
these cliffs sat vast numbers of people, looking at us with a fixed attention, and
it is probable that they perceived some appearance of hurry and confusion on
board, and some irregularity in the working of the ship, while we were getting
clear of the shallow water and broken ground, from which they might infer that we
were alarmed or in distress; we thought that they wished to take advantage of our
situation, for five canoes were put off with the utmost expedition, full of men,
and well armed: they came so near, and shewed so hostile a disposition by
shouting, brandishing their lances, and using threatening gestures,*
that we were in some pain for our small boat, which was still employed in
sounding: a musket was therefore fired over them, but finding it did them no harm,
they seemed rather to be provoked than intimidated, and I therefore fired a four
pounder, charged with grape-shot, wide of them: this had a better effect; upon the
report of the piece they all rose up and shouted, but instead of continuing the
chace, drew altogether, and after a short consultation, went quietly away.
Having got round Portland, we hauled in for the land N. W. having a gentle
breeze at N. E. which about five o'clock died away, and obliged us to anchor; we
had one and twenty fathom, with a fine sandy bottom: the south point of Portland
bore S. E. ½ S. distant about two leagues, and a low point on the main bore N. ½
E.: in the same direction with this low point, there runs a deep bay, behind the
land of which Cape Table is the extremity, so as to make this land a peninsula,
leaving only a low narrow neck between that and the main. Of this peninsula, which
the natives call TERAKACO, Cape Table is the north point, and Portland the south.
While we lay at anchor, two more canoes came off to us, one armed, and the
other a small fishing-boat, with only four men in her; they came so near that they
entered into conversation with Tupia; they answered all the
questions that he asked them with great civility, but could not be persuaded to
come on board; they came near enough, however, to receive several presents that
were thrown to them from the ship, with which they seemed much pleased, and went
away. During the night many fires were kept upon shore, probably to shew us that
the inhabitants were too much upon their guard to be surprized.
About five o'clock in the morning of the 13th,* a breeze
springing up northerly, we weighed, and steered in for the land. The shore here
forms a large bay, of which Portland is the north east point, and the bay that
runs behind Cape Table an arm. This arm I had a great inclination to examine,
because there appeared to be safe anchorage in it, but not being sure of that, and
the wind being right an end, I was unwilling to spare the time. Four and twenty
fathom was the greatest depth within Portland, but the ground was every where
clear. The land near the shore is of a moderate height, with white cliffs and
sandy beaches; within, it rises into mountains, and upon the whole the surface is
hilly, for the most part covered with wood, and to appearance pleasant and
fertile. In the morning nine canoes came after the ship, but whether with
peaceable or hostile intentions we could not tell, for we soon left them behind
us.
In the evening we stood in for a place that had the appearance of an
opening, but found no harbour; we therefore stood out again, and were soon
followed by a large canoe, with eighteen or twenty men, all armed, who, though
they could not reach us, shouted defiance, and brandished their weapons, with many
gestures of menace and insult.
In the morning we had a view of the mountains inland,* upon which the snow
was still lying: the country near the shore was low and unfit for culture, but in
one place we perceived a patch of somewhat yellow, which had greatly the
appearance of a corn field, yet was probably nothing more than some dead flaggs,
which are not uncommon in swampy places: at some distance we saw groves of trees,
which appeared high and tapering, and being not above two leagues from the south
well cod of the great bay, in which we had been coasting for the two last days, I
hoisted out the pinnace and long-boat to search for fresh water;*
but just as they were about to put off, we saw several boats full of people coming
from the shore, and therefore I did not think it safe for them to leave the ship.
About ten o'clock, five of these boats having drawn together, as if to hold a
consultation, made towards the ship, having on board between eighty and ninety
men, and four more followed at some distance, as if to sustain the attack: when
the first five came within about a hundred yards of the ship, they began to sing
their war song, and brandishing their pikes, prepared for an engagement. We had
now no time to lose, for if we could not prevent the attack, we should come under
the unhappy necessity of using our fire-arms against them, which we were very
desirous to avoid. Tupia was therefore ordered to acquaint
them that we had weapons which, like thunder, would destroy them in a moment; that
we would immediately convince them of their power by directing their effect so
that they should not be hurt; but that if they persisted in any hostile attempt,
we should be obliged to use them for our defence: a four pounder, loaded with
grape-shot, was then discharged wide of them, which produced the desired effect;
the report, the flash, and above all, the shot, which spread very far in the
water, so intimidated them, that they began to paddle away with all their might:
Tupia, however, calling after them, and assuring them that
if they would come unarmed, they should be kindly received; the people in one of
the boats put their arms on board of another, and came under the ship's stern; we
made them several presents, and should certainly have prevailed upon them to come
on board, if the other canoes had not come up, and again threatened us, by
shouting and brandishing their weapons: at this the people who had come to the
ship unarmed, expressed great displeasure, and soon after they all went away.
In the afternoon we stood over to the south point of the bay, but not
reaching it before it was dark,* we stood off and on all night. At eight the next
morning, being a-breast of the point, several fishing boats came off to us, and
sold us some stinking fish: it was the best they had, and we were willing to trade
with them upon any terms: these people behaved very well, and we should have
parted good friends if it had not been for a large canoe, with two and twenty
armed men on board, which came boldly up along side of the ship. We soon saw that
this boat had nothing for traffick, yet we gave them two or three pieces of cloth,
an article which they seemed very fond of. I observed that one man had a black
skin thrown over him, somewhat resembling that of a bear, and being desirous to
know what animal was its first owner, I offered him for it a piece of red baize,
and he seemed greatly pleased with the bargain, immediately pulling off the skin,
and holding it up in the boat; he would not, however, part with it till he had the
cloth in his possession, and as there could be no transfer of property, if with
equal caution I had insisted upon the same condition, I ordered the cloth to be
handed down to him, upon which, with amazing coolness, instead of sending up the
skin, he began to pack up both that and the baize, which he had received as the
purchase of it, in a basket, without paying the least regard to my demand or
remonstrances, and soon after, with the fishing boats, put off from the ship; when
they were at some distance, they drew together, and after a short consultation
returned; the fishermen offered more fish, which, though good for nothing, was
purchased, and trade was again renewed. Among others who were placed over the
ship's side to hand up what we bought, was little Tayeto,
Tupia's boy; and one of the Indians, watching his
opportunity, suddenly seized him, and dragged him down into the
canoe;* two of them held him down in the fore part of it, and the others, with
great activity, paddled her off, the rest of the canoes following as fast as they
could: upon this the marines, who were under arms upon deck, were ordered to fire.
The shot was directed to that part of the canoe which was farthest from the boy,
and rather wide of her, being willing rather to miss the rowers than to hurt him:
it happened, however, that one man dropped, upon which the others quitted their
hold of the boy, who instantly leaped into the water, and swam towards the ship;
the large canoe immediately pulled round and followed him, but some musquets, and
a great gun being fired at her, she desisted from the pursuit. The ship being
brought to, a boat was lowered, and the poor boy taken up unhurt, though so
terrified that for a time he seemed to be deprived of his senses. Some of the
gentlemen who traced the canoes to shore with their glasses, said, that they saw
three men carried up the beach, who appeared to be either dead or wholly disabled
by their wounds.
To the cape off which this unhappy transaction happened, I gave the name
of CAPE KIDNAPPERS. It lies in latitude 39° 43′, and longitude
182° 24′ W. and is rendered remarkable by two white rocks like hay
stacks, and the high white cliffs on each side. It lies S. W. by W. distant
thirteen leagues from the isle of Portland; and between them is the bay of which
it is the south point, and which, in honour of Sir Edward Hawke, then First Lord
of the Admiralty, I called HAWKE's BAY.* We found in it from twenty-four to seven
fathom, and good anchorage. From Cape Kidnappers the land trends S. S. W. and in
this direction we made our run along the shore, keeping at about a league
distance, with a steady breeze and clear weather.
As soon as Tayeto recovered from his fright,* he brought a fish to
Tupia, and told him, that he intended it as an offering to
his Eatua, or god, in gratitude for his escape; Tupia
commended his piety, and ordered him to throw the fish into the sea, which was
accordingly done.
About two o'clock in the afternoon, we passed a small but high white
island, lying close to the shore, upon which we saw many houses, boats, and
people. The people we concluded to be fishers, because the island was totally
barren; we saw several people also on shore, in a small bay upon the main, within
the island. At eleven,* we brought to till day-light, and then made sail to the
southward, along the shore. About seven o'clock we past a high point of land,
which lies S. S. W. twelve leagues from Cape Kidnappers: from this point the land
trends three-fourths of a point more to the westward; at ten, we saw more land
open to the southward, and at noon, the southermost land that was in sight, bore
S. 39 W. distant eight or ten leagues, and a high bluff head, with yellowish
cliffs, bore W. distant about two miles: the depth of water was thirty-two fathom.
In the afternoon we had a fresh breeze at west, and during the night
variable light airs and calms:* in the morning a gentle breeze sprung up between
the N. W. and N. E. and having till now stood to the southward, without seeing any
probability of meeting with a harbour, and the country manifestly altering for the
worse, I thought that standing farther in that direction would be attended with no
advantage, but on the contrary would be a loss of time that might be employed with
a better prospect of success in examining the coast to the northward; about one,
therefore, in the afternoon, I tacked, and stood north, with a fresh breeze at
west. The high bluff head, with yellowish cliffs, which we were
a-breast of at noon,* I called CAPE TURNAGAIN, because here we turned back. It
lies in latitude 40° 34′ S. longitude 182° 55′ W. distant
eighteen leagues S. S. W. and S. S. W. ½ W. from Cape Kidnappers. The land between
them is of a very unequal height; in some places it is lofty next the sea with
white cliffs, in others low, with sandy beaches: the face of the country is not so
well clothed with wood as it is about Hawke's bay, but looks more like our high
downs in England: it is, however, to all appearance, well
inhabited, for as we stood along the shore, we saw several villages, not only in
the vallies, but on the tops and sides of the hills, and smoke in many other
places. The ridge of mountains which has been mentioned before, extends to the
southward farther than we could see, and was then every where chequered with snow.
At night we saw two fires inland, so very large, that we concluded they must have
been made to clear the land for tillage; but however that be, they are a
demonstration that the part of the country where they appeared is inhabited.
*On the 18th, at four o'clock in the morning, Cape Kidnappers
bore N. 32 W. distant two leagues: in this situation we had sixty-two fathom, and
when the Cape bore W. by N. distant three or four leagues, we had forty-five
fathom: in the mid-way between the isle of Portland and the Cape we had sixty-five
fathom. In the evening, being a-breast of the peninsula within Portland island,
called TERAKAKO,* a canoe came off from that shore, and with much difficulty
overtook the ship; there were on board five people, two of whom appeared to be
Chiefs, and the other three servants: the Chiefs, with very little invitation came
on board, and ordered the rest to remain in their canoe. We treated them with
great kindness, and they were not backward in expressing their
satisfaction; they went down into the cabbin,* and after a short time told us that
they had determined not to go on shore till the next morning. As the sleeping on
board was an honour which we neither expected nor desired, I remonstrated strongly
against it, and told them, that on their account it would not be proper, as the
ship would probably be at a great distance from where she was then, the next
morning: they persisted, however, in their resolution, and as I found it
impossible to get rid of them without turning them by force out of the ship, I
complied: as a proper precaution, however, I proposed to take their servants also
on board, and hoist their canoe into the ship; they made no objection, and this
was accordingly done. The countenance of one of these Chiefs was the most open and
ingenuous of all I have ever seen, and I very soon gave up every suspicion of his
having any sinister design: they both examined every thing they saw with great
curiosity and attention, and received very thankfully such little presents as we
made them; neither of them, however, could be persuaded either to eat or drink,
but their servants devoured every thing they could get with great voracity. We
found that these men had heard of our kindness and liberality to the natives who
had been on board before, yet we thought the confidence they placed in us, an
extraordinary instance of their fortitude. At night I brought to till day-light,
and then made sail;* at seven in the morning, I brought to again under Cape Table,
and sent away our guests with their canoe, who expressed some surprise at seeing
themselves so far from home, but landed a-breast of the ship. At this time I saw
other canoes putting off from the shore, but I stood away to the northward without
waiting for their coming up.
About three, I passed a remarkable head land, which I called
GABLE-END-FORELAND, from the very great likeness of the white cliff
at the point,* to the gable-end of a house: it is not more remarkable for its
figure, than for a rock which rises like a spire at a little distance. It lies
from Cape Table N. 24 E. distant about twelve leagues. The shore between them
forms a bay, within which lies Poverty bay, at the distance of four leagues from
the head land, and eight from the Cape. At this place three canoes came off to us,
and one man came on board; we gave him some trifles, and he soon returned to his
boat, which, with all the rest, dropped a-stern.
*In the morning I made sail in shore, in order to look into two bays,
which appeared about two leagues to the northward of the Foreland; the southermost
I could not fetch, but I anchored in the other about eleven o'clock.
Into this bay we were invited by the people on board many canoes, who
pointed to a place where they said there was plenty of fresh water: I did not find
so good a shelter from the sea as I expected, but the natives who came about us,
appearing to be of a friendly disposition, I was determined to try whether I could
not get some knowlege of the country here before I proceeded farther to the
northward.
In one of the canoes that came about us as soon as we anchored, we saw two
men, who by their habits appeared to be Chiefs: one of them was dressed in a
jacket, which was ornamented, after their manner, with dog's skin; the jacket of
the other was almost covered with small tufts of red feathers. These men I invited
on board, and they entered the ship with very little hesitation: I gave each of
them about four yards of linen, and a spike nail; with the linen they were much
pleased, but seemed to set no value upon the nail. We perceived that they knew
what had happened in Poverty bay, and we had therefore no reason to doubt but that
they would behave peaceably; however, for further security,*
Tupia was ordered to tell them for what purpose we came
thither, and to assure them that we would offer them no injury, if they offered
none to us. In the mean time those who remained in the canoes traded with our
people very fairly for what they happened to have with them: the Chiefs, who were
old men, staid with us till we had dined, and about two o'clock I put off with the
boats, manned and armed, in order to go on shore in search of water, and the two
Chiefs went into the boat with me. The afternoon was tempestuous, with much rain,
and the surf every where ran so high, that although we rowed almost round the bay,
we found no place where we could land: I determined therefore to return to the
ship, which being intimated to the Chiefs, they called to the people on shore, and
ordered a canoe to be sent off for themselves; this was accordingly done, and they
left us, promising to come on board again in the morning, and bring us some fish
and sweet potatoes.
In the evening, the weather having become fair and moderate, the boats
were again ordered out, and I landed, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander. We were received with
great expressions of friendship by the natives, who behaved with a scrupulous
attention not to give offence. In particular, they took care not to appear in
great bodies: one family, or the inhabitants of two or three houses only, were
generally placed together, to the number of fifteen or twenty, consisting of men,
women, and children. These little companies sat upon the ground, not advancing
towards us, but inviting us to them, by a kind of beckon, moving one hand towards
the breast. We made them several little presents; and in our walk round the bay
found two small streams of fresh water. This convenience, and the friendly
behaviour of the people, determined me to stay at least a day,* that
I might fill some of my empty casks, and give Mr. Banks an
opportunity of examining the natural produce of the country.
*In the morning of the 21st, I sent Lieutenant Gore on shore,
to superintend the watering, with a strong party of men; and they were soon
followed by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander,
with Tupia, Tayeto, and four others.
The natives sat by our people, and seemed pleased to observe them; but did
not intermix with them: they traded however, chiefly for cloth, and after a short
time applied to their ordinary occupations, as if no stranger had been among them.
In the forenoon, several of their boats went out a fishing, and at dinner time
every one repaired to his respective dwelling; from which, after a certain time,
he returned. These fair appearances encouraged Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander to range the bay with very little precaution,
where they found many plants, and shot some birds of exquisite beauty. In their
walk, they visited several houses of the natives, and saw something of their
manner of life; for they showed, without any reserve, every thing which the
Gentlemen desired to see. They were sometimes found at their meals, which the
approach of the strangers never interrupted. Their food at this season consisted
of fish, with which, instead of bread, they eat the root of a kind of fern, very
like that which grows upon our commons in England. These
roots they scorch over the fire, and then beat with a stick, till the bank and dry
outside fall off; what remains is a soft substance, somewhat clammy and sweet, not
unpleasing to the taste, but mixed with three or four times its quantity of
strings and fibres, which are very disagreeable; these were swallowed by some, but
spit out by the far greater number, who had baskets under them to receive the
rejected part of what had been chewed,* which had an appearance very
like that of tobacco in the same state. In other seasons they have certainly
plenty of excellent vegetables; but no tame animals were seen among them except
dogs, which were very small and ugly. Mr. Banks saw some of
their plantations, where the ground was as well broken down and tilled as even in
the gardens of the most curious people among us: in these spots were sweet
potatoes, coccos or eddas, which are well known and much esteemed both in the East
and West Indies, and some gourds: the sweet potatoes were planted in small hills,
some ranged in rows, and others in quincunx, all laid by a line with the greatest
regularity: the coccos were planted upon flat land, but none of them yet appeared
above ground; and the gourds were set in small hollows, or dishes, much as in
England. These plantations were of different extent,
from one or two acres to ten: taken together, there appeared to be from 150 to 200
acres in cultivation in the whole bay, though we never saw an hundred people. Each
district was fenced in, generally with reeds, which were placed so close together
that there was scarcely room for a mouse to creep between.
The women were plain, and made themselves more so by painting their faces
with red ocre and oil, which being generally fresh and wet upon their cheeks and
foreheads, was easily transferred to the noses of those who thought fit to salute
them; and that they were not wholly averse to such familiarity, the noses of
several of our people strongly testified: they were, however, as great coquets as
any of the most fashionable ladies in Europe, and the young
ones as skittish as an unbroken filly: each of them wore a petticoat, under which
there was a girdle, made of the blades of grass highly perfumed, and to the girdle
was fastened a small bunch of the leaves of some fragrant plant, which served their modesty as its innermost veil.* The faces of the men were not
so generally painted, yet we saw one whose whole body, and even his garments, were
rubbed over with dry ocre, of which he kept a piece constantly in his hand, and
was every minute renewing the decoration in one part or another, where he supposed
it was become deficient. In personal delicacy they were not equal to our friends
at Otaheite, for the coldness of the climate did not invite
them so often to bathe; but we saw among them one instance of cleanliness in which
they exceeded them, and of which perhaps there is no example in any other Indian
nation. Every house, or every little cluster of three or four houses, was
furnished with a privy, so that the ground was every where clean. The offals of
their food, and other litter, were also piled up in regular dunghills, which
probably they made use of at a proper time for manure.
In this decent article of civil oeconomy they were beforehand with one of
the most considerable nations of Europe, for I am credibly
informed, that, till the year 1760, there was no such thing as a privy in Madrid,
the metropolis of Spain, though it is plentifully supplied with water. Before that
time it was the universal practice to throw the ordure out of the windows, during
the night, into the street, where numbers of men were employed to remove it, with
shovels, from the upper parts of the city to the lower, where it lay till it was
dry, and was then carried away in carts, and deposited without the gates. His
present Catholic Majesty, having determined to free his capital from so gross a
nuisance, ordered, by proclamation, that the proprietor of every house should
build a privy, and that sinks, drains, and common-sewers should be made at the
public expence. The Spaniards, though long accustomed to an arbitrary government,
resented this proclamation with great spirit, as an infringement of
the common rights of mankind,* and made a vigorous struggle against its being
carried into execution. Every class devised some objection against it, but the
physicians bid the fairest to interest the king in the preservation of the ancient
privileges of his people; for they remonstrated that if the filth was not, as
usual, thrown into the streets, a fatal sickness would probably ensue, because the
putrescent particles of the air, which such filth attracted, would then be imbibed
by the human body. But this expedient, with every other that could be thought of,
proved unsuccessful, and the popular discontent then ran so high that it was very
near producing an insurrection; his majesty, however, at length prevailed, and
Madrid is now as clear as most of the considerable cities in
Europe. But many of the citizens, probably upon the
principles advanced by their physicians, that heaps of filth prevent deleterious
particles of air from fixing upon neighbouring substances, have, to keep their
food wholesome, constructed their privies by the kitchen fire.
In the evening, all our boats being employed in carrying the water on
board, and Mr. Banks and his company finding it probable that
they should be left on shore after it was dark, by which much time would be lost,
which they were impatient to employ in putting the plants they had gathered in
order, they applied to the Indians for a passage in one of their canoes: they
immediately consented, and a canoe was launched for their use. They went all on
board, being eight in number, but not being used to a vessel that required so even
a balance, they unfortunately overset her in the surf: no life however was lost,
but it was thought advisable that half of them should wait for another turn.
Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and
Tayeto embarked again, and without any farther accident arrived safely at the
ship, well pleased with the good-nature of their Indian friends, who cheerfully
understook to carry them a second time,* after having experienced
how unfit a freight they were for such a vessel.
While these gentlemen were on shore, several of the natives went off to
the ship, and trafficked, by exchanging their cloth for that of
Otaheite: of this barter they were for some time very
fond, preferring the Indian cloth to that of Europe; but
before night it decreased in its value five hundred per cent. Many of these
Indians I took on board, and shewed them the ship and her apparatus, at which they
expressed equal satisfaction and astonishment.
As I found it exceedingly difficult to get water on board on account of
the surf, I determined to stay no longer at this place;* on the next morning
therefore, about five o'clock, I weighed anchor and put to sea.
This bay, which is called by the natives TEGADOO, lies in the latitude of
38° 10′ S., but as it has nothing to recommend it, a description of
it is unnecessary.
From this bay I intended to stand on to the northward, but the wind being
right against me, I could make no way. While I was beating about to windward, some
of the natives came on board, and told me, that in a bay which lay a little to the
southward, being the same that I could not fetch the day I put into Tegadoo, there
was excellent water, where the boats might land without a surf. I thought it
better therefore to put into this bay, where I might complete my water, and form
farther connexions with the Indians, than to keep the sea. With this view I bore
up for it, and sent in two boats, manned and armed, to examine the watering-place,
who confirming the report of the Indians at their return, I came to an anchor
about one o'clock, in eleven fathom water, with a fine sandy bottom, the north
point of the bay N. by E. and the south point S. E. The watering-place, which was in a small cove a little within the south point of the bay,
bore S. by E. distant about a mile.* Many canoes came immediately off from the
shore, and all traded very honestly for Otaheite cloth and
glass bottles, of which they were immoderately fond.
In the afternoon of the 23d, as soon as the ship was moored,*
I went on shore to examine the watering-place, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander: the boat landed in the
cove, without the least surf; the water was excellent, and conveniently situated;
there was plenty of wood close to high-water mark, and the disposition of the
people was in every respect such as we could wish.
Having, with Mr. Green, taken several observations of
the sun and moon, the mean result of them gave 180° 47′ W. longitude;
but, as all the observations made before exceeded these, I have laid down the
coast from the mean of the whole. At noon, I took the sun's meridian altitude with
an astronomical quadrant, which was set up at the watering-place, and found the
latitude to be 38° 22′ 24″.
On the 24th, early in the morning,* I sent Lieutenant Gore on
shore, to superintend the cutting of wood and filling of water, with a sufficient
number of men for both purposes, and all the marines as a guard. After breakfast,
I went on shore myself, and continued there the whole day.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander also went on
shore to gather plants, and in their walks saw several things worthy of notice.
They met with many houses in the vallies that seemed to be wholly deserted, the
people living on the ridges of the hills in a kind of sheds very slightly built.
As they were advancing in one of these vallies, the hills on each side of which
were very steep, they were suddenly struck with the fight of a very extraordinary
natural curiosity. It was a rock, perforated through its whole
substance,* so as to form a rude but stupendous arch or cavern, opening directly
to the sea; this aperture was seventy-five feet long, twenty-seven broad, and five
and forty high, commanding a view of the bay and the hills on the other side,
which were seen through it, and, opening at once upon the view, produced an effect
far superior to any of the contrivances of art.
As they were returning to the watering-place in the evening they met an
old man, who detained them some time by showing them the military exercises of the
country with the lance and Patoo-Patoo, which are all the weapons in use. The
lance is from ten to fourteen feet long, made of a very hard wood, and sharp at
both ends: the Patoo-Patoo has been described already, it is about a foot long,
made of Talc or bone, with sharp edges, and used as a battle-axe. A post or stake
was set up as his enemy, to which he advanced with a most furious aspect,
brandishing his lance, which he grasped with great firmness; when it was supposed
to have been pierced by his lance, he ran at it with his Patoo-Patoo, and falling
upon the upper end of it, which was to represent his adversary's head, he laid on
with great vehemence, striking many blows, any one of which would probably have
split the scull of an ox. From our champion's falling upon his mock enemy with the
Patoo-Patoo, after he was supposed to have been pierced with the lance, our
Gentlemen inferred, that in the battles of this country there is no quarter.
This afternoon, we set up the armourer's forge, to repair the braces of
the tiller which had been broken, and went on getting our wood and water, without
suffering the least molestation from the natives; who came down with different
sorts of fish, which we purchased with cloth, beads, and glass bottles, as usual.
[illustration] On the 25th,* Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander went again on shore; and
while they were searching for plants, Tupia staid with the
waterers: among other Indians who came down to them, was a priest, with whom
Tupia entered into a very learned conversation. In their
notions of religion they seemed to agree very well, which is not often the case
between learned divines on our side of the ocean: Tupia,
however, seemed to have the most knowlege, and he was listened to with great
deference and attention by the other. In the course of this conversation, after
the important points of divinity had been settled, Tupia
enquired if it was their practice to eat men, to which they answered in the
affirmative; but said that they eat only their enemies who were slain in battle.
On the 26th, it rained all day,* so that none of us could go
ashore; and very few of the Indians came either to the watering-place or the ship.
On the 27th,* I went with Dr. Solander
to examine the bottom of the bay; but though we went ashore at two places, we met
with little worth notice. The people behaved very civilly, shewing us every thing
that we expressed a desire to see. Among other trifling curiosities which
Dr. Solander purchased of them, was a boy's top, shaped
exactly like those which children play with in England; and
they made signs, that to make it spin it was to be whipped. Mr.
Banks in the mean time went ashore at the watering-place, and
climbed a hill which stood at a little distance to see a fence of poles, which we
had observed from the ship, and which had been much the subject of speculation.
The hill was extremely steep, and rendered almost inaccessible by wood; yet he
reached the place, near which he found many houses that for some reason had been
deserted by their inhabitants. The poles appeared to be about
sixteen feet high;* they were placed in two rows, with a space of about six feet
between them, and the poles in each row were about ten feet distant from each
other. The lane between them was covered by sticks, that were set up sloping
towards each other from the top of the poles on each side, like the roof of a
house. This rail-work, with a ditch that was parallel to it, was carried about a
hundred yards down the hill in a kind of curve; but for what purpose we could not
guess.
The Indians, at the watering-place, at our request, entertained us with
their war-song, in which the women joined, with the most horrid distortions of
countenance, rolling their eyes, thrusting out their tongues, and often heaving
loud and deep sighs; though all was done in very good time.
*On the 28th, we went ashore upon an island that lies to the
left hand of the entrance of the bay, where we saw the largest canoe that we had
yet met with: she was sixty-eight feet and a half long, five broad, and three feet
six high; she had a sharp bottom, consisting of three trunks of trees hollowed, of
which that in the middle was the longest: the side planks were sixty-two feet long
in one piece, and were not despicably carved in bas relief; the head also was
adorned with carving still more richly. Upon this island there was a larger house
than any we had yet seen; but it seemed unfinished and was full of chips. The wood
work was squared so even and smooth, that we made no doubt of their having among
them very sharp tools. The sides of the posts were carved in a masterly stile,
though after their whimsical taste, which seems to prefer spiral lines and
distorted faces: as these carved posts appeared to have been brought from some
other place, such work is probably of great value among them.
At four o'clock in the morning of the 29th,* having got
on board our wood and water, and a large supply of excellent celery, with which
the country abounds, and which proved a powerful antiscorbutic, I unmoored and put
to sea.
This bay is called by the natives TOLAGA; it is moderately large, and has
from seven to thirteen fathom, with a clean sandy bottom and good anchorage; and
is sheltered from all winds except the north east. It lies in latitude 38°
22′ S. and four leagues and an half to the north of Gable-end Foreland.
On the south point lies a small but high island, so near the main as not to be
distinguished from it. Close to the north end of the island, at the entrance into
the bay, are two high rocks; one is round like a corn-stack, but the other is
long, and perforated in several places so that the openings appear like the arches
of a bridge. Within these rocks is the cove where we cut wood, and filled our
water-casks. Off the north point of the bay is a pretty high rocky island; and
about a mile without it, are some rocks and breakers. The variation of the compass
here is 14° 31′ E. and the tide flows at the full and change of the
moon, about six o'clock, and rises and falls perpendicularly from five to six
feet: whether the flood comes from the southward or the northward I have not been
able to determine.
We got nothing here by traffic but a few fish, and some sweet potatoes,
except a few trifles, which we considered merely as curiosities. We saw no
four-footed animals, nor the appearance of any, either tame or wild, except dogs
and rats, and these were very scarce: the people eat the dogs, like our friends at
Otaheite; and adorn their garments with the skins, as we
do ours with fur and ermine. I climbed many of the hills, hoping to get a view of
the country, but I could see nothing from the top except higher
hills,* in a boundless succession. The ridges of these hills produce little
besides fern; but the sides are most luxuriantly clothed with wood, and verdure of
various kinds, with little plantations intermixed. In the woods, we found trees of
above twenty different sorts, and carried specimens of each on board; but there
was no body among us to whom they were not altogether unknown. The tree which we
cut for firing was somewhat like our maple, and yielded a whitish gum. We found
another sort of it of a deep yellow, which we thought might be useful in dying. We
found also one cabbage tree, which we cut down for the cabbages. The country
abounds with plants, and the woods with birds, in an endless variety, exquisitely
beautiful, and of which none of us had the least knowlege. The soil both of the
hills and valleys is light and sandy, and very fit for the production of all kinds
of roots; though we saw none except sweet potatoes and yams.
- [illustration] RIVER THAMES and MERCURY BAY in NEW ZEALAND
- EXPLANATION
- Parts unexplored
- Rocks above Water
- Rocks under Water
- The prick'd line shews the Shps Track, and the figures the depth of Water in
fathoms.
- [illustration] BAY OF ISLANDS IN NEW ZEALAND
- [illustration] TOLAGA BAY IN NEW ZEALAND
CHAP. III.
The Range from Tolaga to Mercury Bay, with an Account of
many Incidents that happened both on board and ashore: A Description of
several Views exhibited by the Country, and of the Heppahs, or fortified
Villages of the Inhabitants.
ON Monday the 30th, about half an hour after one o'clock,*
having made sail again to the northward for about ten hours, with a light breeze,
I hauled round a small island which lay east one mile from the north east point of
the land: from this place I found the land trend away N.W. by W. and W. N. W. as
far as I could see, this point being the eastermost land on the whole coast. I
gave it the name of EAST CAPE, and I called the island that lies off it EAST
ISLAND; it is of a small circuit, high and round, and appears white and barren:
the Cape is high, with white cliffs, and lies in latitude 37° 42′ 30″
S. and longitude 181° W. The land from Tolaga Bay to East Cape
is of a moderate, but unequal height, forming several small bays, in which are
sandy beaches: of the inland country we could not see much, the weather being
cloudy and hazey. The soundings were from twenty to thirty fathom at the distance
of about a league from the shore. After we had rounded the Cape, we saw in our run
along the shore a great number of villages, and much cultivated land; the country
in general appeared more fertile than before, and was low near the sea, but hilly
within. At six in the evening, being four leagues to the westward of East Cape, we
passed a bay which was first discovered by Lieutenant Hicks,* and
which therefore I called HICKS's BAY. At eight in the evening, being eight leagues
to the westward of the Cape, and three or four miles from the shore, I shortened
sail and brought to for the night, having at this time a fresh gale at S.S.E. and
squally; but it soon became moderate,* and at two in the morning, we made sail
again to the S. W. as the land now trended; and at eight o'clock in the morning,
saw land, which made like an island, bearing west, the south westermost part of
the main bearing south west; and about nine no less than five canoes came off, in
which were more than forty men, all armed with their country pikes and
battle-axes, shouting, and threatening an attack: this gave us great uneasiness,
and was indeed what we did not expect; for we hoped, that the report both of our
power and clemency had spread to a greater extent. When one of these canoes had
almost reached the ship, another, of an immense size, the largest we had yet seen,
crowded with people who were also armed, put off from the shore, and came up at a
great rate; as it approached it received signals from the canoe that was nearest
to the ship, and we could see that it had sixteen paddles on a side, beside people
that sat, and others that stood in a row from stem to stern, being in all about
sixty men: as they made directly to the ship, we were desirous of preventing an
attack, by showing what we could do; and therefore fired a gun, loaded with
grape-shot, ahead of them: this made them stop, but not retreat; a round shot was
then fired over them, and upon seeing it fall, they seized their paddles and made
towards the shore with such precipitation that they seemed scarcely to allow
themselves time to breathe. In the evening, three or four more canoes came off
unarmed; but they would not venture within a musquet shot of the vessel. The cape,
off which we had been threatened with hostilities, I called, from
the hasty retreat of the enemy, CAPE RUNAWAY.* It lies in latitude 37°
32′; longitude 181° 48′. In this day's run, we found that the
land, which made like an island in the morning, bearing west, was so; and we gave
it the name of WHITE ISLAND.
At day-break, on the first of November,* we counted no less than five and
forty canoes that were coming from the shore towards the ship: seven of them came
up with us, and after some conversation with Tupia, sold us
some lobsters and muscles, and two conger eels. These people traded pretty fairly:
but when they were gone, some others came off from another place, who began also
to trade fairly; but after some time they took what was handed down to them,
without making any return; one of them who had done so, upon being threatened,
began to laugh, and with many marks of derision set us at defiance, at the same
time putting off the canoe from the ship: a musquet was then fired over his head,
which brought him back in a more serious mood, and trade went on with great
regularity. At length, when the cabbin and gun-room had got as much as they
wanted, the men were allowed to come to the gang-way, and trade for themselves.
Unhappily the same care was not taken to prevent frauds as had been taken before,
so that the Indians, finding that they could cheat with impunity, grew insolent
again, and proceeded to take greater liberties. One of the canoes, having sold
every thing on board, pulled forward, and the people that were in her seeing some
linen hang over the ship's side to dry, one of them, without any ceremony, untied
it, and put it up in his bundle: he was immediately called to, and required to
return it; instead of which, he let his canoe drop a stern, and laughed at us: a
musquet was fired over his head, which did not put a stop to his mirth; another
was then fired at him with small shot, which struck him upon the
back;* he shrunk a little when the shot hit him, but did not regard it more than
one or our men would have done the stroke of a rattan: he continued with great
composure to pack up the linen that he had stolen. All the canoes now dropped
astern about a hundred yards, and all set up their song of defiance, which they
continued till the ship was distant from them about four hundred yards. As they
seemed to have no design to attack us, I was not willing to do them any hurt; yet
I thought their going off in a bravado might have a bad effect when it should be
reported ashore. To show them therefore that they were still in our power, though
very much beyond the reach of any missile weapon with which they were acquainted,
I gave the ship a yaw, and fired a four pounder so as to pass near them. The shot
happened to strike the water, and rise several times at a great distance beyond
the canoes: this struck them with terror, and they paddled away without once
looking behind them.
About two in the afternoon, we saw a pretty high island bearing west from
us; and at five, saw more islands and rocks to the westward of that. We hauled our
wind in order to go without them, but could not weather them before it was dark. I
therefore bore up, and ran between them and the main. At seven, I was close under
the first, from which a large double canoe, or rather two canoes lashed together
at the distance of about a foot, and covered with boards so as make a deck, put
off, and made sail for the ship: this was the first vessel of the kind that we had
seen since we left the South Sea islands. When she came near, the people on board
entered very freely into conversation with Tupia, and we
thought showed a friendly disposition; but when it was just dark, they ran their
canoe close to the ship's side, and threw in a volley of stones, after which they
paddled ashore.
We learnt from Tupia,* that the people in the
canoe called the island which we were under MOWTOHORA; it is but of a small
circuit, though high, and lies six miles from the main; on the south side is
anchorage in fourteen fathom water. Upon the main land S. W. by W. of this island,
and apparently at no great distance from the sea, is a high round mountain, which
I called MOUNT EDGECOMBE: it stands in the middle of a large plain, and is
therefore the more conspicuous; latitude 37° 59′, longitude 193°
7′.
In standing westward, we suddenly shoaled our water from seventeen to ten
fathom; and knowing that we were not far from the small islands and rocks which we
had seen before dark, and which I intended to have passed before I brought to for
the night, I thought it more prudent to tack, and spend the night under Mowtohora,
where I knew there was no danger. It was indeed happy for us that we did so; for
in the morning, after we had made sail to the westward,* we discovered, ahead of
us, several rocks, some of which were level with the surface of the water, and
some below it: they lay N. N. E. from Mount Edgecombe, one league and a half
distant from the island Mowtohora, and about nine miles from the main. We passed
between these rocks and the main, having from ten to seven fathom water.
This morning, many canoes and much people were seen along the shore;
several of the canoes followed us, but none of them could reach us, except one
with a sail, which proved to be the same that had pelted us the night before. The
people on board again entered into conversation with Tupia;
but we expected another volley of their ammunition, which was not indeed dangerous
to any thing but the cabbin windows. They continued abreast of the ship about an
hour, and behaved very peaceably; but at last the salute which we
expected was given;* we returned it by firing a musquet over them, and they
immediately dropped a-stern and left us, perhaps rather satisfied with having
given a test of their courage by twice insulting a vessel so much superior to
their own, than intimidated by the shot.
At half an hour after ten, we passed between a low flat island and the
main: the distance from one to the other was about four miles, and the depth of
water from ten to twelve fathom. The main land between this flat island and
Mowtohora is of a moderate height, but level, pretty clear of wood, and full of
plantations and villages. The villages, which were larger than any we had yet
seen, were built upon eminences near the sea, and fortified on the land side by a
bank and ditch, with a high paling within it, which was carried all round: beside
a bank, ditch, and pallisadoes, some of them appeared to have out-works.
Tupia had a notion that the small inclosures of
pallisadoes, and a ditch that we had seen before, were Morais or places of
worship; but we were of opinion that they were forts, and concluded that these
people had neighbouring enemies, and were always exposed to hostile attacks.
At two o'clock we passed a small high island, lying four miles from a high
round head upon the main. From this head the land trends N. W. as far as can be
seen, and has a rugged and hilly appearance. As the weather was hazy, and the wind
blew fresh on the shore, we hauled off for the weathermost island in sight, which
bore from us N. N. E. distant about six or seven leagues.
Under this island, which I have called the MAYOR, we spent the night.* At
seven in the morning it bore S. 47 E. distant six leagues, and a cluster of small
islands and rocks bore N. ½ E. distant one league, to which I gave the name of the COURT OF ALDERMEN.* They lie in the compass of about half a
league every way, and five leagues from the main, between which and them lie other
islands, most of them barren rocks, of which there is great variety: some of them
are as small in compass as the Monument of London, but rise to a much greater
height, and some of them are inhabited. They lie in latitude 36° 57′,
and at noon bore S. 60 E. distant three or four leagues; and a rock like a castle,
lying not far from the main, bore N. 40 W. at the distance of one league. The
country that we passed the night before, appeared to be well inhabited, many towns
were in sight, and some hundreds of large canoes lay under them upon the beach;
but this day, after having sailed about fifteen leagues, it appeared to be barren
and desolate. As far as we had yet coasted this country from Cape
Turnagain, the people acknowledged one Chief, whom they called
TERATU, and to whose residence they pointed, in a direction that we thought to be
very far inland, but afterwards found to be otherwise.
About one o'clock three canoes came off to us from the main, with one and
twenty men on board. The construction of these vessels appeared to be more simple
than that of any we had seen, they being nothing more than trunks of a single tree
hollowed by fire, without any convenience or ornament. The people on board were
almost naked, and appeared to be of a browner complexion; yet naked and despicable
as they were, they sung their song of defiance, and seemed to denounce against us
inevitable destruction: they remained, however, some time out of stones throw, and
then venturing nearer, with less appearance of hostility, one of our men went to
the ship side, and was about to hand them a rope; this courtesy, however, they
thought fit to return by throwing a lance at him, which having missed him, they immediately threw another into the ship:* upon this a musquet
was fired over them, which at once sent them away.
About two, we saw a large opening, or inlet, for which we bore up; we had
new forty one fathom water, which gradually decreased to nine, at which time we
were one mile and an half distant from a high towered rock which lay near the
south point of the inlet: this rock, and the northermost of the Court of Aldermen
being in one, bearing S. 61 E.
About seven in the evening we anchored in seven fathom, a little within
the south entrance of the bay: to this place we were accompanied by several canoes
and people like those we had seen last, and for some time they behaved very
civilly. While they were hovering about us, a bird was shot from the ship, as it
was swimming upon the water: at this they shewed less surprize than we expected,
and taking up the bird, they tied it to a fishing line that was towing astern; as
an acknowledgment for this favour we gave them a piece of cloth: but
notwithstanding this effect of our firearms, and this interchange of civilities,
as soon as it grew dark they sung their war song, and attempted to tow away the
buoy of the anchor. Two or three muskets were then fired over them, but this
seemed rather to make them angry than afraid, and they went away, threatening that
to-morrow they would return with more force, and be the death of us all; at the
same time sending off a boat, which they told us was going to another part of the
bay for assistance.
There was some appearance of generosity, as well as courage, in
acquainting us with the time when they intended to make their attack, but they
forfeited all credit which this procured them, by coming secretly upon us in the
night, when they certainly hoped to find us asleep:* upon
approaching the ship they found themselves mistaken, and therefore retired without
speaking a word, supposing that they were too early; after some time they came a
second time, and being again disappointed, they retired as silently as before.
In the morning, at day-break,* they prepared to effect by force what they
had in vain attempted by stealth and artifice: no less than twelve canoes came
against us, with about a hundred and fifty men, all armed with pikes, lances, and
stones. As they could do nothing till they came very near the ship,
Tupia was ordered to expostulate with them, and if
possible divert them from their purpose: during the conversation they appeared to
be sometimes friendly and sometimes otherwise; at length, however, they began to
trade, and we offered to purchase their weapons, which some of them consented to
sell: they sold two very fairly, but having received what had been agreed upon for
the purchase of a third, they refused to send it up, but offered it for a second
price; a second was sent down, but the weapon was still detained, and a demand
made of a third; this being refused with some expressions of displeasure and
resentment, the offender, with many ludicrous tokens of contempt and defiance,
paddled his canoe off a few yards from the ship. As I intended to continue in this
place five or six days, in order to make an observation of the transit of Mercury,
it was absolutely necessary, in order to prevent future mischief, to shew these
people that we were not to be treated ill with impunity; some small shot were
therefore fired at the thief, and a musket ball through the bottom of his boat:
upon this it was paddled to about a hundred yards distance, and to our great
surprize the people in the other canoes took not the least notice of their wounded
companion, though he bled very much, but returned to the ship, and continued to
trade with the most perfect indifference and unconcern.* They fold
us many more of their weapons without making any other attempt to defraud us, for
a considerable time; at last, however, one of them thought fit to paddle away with
two different pieces of cloth which had been given for the same weapon: when he
had got about an hundred yards distance, and thought himself secure of his prize,
a musket was fired after him, which fortunately struck the boat just at the
water's edge, and made two holes in her side; this only incited them to ply their
paddles with greater activity, and the rest of the canoes also made off with the
utmost expedition. As the last proof of our superiority therefore, we fired a
round shot over them, and not a boat stopped till they got on shore.
About ten o'clock, I went with two boats to sound the bay, and look out
for a more convenient anchoring-place, the Master being in one boat and myself in
the other. We pulled first over to the north shore, from which some canoes came
out to meet us; as we advanced, however, they retired, inviting us to follow them:
but, seeing them all armed, I did not think it proper to comply, but went towards
the head of the bay, where I observed a village upon a very high point, fortified
in the manner that has been already described, and having fixed upon an
anchoring-place not far from where the ship lay, I returned on board.
At three o'clock in the afternoon, I weighed, run in nearer to the shore,
and anchored in four fathom and an half water, with a soft sandy bottom, the south
point of the bay bearing E. distant one mile, and a river which the boats can
enter at low water S. S. E. distant a mile and an half.
*In the morning, the natives came off again to the ship, and we had the
satisfaction to observe that their behaviour was very different from what it had
been yesterday: among them was an old man,* whom we had before
remarked for his prudence and honesty: his name was TOIAVA, and he seemed to be a
person of a superior rank; in the transactions of yesterday morning he had behaved
with great propriety and good sense, lying in a small canoe, always near the ship,
and treating those on board as if he neither intended a fraud nor suspected an
injury: with some persuasion this man and another came on board, and ventured into
the cabin, where I presented each of them with a piece of English cloth and some
spike nails. They told us that the Indians were now very much afraid of us, and on
our part we promised friendship if they would behave peaceably, desiring only to
purchase what they had to sell upon their own terms.
After the natives had left us, I went with the pinnace and long-boat into
the river with a design to haul the seine, and sent the Master in the yawl to
sound the bay and dredge for fish. The Indians who were on one side of the river,
expressed their friendship by all the signs they could devise, beckoning us to
land among them; but we chose to go ashore on the other side, as the situation was
more convenient for hauling the seine and shooting birds, of which we saw great
numbers of various kinds: the Indians with much persuasion, about noon, ventured
over to us. With the seine we had very little success, catching only a few
mullets, neither did we get any thing by the trawl or the dredge, except a few
shells; but we shot several birds, most of them resembling sea-pies, except that
they had black plumage, and red bills and feet. While we were absent with our
guns, the people who staid by the boats saw two of the Indians quarrel and fight:
they began the battle with their lances, but some old men interposed and took them
away, leaving them to decide the difference, like Englishmen, with their fists:
they boxed with great vigour and obstinacy for some time, but by
degrees all retired behind a little hill,* so that our people could not see the
event of the combat.
*In the morning the long-boat was sent again to traul in the bay, and an
officer, with the marines, and a party of men, to cut wood and haul the seine. The
Indians on shore appeared very peaceable and submissive, and we had reason to
believe that their habitations were at a considerable distance, for we saw no
houses, and found that they slept under the bushes: the bay is probably a place to
which they frequently resort in parties to gather shell-fish, of which it affords
incredible plenty, for wherever we went, whether upon the hills or in the vallies,
the woods or the plains, we saw vast heaps of shells, often many waggon loads
together, some appearing to be very old, and others recent. We saw no cultivation
in this place, which had a desolate and barren appearance; the tops of the hills
were green, but nothing grew there except a large kind of fern, the roots of which
the natives had got together in large quantities, in order to carry away with
them. In the evening Mr. Banks walked up the river, which at
the mouth looked fine and broad, but at the distance of about two miles was not
deep enough to cover the foot; and the country inland was still more barren than
at the sea-side. The seine and dredge were not more successful to-day than
yesterday, but the Indians in some measure compensated for the disappointment by
bringing us several baskets of fish, some dry, and some fresh dressed; it was not
indeed of the best, but I ordered it all to be bought for the encouragement of
trade.
*On the 7th, the weather was so bad that none of us left the
ship, nor did any of the Indians come on board.
*On the 8th, I sent a party of men on shore to wood and
water; and in the mean time many canoes came off, in one of which
was our friend Toiava;* soon after he was alongside of the ship, he saw two canoes
coming from the opposite side of the bay, upon which he hasted back again to the
shore with all his canoes, telling us that he was afraid of the people who were
coming: this was a farther proof that the people of this country were perpetually
committing hostilities against each other. In a short time, however, he returned,
having discovered that the people who had alarmed him were not the same that he
had supposed. The natives that came to the ship this morning sold us, for a few
pieces of cloth, as much fish of the mackrel kind as served the whole ship's
company, and they were as good as ever were eaten. At noon, this day, I observed
the sun's meridional zenith distance by an astronomical quadrant, which gave the
latitude 36° 47′ 43″ within the south entrance of the bay.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on shore
and collected a great variety of plants, altogether unknown, and not returning
till the evening, had an opportunity of observing in what manner the Indians
disposed themselves to pass the night. They had no shelter but a few shrubs: the
women and the children were ranged innermost, or farthest from the sea; the men
lay in a kind of half circle round them, and their arms were set up against the
trees close by them, in a manner which showed that they were afraid of an attack
by some enemy not far distant. It was also discovered that they acknowledged
neither Teratu, nor any other person as their king: as in this particular they
differed from all the people that we had seen upon other parts of the coast, we
thought it possible that they might be a set of outlaws, in a state of rebellion
against Teratu, and in that case they might have no settled habitations, or
cultivated land in any part of the country.
*On the 9th, at day-break, a great number of canoes came
on board, loaded with mackrel of two sorts, one exactly the same with those caught
in England, and the other somewhat different: we imagined
the people had taken a large shoal, and brought us an overplus which they could
not consume; for they sold them at a very low rate. They were, however, very
welcome to us; at eight o'clock, the ship had more fish on board than all her
people could eat in three days; and before night, the quantity was so much
increased, that every man who could get salt, cured as many as would last him a
month.
After an early breakfast, I went ashore, with Mr.
Green and proper instruments, to observe the transit of Mercury,
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander being of
the party; the weather had for some time been very thick, with much rain, but this
day was so favourable that not a cloud intervened during the whole transit. The
observation of the ingress was made by Mr. Green alone, while
I was employed in taking the sun's altitude to ascertain the time. It came on at
7h 20′ 58″ apparent time: according to Mr.
Green's observation, the internal contact was at 12h 8′
58″, the external at 12h 9′ 55″ P.M. And according to mine, the
internal contact was at 12h 8′ 54″, and the external 12h
9′ 48″; the latitude of the place of observation was 30° 48′ 5½″. The
latitude observed at noon was 36° 48′ 28″. The mean of this and
yesterday's observation gives 36° 48′ 5½″ S. the latitude of the place
of observation; the variation of the compass was 11° 9′ E.
About noon, we were alarmed by the firing of a great gun from the ship;
Mr. Gore, my Second Lieutenant, was at this time commanding officer on board, and
the account that he gave was this. While some small canoes were trading with the
people, two very large ones came up, full of men, one of them having
on board forty-seven, all armed with pikes,* darts, and stones, and apparently
with a hostile intention: they appeared to be strangers, and to be rather
conscious of superiority over us by their numbers, than afraid of any weapons
which could give us the superiority over them: no attack however was made;
probably because they learnt from the people in the other canoes, with whom they
immediately entered into conference, what kind of an enemy they had to deal with:
after a little time, they began to trade, some of them offering their arms, and
one of them a square piece of cloth, which makes a part of their dress, called a
Haahow; several of the weapons were purchased, and Mr. Gore having agreed for a
Haahow, sent down the price, which was a piece of British cloth, and expected his
purchase: but the Indian, as soon as he had got Mr. Gore's cloth in his
possession, refused to part with his own, and put off the canoe: upon being
threatened for this fraud, he and his companions began to sing their war song in
defiance, and shook their paddles: still however they began no attack, only
defying Mr. Gore to take any remedy in his power, which so provoked him that he
levelled a musquet loaded with ball at the offender, while he was holding the
cloth in his hand, and shot him dead. It would have been happy, if the effect of a
few small shot had been tried upon this occasion, which upon some others had been
successful.
When the Indian dropped, all the canoes put off to some distance; but as
they did not go away, it was thought they might still meditate an attack. To
secure therefore a safe passage for the boat, which it was necessary to send on
shore, a round shot was fired over their heads, which effectually answered the
purpose, and put them all to flight. When an account of what had happened was
brought ashore, our Indians were alarmed,* and drawing all together,
retreated in a body. After a short time, however, they returned, having heard a
more particular account of the affair; and intimated that they thought the man who
had been killed deserved his fate.
A little before sunset the Indians retired to eat their supper, and we
went with them to be spectators of the repast; it consisted of fish of different
kinds, among which were lobsters, and some birds, of a species unknown to us:
these were either roasted or baked; to roast them, they fastened them upon a small
stick, which was stuck up in the ground, inclining towards their fire; and to bake
them, they put them into a hole in the ground with hot stones, in the same manner
as the people of Otaheite.
Among the natives that were assembled upon this occasion, we saw a woman,
who, after their manner, was mourning for the death of her relation: she sat upon
the ground near the rest, who, one only excepted, seemed not at all to regard her:
the tears constantly trickled down her cheeks, and she repeated in a low, but very
mournful voice, words, which even Tupia did not at all
understand: at the end of every sentence she cut her arms, her face, or her breast
with a shell that she held in her hand, so that she was almost covered with blood,
and was indeed one of the most affecting spectacles that can be conceived. The
cuts, however, did not appear to be so deep as are sometimes made upon similar
occasions, if we may judge by the scars which we saw upon the arms, thighs,
breasts, and cheeks of many of them, which we were told were the remains of wounds
which they had inflicted upon themselves as testimonies of their affection and
sorrow.
*The next day, I went with two boats, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and the other Gentlemen, to examine a large river that empties itself into the head of the bay.* We rowed about four or five
miles up, and could have gone much farther if the weather had been favourable. It
was here wider than at the mouth, and divided into many streams by small flat
islands, which are covered with mangroves, and overflowed at high water. From
these trees exudes a viscous substance which very much resembles resin: we found
it first in small lumps upon the sea beach, and now saw it sticking to the trees,
by which we knew whence it came. We landed on the east side of the river, where we
saw a tree upon which several shags had built their nests, and here therefore we
determined to dine; twenty of the shags were soon killed, and being broiled upon
the spot, afforded us an excellent meal. We then went upon the hills from whence I
thought I saw the head of the river. The shore on each side, as well as the
islands in the middle, were covered with mangroves; and the sand-banks abounded in
cockles and clams: in many places there were rock oysters, and every where plenty
of wild fowl, principally shags, ducks, curlieus, and the sea-pie, that has been
described before. We also saw fish in the river, but of what kind we could not
discover: the country on the east side of this river is for the most part barren,
and destitute of wood; but on the west it has a better aspect, and in some places
is adorned with trees, but has in no part the appearance of cultivation. In the
entrance of the river, and for two or three miles up, there is good anchoring in
four and five fathom water, and places very convenient for laying a vessel on
shore, where the tide rises and falls seven feet at the full and change of the
moon. We could not determine, whether any considerable stream of fresh water came
into this river out of the country; but we saw a number of small rivulets issue
from the adjacent hills. Near the mouth of this river, on the east side, we found
a little Indian village, consisting of small temporary sheds,* where
we landed, and were received by the people with the utmost kindness and
hospitality: they treated us with a flat shell-fish of a most delicious taste,
somewhat like a cockle, which we eat hot from the coals. Near this place is a high
point or peninsula, projecting into the river, and upon it are the remains of a
fort, which they call Eppah or Heppah. The best engineer in
Europe could not have chosen a situation better adapted
to enable a small number to defend themselves against a greater. The steepness of
the cliffs renders it wholly inaccessible from the water which incloses it on
three sides; and, to the land, it is fortified by a ditch, and a bank raised on
the inside: from the top of the bank to the bottom of the ditch, is two and twenty
feet; the ditch on the outside is fourteen feet deep, and its breadth is in
proportion. The whole seemed to have been executed with great judgment; and there
had been a row of pickets or pallisadoes, both on the top of the bank and along
the brink of the ditch on the outside; those on the outside had been driven very
deep into the ground, and were inclined towards the ditch, so as to project over
it; but of these the thickest posts only were left, and upon them there were
evident marks of fire, so that the place had probably been taken and destroyed by
an enemy. If any occasion should make it necessary for a ship to winter here, or
stay any time, tents might be built in this place, which is sufficiently spacious,
with great convenience, and might easily be made impregnable to the whole country.
*On the eleventh, there was so much wind and rain that no canoe came off;
but the long-boat was sent to fetch oysters from one of the beds which had been
discovered the day before: the boat soon returned, deeply laden, and the oysters,
which were as good as ever came from Colchester, and about the same size, were
laid down under the booms, and the
[illustration] ship's company did nothing but eat them from
the time they came on board till night, when,* as may reasonably be supposed,
great part of them were expended; this, however, gave us no concern, as we knew
that not the boat only, but the ship, might have been loaded, almost in one tide,
as the beds are dry at half ebb. In the morning of Sunday the 12th,*
two canoes came off full of people whom we had never seen before, but who appeared
to have heard of us by the caution which they used in approaching us. As we
invited them to come alongside with all the tokens of friendship that we could
shew, they ventured up, and two of them came on board; the rest traded very fairly
for what they had: a small canoe also came from the other side of the bay, and
sold us some very large fish, which they gave us to understand they would have
brought yesterday, having caught them the day before, but that the wind was so
high they could not venture to sea.
After breakfast, I went with the pinnace and yawl, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, over to the north side of the bay, to
take a view of the country, and two fortified villages which we had discovered at
a distance. We landed near the smallest of them, the situation of which was the
most beautifully romantic that can be imagined; it was built upon a small rock,
detached from the main, and surrounded at high water. The whole body of this rock
was perforated by an hollow or arch, which possessed much the largest part of it;
the top of the arch was above sixty feet perpendicular above the sea, which at
high water flowed through the bottom of it: the whole summit of the rock above the
arch was fenced round after their manner; but the area was not large enough to
contain more than five or six houses: it was accessible only by one
very narrow and steep path,* by which the inhabitants, at our approach, came down,
and invited us into the place; but we refused, intending to visit a much more
considerable fort of the same kind at about a mile's distance. We made some
presents however to the women, and in the mean time we saw the inhabitants of the
town which we were going to, coming towards us in a body, men, women, and
children, to the number of about one hundred: when they came near enough to be
heard, they waved their hands and called out Horomai; after which they sat down
among the bushes near the beach: these ceremonies we were told were certain signs
of their friendly disposition. We advanced to the place where they were sitting,
and when we came up, made them a few presents, and asked leave to visit their
Heppah; they consented with joy in their countenances, and immediately led the
way. It is called WHARRETOUWA, and is situated upon a high promontory or point,
which projects into the sea, on the north side, and near the head of the bay: two
sides of it are washed by the sea, and these are altogether inaccessible; two
other sides are to the land: up one of them, which is very steep, lies the avenue
from the beach; the other is flat and open to the country upon the hill, which is
a narrow ridge: the whole is inclosed by a pallisade about ten feet high,
consisting of strong pales bound together with withes. The weak side next the land
is also defended by a double ditch, the innermost of which has a bank and an
additional pallisade; the inner pallisades are upon the bank next the town, but at
such a distance from the top of the bank as to leave room for men to walk and use
their arms, between them and the inner ditch: the outermost pallisades are between
the two ditches, and driven obliquely into the ground, so that their upper ends
incline over the inner ditch: the depth of this ditch, from the bottom to the top or crown of the bank, is four and twenty feet.* Close within
the innermost pallisade is a stage, twenty feet high, forty feet long, and six
broad; it is supported by strong posts, and is intended as a station for those who
defend the place, from which they may annoy the assailants by darts and stones,
heaps of which lay ready for use. Another stage of the same kind commands the
steep avenue from the beach, and stands also within the pallisade; on this side of
the hill there are some little outworks and huts, not intended as advanced posts,
but as the habitations of people who for want of room could not be accommodated
within the works, but who were, notwithstanding, desirous of placing themselves
under their protection. The pallisades, as has been observed already, run round
the whole brow of the hill, as well towards the sea as towards the land; but the
ground within having originally been a mount, they have reduced it not to one
level, but to several, rising in stages one above the other, like an amphitheatre,
each of which is inclosed within its separate pallisade; they communicate with
each other by narrow lanes, which might easily be stopped up, so that if an enemy
should force the outward pallisade, he would have others to carry before the place
could be wholly reduced, supposing these places to be obstinately defended one
after the other. The only entrance is by a narrow passage, about twelve feet long,
communicating with the steep ascent from the beach: it passes under one of the
fighting stages, and though we saw nothing like a door or gateway, it may be
easily barricaded in a manner that will make the forcing it a very dangerous and
difficult undertaking. Upon the whole, this must be considered as a place of great
strength, in which a small number of resolute men may defend themselves against
all the force which a people with no other arms than those that are in use here
could bring against it.* It seemed to be well furnished for a
siege with every thing but water; we saw great quantities of fern root, which they
eat as bread, and dried fish piled up in heaps; but we could not perceive that
they had any fresh water nearer than a brook, which runs close under the foot of
the hill: whether they have any means of getting it from this place during a
siege, or whether they have any method of storing it within the works in gourds or
other vessels, we could not learn; some resource they certainly have with respect
to this article, an indispensable necessary of life, for otherwise the laying up
dry provisions could answer no purpose. Upon our expressing a desire to see their
method of attack and defence, one of the young men mounted a fighting stage, which
they call Porava, and another went into the ditch: both he that was to defend the
place, and he that was to assault it, sung the war-song, and danced with the same
frightful gesticulations that we had seen used in more serious circumstances, to
work themselves up into a degree of that mechanical fury, which, among all
uncivilized nations, is the necessary prelude to a battle; for dispassionate
courage, a strength of mind that can surmount the sense of danger, without a flow
of animal spirits by which it is extinguished, seems to be the prerogative of
those who have projects of more lasting importance, and a keener sense of honour
and disgrace, than can be formed or felt by men who have few pains or pleasures
besides those of mere animal life, and scarcely any purpose but to provide for the
day that is passing over them, to obtain plunder, or revenge an insult: they will
march against each other indeed in cool blood, though they find it necessary to
work themselves into passion before they engage; as among us there have been many
instances of people who have deliberately made themselves drunk, that they might
execute a project which they formed when they were sober, but which,
while they continued so,* they did not dare to undertake.
On the side of the hill, near this inclosure, we saw about half an acre
planted with gourds and sweet potatoes, which was the only cultivation in the bay:
under the foot of the point upon which this fortification stands, are two rocks,
one just broken off from the main, and the other not perfectly detached from it:
they are both small, and seem more proper for the habitations of birds than men;
yet there are houses and places of defence upon each of them. And we saw many
other works of the same kind upon small islands, rocks, and ridges of hills, on
different parts of the coast, besides many fortified towns, which appeared to be
much superior to this.
The perpetual hostility in which these poor savages, who have made every
village a fort, must necessarily live, will account for there being so little of
their land in a state of cultivation; and, as mischiefs very often reciprocally
produce each other, it may perhaps appear, that there being so little land in a
state of cultivation, will account for their living in perpetual hostility. But it
is very strange, that the same invention and diligence which have been used in the
construction of places so admirably adapted to defence, almost without tools,
should not, when urged by the same necessity, have furnished them with a single
missile weapon except the lance, which is thrown by hand: they have no contrivance
like a bow to discharge a dart, nor any thing like a sling to assist them in
throwing a stone; which is the more surprising, as the invention of slings, and
bows and arrows, is much more obvious than of the works which these people
construct, and both these weapons are found among much ruder nations, and in
almost every other part of the world. Besides the long lance and
Patoo-Patoo,* which have been mentioned already, they have a staff about five feet
long, sometimes pointed, like a Serjeant's halberd, sometimes only tapering to a
point at one end, and having the other end broad, and shaped somewhat like the
blade of an oar. They have also another weapon, about a foot shorter than these,
pointed at one end, and at the other shaped like an axe. The points of their long
lances are barbed, and they handle them with such strength and agility, that we
can match them with no weapon but a loaded musquet.
After taking a slight view of the country, and loading both the boats with
celery, which we found in great plenty near the beach, we returned from our
excursion, and about five o'clock in the evening got on board the ship.
*On the 15th, I sailed out of the bay, and at the same time
had several canoes on board, in one of which was our friend Toiava, who said, that
as soon as we were gone he must repair to his Heppah or fort, because the friends
of the man who had been shot by Mr. Gore on the 9th, had threatened
to revenge his death upon him, whom they had reproached as being our friend. Off
the north point of the bay, I saw a great number of islands, of various extent,
which lay scattered to the north west, in a direction parallel with the main as
far as I could see. I steered north east for the north eastermost of these
islands; but the wind coming to the north west, I was obliged to stand out to sea.
To the bay which we had now left I gave the name of MERCURY BAY, on
account of the observation which we had made there of the transit of that planet
over the sun. It lies in latitude 36° 47′ S.; and in the longitude of
184° 4′ W.: there are several islands lying both to the southward
and northward of it, and a small island or rock in the middle of the
entrance:* within this island the depth of water no where exceeds nine fathom: the
best anchoring is in a sandy bay, which lies just within the south head, in five
and four fathom, bringing a high tower or rock, which lies without the head, in
one with the head, or just shut in behind it. This place is very convenient both
for wooding and watering, and in the river there is an immense quantity of oysters
and other shell-fish: I have for this reason given it the name of OYSTER RIVER.
But for a ship that wants to stay here any time, the best and safest place is in
the river at the head of the bay; which, from the number of mangrove trees about
it, I have called MANGROVE RIVER. To sail into this river, the south shore must be
kept all the way on board. The country on the east side of the river and bay is
very barren, its only produce being fern, and a few other plants that will grow in
a poor soil. The land on the north west side is covered with wood, and the soil
being much more fertile, would doubtless produce all the necessaries of life with
proper cultivation: it is not however so fertile as the lands that we have seen to
the southward; nor do the inhabitants, though numerous, make so good an
appearance: they have no plantations; their canoes are mean, and without ornament;
they sleep in the open air; and say, that Teratu, whose sovereignty they do not
acknowledge, if he was to come among them, would kill them. This favoured our
opinion of their being outlaws; yet they told us, that they had Heppahs or strong
holds, to which they retired in time of imminent danger.
We found, thrown upon the shore, in several parts of this bay, great
quantities of iron-sand, which is brought down by every little rivulet of fresh
water that finds its way from the country; which is a demonstration that there is
ore of that metal not far inland:* yet neither the inhabitants of
this place, or any other part of the coast that we have seen, know the use of
iron, or set the least value upon it; all of them preferring the most worthless
and useless trifle, not only to a nail, but to any tool of that metal.
Before we left the bay, we cut upon one of the trees near the
watering-place the ship's name, and that of the Commander, with the date of the
year and month when we were there; and, after displaying the English colours, I
took a formal possession of it in the name of his Britannic Majesty King George
the Third.
CHAP. IV.
The Range from Mercury Bay to the Bay of Islands: An
Expedition up the River Thames: Some Account of the Indians who inhabit its
Banks, and the fine Timber that grows there: Several Interviews with the
Natives on different Parts of the Coast, and a Skirmish with them upon an
Island.
I Continued plying to windward two days to get under the land, and on the
18th, about seven in the morning,* we were abreast of a very
conspicuous promontory, being then in latitude 36° 26′, and in the
direction of N. 48 W. from the north head of Mercury Bay or Point Mercury, which
was distant nine leagues: upon this point stood many people, who seemed to take
little notice of us, but talked together with great earnestness. In about half an
hour, several canoes put off from different places, and came towards the ship;
upon which the people on the point also launched a canoe, and about twenty of them
came in her up with the others. When two of these canoes, in which there might be
about sixty men, came near enough to make themselves heard, they sung their
war-song; but seeing that we took little notice of it, they threw a few stones at
us, and then rowed off towards the shore. We hoped that we had now done with them,
but in a short time they returned, as if with a fixed resolution to provoke us
into a battle, animating themselves by their song as they had done before.
Tupia, without any directions from us,* went
to the poop, and began to expostulate: he told them, that we had weapons which
would destroy them in a moment; and that, if they ventured to attack us, we should
be obliged to use them. Upon this, they flourished their weapons, and cried out,
in their language, "Come on shore, and we will kill you all:" Well, said
Tupia, but why should you molest us while we are at sea?
as we do not wish to fight, we shall not accept your challenge to come on shore;
and here there is no pretence for a quarrel, the sea being no more your property
than the ship. This eloquence of Tupia, though it greatly
surprised us, having given him no hints for the arguments he used, had no effect
upon our enemies, who very soon renewed their battery: a musquet was then fired
through one of their boats, and this was an argument of sufficient weight, for
they immediately fell astern and left us.
From the point, of which we were now abreast, the land trends W. ½ S. near
a league, and then S. S. E. as far as we could see; and, besides the islands that
lay without us, we could see land round by the S. W. as far as the N. W.; but
whether this was the main or islands, we could not then determine: the fear of
losing the main, however, made me resolve to follow its direction. With this view,
I hauled round the point and steered to the southward, but there being light airs
all round the compass, we made but little progress.
About one o'clock, a breeze sprung up at east, which afterwards came to N.
E. and we steered along the shore S. by E. and S. S. E. having from twenty-five to
eighteen fathom.
At about half an hour after seven in the evening, having run seven or
eight leagues since noon, I anchored in twenty-three fathom, not chusing to run
any farther in the dark, as I had now land on both sides, forming the entrance of
a streight, bay, or river,* lying S. by E. for on that point we
could see no land.
At day-break, on the 19th, the wind being still favourable,*
we weighed and stood with an easy sail up the inlet, keeping nearest to the east
side. In a short time, two large canoes came off to us from the shore; the people
on board said, that they knew Toiava very well, and called
Tupia by his name. I invited some of them on board; and as
they knew they had nothing to fear from us, while they behaved honestly and
peaceably, they immediately complied: I made each of them some presents, and
dismissed them much gratified. Other canoes afterwards came up to us from a
different side of the bay; and the people on board of these also mentioned the
name of Toiava, and sent a young man into the ship, who told us he was his
grandson, and he also was dismissed with a present.
After having run about five leagues from the place where we had anchored
the night before, our depth of water gradually decreased to six fathom; and not
chusing to go into less, as it was tide of flood, and the wind blew right up the
inlet, I came to an anchor about the middle of the channel, which is near eleven
miles over; after which I sent two boats out to sound, one on one side, and the
other on the other.
The boats not having found above three feet more water than we were now
in, I determined to go no farther with the ship, but to examine the head of the
bay in the boats; for, as it appeared to run a good way inland, I thought this a
favourable opportunity to examine the interior part of the country, and its
produce.
At day-break, therefore,* I set out in the pinnace and longboat,
accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander,
and Tupia; and we found the inlet end in a
river,* about nine miles above the ship: into this river we entered with the first
of the flood, and within three miles found the water perfectly fresh. Before we
had proceeded more than one third of that distance, we found an Indian town, which
was built upon a a small bank of dry sand, but intirely surrounded by a deep mud,
which possibly the inhabitants might consider as a defence. These people, as soon
as they saw us, thronged to the banks, and invited us on shore. We accepted the
invitation, and made them a visit notwithstanding the mud. They received us with
open arms, having heard of us from our good old friend Toiava; but our stay could
not be long, as we had other objects of curiosity in view. We proceeded up the
river till near noon, when we were fourteen miles within its entrance; and then,
finding the face of the country to continue nearly the same, without any
alteration in the course of the stream, which we had no hope of tracing to its
source, we landed on the west side, to take a view of the lofty trees which every
where adorned its banks. They were of a kind that we had seen before, though only
at a distance, both in Poverty Bay and Hawke's Bay. Before we had walked an
hundred yards into the wood, we met with one of them which was nineteen feet eight
inches in the girt, at the height of six feet above the ground: having a quadrant
with me, I measured its height from the root to the first branch, and found it to
be eighty-nine feet: it was as strait as an arrow, and tapered but very little in
proportion to its height; so that I judged there were three hundred and fifty-six
feet of solid timber in it, exclusive of the branches. As we advanced, we saw many
others that were still larger; we cut down a young one, and the wood proved heavy
and solid, not fit for masts, but such as would make the finest plank in the
world. Our carpenter, who was with us, said that the timber
resembled that of the pitch-pine,* which is lightened by tapping; and possibly
some such method might be found to lighten these, and they would then be such
masts as no country in Europe can produce. As the wood was
swampy, we could not range far; but we found many stout trees of other kinds, all
of them utterly unknown to us, specimens of which we brought away.
The river at this height is as broad as the Thames at
Greenwich, and the tide of flood as strong; it is not
indeed quite so deep, but has water enough for vessels of more than a middle size,
and a bottom of mud, so soft that nothing could take damage by running ashore.
About three o'clock, we reimbarked, in order to return with the first of
the ebb, and named the river the THAMES, it having some resemblance to our own
river of that name. In our return, the inhabitants of the village where we had
been ashore, seeing us take another channel, came off to us in their canoes, and
trafficked with us in the most friendly manner, till they had disposed of the few
trifles they had. The tide of ebb just carried us out of the narrow part of the
river, into the channel that run up from the sea, before it was dark; and we
pulled hard to reach the ship, but meeting the flood, and a strong breeze at N. N.
W. with showers of rain, we were obliged to desist; and about midnight, we run
under the land, and came to a grappling, where we took such rest as our situation
would admit.* At break of day, we set forward again, and it was past seven o'clock
before we reached the ship. We were all extremely tired, but thought ourselves
happy to be on board; for before nine it blew so hard that the boat could not have
rowed ahead, and must therefore either have gone ashore, or taken shelter under
it.
*About three o'clock, having the tide of ebb, we took up our anchor,
made sail, and plied down the river till eight in the evening, when we came to an
anchor again: early in the morning we made sail with the first ebb,* and kept
plying till the flood obliged us once more to come to an anchor. As we had now
only a light breeze, I went in the pinnace, accompanied by Dr.
Solander, to the western shore; but I saw nothing worthy of notice.
When I left the ship, many canoes were about it; Mr.
Banks therefore chose to stay on board, and traffic with the
natives: they bartered their clothes and arms, chiefly for paper, and behaved with
great friendship and honesty. But while some of them were below with Mr.
Banks, a young man who was upon the deck stole a half minute glass
which was in the binacle, and was detected just as he was carrying it off.
Mr. Hicks, who was commanding officer on board, took it
into his head to punish him, by giving him twelve lashes with a cat-o'nine-tails;
and accordingly ordered him to be taken to the gang-way, and tied up to the
shrouds. When the other Indians who were on board saw him seized, they attempted
to rescue him; and being resisted, called for their arms, which were handed up
from the canoes, and the people of one of them attempted to come up the ship's
side. The tumult was heard by Mr. Banks, who, with
Tupia, came hastily upon the deck to see what had
happened. The Indians immediately ran to Tupia, who, finding
Mr. Hicks inexorable, could only assure them, that nothing
was intended against the life of their companion; but that it was necessary he
should suffer some punishment for his offence, which being explained to them, they
seemed to be satisfied. The punishment was then inflicted, and as soon as the
criminal was unbound, an old man among the spectators, who was
supposed to be his father, gave him a hearty beating,* and sent him down into his
canoe. All the canoes then dropped a-stern, and the people said that they were
afraid to come any more near the ship: after much persuasion, however, they
ventured back again, but their cheerful confidence was at an end, and their stay
was short; they promised indeed, at their departure, to return with some fish, but
we saw no more of them.
On the 23d, the wind being contrary,* we kept plying down the
river, and at seven in the evening, got without the N. W. point of the islands
lying on the west side of it. The weather being bad, night coming on, and having
land on every side of us, I thought it most advisable to tack, and stretch in
under the point, where we anchored in nineteen fathom. At five in the morning, of
the 24th, we weighed,* and made sail to the N. W. under our courses
and double reefed top-sails, the wind being at S. W. by W. and W. S. W. a strong
gale and squally. As the gale would not permit us to come near the land, we had
but a slight and distant view of it from the time when we got under sail till
noon, during a run of twelve leagues, but we never once lost sight of it. At this
time, our latitude, by observation, was 36° 15′ 20″, we were not above
two miles from a point of land on the main, and three leagues and an half from a
very high island, which bore N. E. by E.: in this situation we had twenty-six
fathom water: the farthest point on the main that we could see bore N. W. but we
could perceive several small islands lying to the north of that direction. The
point of land of which we were now a-breast, and which I called POINT RODNEY, is
the N. W. extremity of the river Thames; for under that name I comprehend the deep
bay which terminates in the fresh water stream, and the N. E. extremity is the
promontory which we passed when we entered it, and which I called
CAPE COLVILLE,* in honour of the Right Honourable Lord Colville.
Cape Colville lies in latitude 36° 26′, longitude 194°
27′; it rises directly from the sea to a considerable height, and is
remarkable for a lofty rock, which stands to the pitch of the point, and may be
distinguished at a very great distance. From the south point of this Cape the
river runs in a direct line S. by E. and is no where less than three leagues broad
for the distance of fourteen leagues above the Cape, and there it is contracted to
a narrow stream, but continues the same course through a low flat country, or
broad valley, which lies parallel with the sea coast, and the end of which we
could not see. On the east side of the broad part of this river the land is
tolerably high and hilly; on the west side it is rather low, but the whole is
covered with verdure and wood, and has the appearance of great fertility, though
there were but a few small spots which had been cultivated. At the entrance of the
narrow part of the river the land is covered with mangroves and other shrubs; but
farther, there are immense woods of perhaps the finest timber in the world, of
which some account has already been given: in several places the wood extends to
the very edge of the water, and where it is at a little distance, the intermediate
space is marshy, like some parts of the banks of the Thames in
England: it is probable that the river contains plenty
of fish, for we saw poles stuck up in many places to set nets for catching them,
but of what kinds I do not know. The greatest depth of water that we found in this
river was six and twenty fathom, which gradually decreased to one fathom and an
half: in the mouth of the fresh water stream it is from four to three fathom, but
there are large flats and sand banks lying before it. A ship of moderate draught
may, notwithstanding, go a long way up this river with a flowing
tide, for it rises perpendicularly near ten feet,* and at the full and change of
the moon, it is high water about nine o'clock.
Six leagues within Cape Colville, under the eastern shore, are several
small islands, which, together with the main, seem to form good harbours; and
opposite to these islands, under the western shore, lie other islands, by which it
is also probable that good harbours may be formed: but if there are no harbours
about this river, there is good anchoring in every part of it where the depth of
water is sufficient, for it is defended from the sea by a chain of islands of
different extent, which lie cross the mouth of it, and which I have, for that
reason, called BARRIER ISLANDS: they stretch N. W. and S. E. ten leagues. The
south end of the chain lies N. E. between two and three leagues from Cape
Colville; and the north end lies N. E. four leagues and an half from Point Rodney.
Point Rodney lies W. N. W. nine leagues from Cape Colville, in latitude 36°
15′ S. longitude 184° 53′ W.
The natives residing about this river do not appear to be numerous,
considering the great extent of the country. But they are a strong, well-made, and
active people, and all of them paint their bodies with red oker and oil from head
to foot, which we had not seen before. Their canoes were large and well built, and
adorned with carving, in as good a taste as any that we had seen upon the coast.
We continued to stand along the shore till night, with the main land on
one side, and islands on the other, and then anchored in a bay, with fourteen
fathom and a sandy bottom. We had no sooner come to an anchor, than we tried our
lines, and in a short time caught near one hundred fish, which the people called
Sea-bream; they weighed from six to eight pounds a piece, and consequently would
supply the whole ship's company with food for two days. From the
success of our lines here, we called the place BREAM BAY:* the two points that
form it lie north and south, five leagues from each other; it is every where of a
good breadth, and between three and four leagues deep: at the bottom of it there
appears to be a river of fresh water. The north head of the bay, called BREAM
HEAD, is high land, and remarkable for several pointed rocks, which stand in a
range upon the top of it: it may also be known by some small islands which lie
before it, called the HEN AND CHICKENS, one of which is high, and terminates in
two peaks. It lies in latitude 35° 46′ S., and at the distance of
seventeen leagues and an half from Cape Colville, in the direction of N. 41 W.
The land between Point Rodney and Bream Head, an extent of ten leagues, is
low, and wooded in tufts, with white sand banks between the sea and the firm land.
We saw no inhabitants, but many fires in the night; and where there are fires,
there are always people.
*At day-break, on the 25th, we left the bay, and steered
along shore to the northward: we found the variation of the compass to be 12°
42′ E. At noon, our latitude was 36° 36′ S., Bream Head bore
south, distant ten miles; and we saw some small islands, to which I gave the name
of the POOR KNIGHTS, at N. E. by N. distant three leagues; the northermost land in
sight bore N. N. W.: we were in this place at the distance of two miles from the
shore, and had twenty-six fathom water.
The country appeared low, but well covered with wood: we saw some
straggling houses, three or four fortified towns, and near them a large quantity
of cultivated land.
In the evening, seven large canoes came off to us, with about two hundred
men: some of them came on board, and said that they had heard of us. To two of
them, who appeared to be Chiefs, I gave presents;* but when these
were gone out of the ship, the others became exceedingly troublesome. Some of
those in the canoes began to trade, and, according to their custom, to cheat, by
refusing to deliver what had been bought, after they had received the price: among
these was one who had received an old pair of black breeches, which, upon a few
small shot being fired at him, he threw into the sea. All the boats soon after
paddled off to some distance, and when they thought they were out of reach, they
began to defy us, by singing their song and brandishing their weapons. We thought
it advisable to intimidate them, as well for their sakes as our own, and therefore
fired first some small arms, and then round shot over their heads; the last put
them in a terrible fright, though they received no damage, except by over-heating
themselves in paddling away, which they did with astonishing expedition.
In the night we had variable light airs;* but towards the morning a breeze
sprung up at S. and afterwards at S. E. with which we proceeded slowly to the
northward, along the shore.
Between six and seven o'clock two canoes came off, and told us that they
had heard of yesterday's adventure, notwithstanding which the people came on
board, and traded very quietly and honestly for whatever they had: soon after two
canoes came off from a more distant part of the shore; these were of a much larger
size, and full of people: when they came near, they called off the other canoes
which were along side of the ship, and after a short conference they all came up
together. The strangers appeared to be persons of a superior rank; their canoes
were well carved with many ornaments, and they had with them a great variety of
weapons: they had patoo-patoos both of stone and whalebone,* upon
which they appeared to set a great value; they had also ribs of whale, of which we
had before seen imitations in wood, carved and adorned with tufts of dog's hair.
Their complexions were browner than those of the people we had seen to the
southward, and their bodies and faces were more marked with the black stains which
they call Amoco: they had a broad spiral on each buttock; and the thighs of many
of them were almost intirely black, some narrow lines only being left untouched,
so that at first sight they appeared to wear striped breeches. With respect to the
Amoco, every different tribe seemed to have a different custom, for all the men,
in some canoes, seemed to be almost covered with it, and those in others had
scarcely a stain, except on the lips, which were black in all of them without a
single exception. These gentlemen, for a long time, refused to part with any of
their weapons, whatever was offered for them; at last, however, one of them
produced a piece of talc, wrought into the shape of an ax, and agreed to sell it
for a piece of cloth: the cloth was handed over the ship's side, but his honour
immediately put off his canoe with the ax. We had recourse to our usual expedient,
and fired a musket ball over the canoe, upon which it put back to the ship, and
the piece of cloth was returned; all the boats then went ashore, without offering
any further intercourse.
At noon, the main land extended from S. by E. to N. W. by W. a remarkable
point of land bearing W. distant four or five miles; at three we passed it, and I
gave it the name of CAPE BRET, in honour of Sir Piercy. The land of this Cape is
considerably higher than any part of the adjacent coast: at the point of it, is a
high round hillock, and N. E. by N. at the distance of about a mile, is a small
high island or rock, which, like several that have already been described, was perforated quite through,* so as to appear like the arch of a bridge.
This Cape, or at least some part of it, is by the natives called MOTUGOGOGO, and
it lies in latitude 35° 10′ 30″ S. longitude 185° 25′ W. On
the west side of it is a large and pretty deep bay, lying in S. W. by W. in which
there appeared to be several small islands: the point that forms the N. W.
entrance, lies W. ¼ N. at the distance of three or four leagues from Cape Bret,
and I distinguished it by the name of POINT POCOCKE. On the west side of the bay
we saw several villages, both upon islands and the main, and several very large
canoes came off to us, full of people, who made a better appearance than any we
had seen yet: they were all stout and well-made; their hair, which was black, was
tied up in a bunch on the crown of their heads, and stuck with white feathers. In
each of the canoes were two or three Chiefs, whose habits were of the best sort of
cloth, and covered with dog's skin, so as to make an agreeable appearance: most of
these people were marked with the Amoco, like those who had been alongside of us
before: their manner of trading was also equally fraudulent; and the officers
neglecting either to punish or fright them, one of the midshipmen who had been
defrauded in his bargain, had recourse, for revenge, to an expedient which was
equally ludicrous and severe: he got a fishing line, and when the man who had
cheated him was close under the ship's side in his canoe, he heaved the lead with
so good an aim that the hook caught him by the backside; he then pulled the line,
and the man holding back, the hook broke in the shank, and the beard was left
sticking in the flesh.
During the course of this day, though we did not range more than six or
eight leagues of the coast, we had alongside and on board the ship between four
and five hundred of the natives,* which is a proof that this part of
the country is well inhabited.
*At eight o'clock the next morning, we were within a mile of a group of
islands which lie close under the main, at the distance of two and twenty miles
from Cape Bret, in the direction of N. W. by W. ½ W. At this place, having but
little wind, we lay about two hours, during which time several canoes came off,
and sold us some fish, which we called Cavalles, and for that reason I gave the
same name to the islands. These people were very insolent, frequently threatening
us, even while they were selling their fish; and when some more canoes came up,
they began to pelt us with stones. Some small shot were then fired, and hit one of
them while he had a stone in his hand, in the very action of throwing it into the
ship: they did not, however, desist, till some others had been wounded, and then
they went away, and we stood off to sea.
The wind being directly against us, we kept plying to windward till the
29th,* when we had rather lost than gained ground; I therefore
bore up for a bay which lies to the westward of Cape Bret; at this time it was
about two leagues to leeward of us; and at about eleven o'clock we anchored under
the south west side of one of the many islands which line it on the south east, in
four fathom and an half water; we shoaled our water to this depth all at once, and
if this had not happened I should not have come to an anchor so soon. The Master
was immediately sent out with two boats to sound, and he soon discovered that we
had got upon a bank, which runs out from the north west end of the island, and
that on the outside of it there was from eight to ten fathom.
In the mean time the natives,* to the number of near four hundred,
crouded upon us in their canoes, and some of them were admitted on board: to one,
who seemed to be a Chief, I gave a piece of broad cloth, and distributed some
trifling presents among the rest. I perceived that some of these people had been
about the ship when she was off at sea, and that they knew the power of our
fire-arms, for the very sight of a gun threw them into manifest confusion: under
this impression they traded very fairly; but the people in one of the canoes took
the opportunity of our being at dinner to tow away our buoy: a musket was fired
over them without effect, we then endeavoured to reach them with some small shot,
but they were too far off: by this time they had got the buoy into their canoe,
and we were obliged to fire a musket at them with ball: this hit one of them, and
they immediately threw the buoy over board: a round shot was then fired over them,
which struck the water and went ashore. Two or three of the canoes immediately
landed their people, who ran about the beach, as we imagined, in search of the
ball. Tupia called to them, and assured them that while they
were honest they should be safe, and with a little persuasion many of them
returned to the ship, and their behaviour was such as left us no reason to suspect
that they intended to give us any farther trouble.
After the ship was removed into deeper water, and properly secured, I went
with the pinnace and yawl, manned and armed, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, and landed upon the island, which was about
three quarters of a mile distant: we observed that the canoes which were about the
ship, did not follow us upon our leaving her, which we thought a good sign; but we
had no sooner landed than they crouded to different parts of the island and came
on shore. We were in a little cove, and in a few minutes were
surrounded by two or three hundred people,* some rushing from behind the heads of
the cove, and others appearing on the tops of the hills: they were all armed, but
they came on in so confused and straggling a manner that we scarcely suspected
they meant us any harm, and we were determined that hostilities should not begin
on our part. We marched towards them, and then drew a line upon the sand between
them and us, which we gave them to understand they were not to pass: at first they
continued quiet, but their weapons were held ready to strike, and they seemed to
be rather irresolute than peaceable. While we remained in this state of suspense,
another party of Indians came up, and now growing more bold as their number
increased, they began the dance and song, which are their preludes to a battle:
still, however, they delayed the attack, but a party ran to each of our boats, and
attempted to draw them on shore; this seemed to be the signal, for the people
about us at the same time began to press in upon our line: our situation was now
become too critical for us to remain longer inactive, I therefore discharged my
musket, which was loaded with small shot, at one of the forwardest, and
Mr. Banks and two of the men fired immediately afterwards:
this made them fall back in some confusion, but one of the Chiefs, who was at the
distance of about twenty yards, rallied them, and running forward waving his
patoo-patoo, and calling loudly to his companions, led them to the charge.
Dr. Solander, whose piece was not yet discharged, fired at
this champion, who stopped short upon feeling the shot, and then ran away with the
rest: they did not however disperse, but got together upon a rising ground, and
seemed only to want some leader of resolution to renew their attack. As they were
now beyond the reach of small shot, we fired with ball, but as none of them took
place they still continued in a body, and in this situation we
remained about a quarter of an hour:* in the mean time the ship, from whence a
much greater number of Indians were seen than could be discovered in our
situation, brought her broad-side to bear, and intirely dispersed them, by firing
a few shot over their heads. In this skirmish only two of the Indians were hurt
with the small shot, and not a single life was lost, which would not have been the
case if I had not restrained the men, who, either from fear or the love of
mischief, shewed as much impatience to destroy them as a sportsman to kill his
game. When we were in quiet possession of our cove, we laid down our arms and
began to gather celery, which grew here in great plenty: after a little time we
recollected to have seen some of the people hide themselves in a cave of one of
the rocks, we therefore went towards the place, when an old Indian, who proved to
be the Chief that I had presented with a piece of broad cloth in the morning, came
out with his wife and his brother, and in a supplicating posture put themselves
under our protection. We spoke kindly to them, and the old man then told us that
he had another brother, who was one of those that had been wounded by the small
shot, and enquired with much solicitude and concern if he would die. We assured
him that he would not, and at the same time put into his hand both a musket ball
and some small shot, telling him, that those only who were wounded with the ball
would die, and that the others would recover; at the same time assuring him, that
if we were attacked again, we should certainly defend ourselves with the ball,
which would wound them mortally. Having now taken courage, they came and sat down
by us, and as tokens of our perfect amity, we made them presents of such trifles
as we happened to have about us.
*Soon after we re-imbarked in our boats, and having rowed to another
cove in the same island, climbed a neighbouring hill, which commanded the country
to a considerable distance. The prospect was very uncommon and romantic,
consisting of innumerable islands, which formed as many harbours, where the water
was as smooth as a mill-pool: we saw also many towns, scattered houses, and
plantations, the country being much more populous than any we had seen. One of the
towns was very near us, from which many of the Indians advanced, taking great
pains to shew us that they were unarmed, and in their gestures and countenances
expressing great meekness and humility. In the mean time some of our people, who,
when the Indians were to be punished for a fraud, assumed the inexorable justice
of a Lycurgus, thought fit to break into one of their plantations, and dig up some
potatoes: for this offence I ordered each of them to be punished with twelve
lashes, after which two of them were discharged; but the third, insisting that it
was no crime in an Englishman to plunder an Indian plantation, though it was a
crime in an Indian to defraud an Englishman of a nail, I ordered him back into his
confinement, from which I would not release him till he had received six lashes
more.
*On the 30th, there being a dead calm, and no probability of
our getting to sea, I sent the Master, with two boats to sound the harbour; and
all the forenoon had several canoes about the ship, who traded in a very fair and
friendly manner. In the evening we went ashore upon the main, where the people
received us very cordially; but we found nothing worthy of notice.
In this bay we were detained by contrary winds and calms several days,
during which time our intercourse with the natives was continued in
the most peaceable and friendly manner, they being frequently about the ship,* and
we ashore, both upon the islands and the main. In one of our visits to the
continent, an old man shewed us the instrument they use in staining their bodies,
which exactly resembled those that were employed for the same purpose at
Otaheite. We saw also the man who was wounded in
attempting to steal our buoy: the ball had passed through the fleshy part of his
arm, and grazed his breast; but the wound, under the care of Nature, the best
surgeon, and a simple diet, the best nurse, was in a good state, and seemed to
give the patient neither pain nor apprehension. We saw also the brother of our old
Chief, who had been wounded with small shot in our skirmish: they had struck his
thigh obliquely, and though several of them were still in the flesh, the wound
seemed to be attended with neither danger nor pain. We found among their
plantations the morus papyrifera, of which these people, as well as those of
Otaheite, make cloth; but here the plant seems to be
rare, and we saw no pieces of the cloth large enough for any use but to wear by
way of ornament in their ears.
Having one day landed in a very distant part of the bay, the people
immediately fled, except one old man, who accompanied us wherever we went, and
seemed much pleased with the little presents we made him. We came at last to a
little fort, built upon a small rock, which at high water was surrounded by the
sea, and accessible only by a ladder: we perceived that he eyed us with a kind of
restless solicitude as we approached it, and upon our expressing a desire to enter
it, he told us that his wife was there: he saw that our curiosity was not
diminished by this intelligence, and after some hesitation, he said, if we would
promise to offer no indecency he would accompany us: our promise was readily
given, and he immediately led the way.* The ladder consisted of
steps fastened to a pole, but we found the ascent both difficult dangerous. When
we entered we found three women, who, the moment they saw us, burst into tears of
terror and surprize: some kind words and a few presents soon removed their
apprehensions, and put them into good humour. We examined the house of our old
friend, and by his interest two others, which were all that the fortification
contained, and having distributed a few more presents, we parted with mutual
satisfaction.
*At four o'clock in the morning of the 5th of December, we
weighed, with a light breeze, but it being variable with frequent calms, we made
little way. We kept turning out of the bay till the afternoon, and about ten
o'clock we were suddenly becalmed, so that the ship would neither wear nor stay,
and the tide or current setting strong, she drove towards land so fast, that
before any measures could be taken for her security she was within a cable's
length of the breakers: we had thirteen fathom water, but the ground was so foul
that we did not dare to drop our anchor; the pinnace therefore was immediately
hoisted out to take the ship in tow, and the men, sensible of their danger,
exerting themselves to the utmost, and a faint breeze springing up off the land,
we perceived with unspeakable joy that she made head way, after having been so
near the shore that Tupia, who was not sensible of our hair's
breadth escape, was at this very time conversing with the people upon the beach,
whose voices were distinctly heard, notwithstanding the roar of the breakers. We
now thought all danger was over, but about an hour afterwards, just as the man in
the chains had cried "seventeen fathom," the ship struck. The shock threw us all
into the utmost consternation; Mr. Banks, who had undressed
himself and was stepping into bed, ran hastily up to the deck,* and
the man in the chains called out "five fathom;" by this time, the rock on which we
had struck being to windward, the ship went off without having received the least
damage, and the water very soon deepened to twenty fathom.
This rock lies half a mile W. N. W. of the northermost or outermost island
on the south east side of the bay. We had light airs from the land, with calms,*
till nine o'clock the next morning, when we got out of the bay, and a breeze
springing up at N. N. W. we stood out to sea.
This bay, as I have before observed, lies on the west side of Cape Bret,
and I named it the BAY OF ISLANDS, from the great number of islands which line its
shores, and form several harbours equally safe and commodious, where there is room
and depth for any number of shipping. That in which we lay is on the south west
side of the south westermost island, called MATUARO, on the south east side of the
bay. I have made no accurate survey of this bay, being discouraged by the time it
would cost me; I thought also that it was sufficient to be able to affirm that it
afforded us good anchorage, and refreshment of every kind. It was not the season
for roots, but we had plenty of fish, most of which, however, we purchased of the
natives, for we could catch very little ourselves either with net or line. When we
shewed the natives our seine, which is such as the King's ships are generally
furnished with, they laughed at it, and in triumph produced their own, which was
indeed of an enormous size, and made of a kind of grass, which is very strong: it
was five fathom deep, and by the room it took up, it could not be less than three
or four hundred fathom long. Fishing seems indeed to be the chief business of life
in this part of the country; we saw about all their towns a great
number of nets,* laid in heaps like hay-cocks, and covered with a thatch to keep
them from the weather, and we scarcely entered a house where some of the people
were not employed in making them. The fish we procured here were sharks,
sting-rays, sea-bream, mullet, mackrel, and some others.
The inhabitants in this bay are far more numerous than in any other part
of the country that we had before visited; it did not appear to us that they were
united under one head, and though their towns were fortified, they seemed to live
together in perfect amity.
It is high water in this bay at the full and change of the moon, about
eight o'clock, and the tide then rises from six to eight feet perpendicularly. It
appears, from such observations as I was able to make of the tides upon the
seacoast, that the flood comes from the southward; and I have reason to think that
there is a current which comes from the westward, and sets along the shore to the
S. E. or S. S. E. as the land happens to lie.
CHAP. V.
Range from the Bay of Islands round North Cape to Queen
Charlotte's Sound; and a Description of that Part of the Coast.
ON Thursday the 7th of December, at noon,* Cape Bret bore S.
S. E. ½ E. distant ten miles, and our latitude, by observation, was 34° 59′
S.; soon after we made several observations of the sun and moon, the
result of which made our longitude 185° 36′ W. The wind being against
us, we had made but little way. In the afternoon, we stood in shore, and fetched
close tinder the Cavalles, from which islands the main trends W. by N.: several
canoes put off and followed us, but a light breeze springing up, I did not chuse
to wait for them. I kept standing to the W. N. W. and N. W. till the next morning
ten o'clock,* when I tacked and stood in for the shore, from which we were about
five leagues distant. At noon, the westermost land in sight bore W. by S. and was
about four leagues distant. In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze to the west,
which in the evening came to the south, and continuing so all night,* by day-light
brought us pretty well in with the land, seven leagues to the westward of the
Cavalles, where we found a deep bay running in S. W. by W. and W. S. W. the bottom
of which we could but just see, and there the land appeared to be low and level.
To this bay, which I called DOUBTLESS BAY, the entrance is formed by two points,
which lie W. N. W. and E. S. E. and are five miles distant from each other. The
wind not permitting us to look in here,* we steered for the
westermost land in sight, which bore from us W. N. W. about three leagues, but
before we got the length of it it fell calm.
While we lay becalmed, several canoes came off to us, but the people
having heard of our guns, it was not without great difficulty that they were
persuaded to come under our stern: after having bought some of their cloaths, as
well as their fish, we began to make enquiries concerning their country, and
learnt, by the help of Tupia, that, at the distance of three
days rowing in their canoes, at a place called MOORE-WHENNUA, the land would take
a short turn to the southward, and from thence extend no more to the west. This
place we concluded to be the land discovered by Tasman, which
he called CAPE MARIA VAN DIEMEN, and finding these people so intelligent, we
inquired farther, if they knew of any country besides their own: they answered,
that they never had visited any other, but that their ancestors had told them,
that to the N. W. by N. or N. N. W. there was a country of great extent, called
ULIMAROA, to which some people had sailed in a very large canoe; that only part of
them returned, and reported, that after a passage of a month they had seen a
country where the people eat hogs. Tupia then enquired
whether these adventurers brought any hogs with them when they returned; they said
No: then, replied Tupia, your story is certainly false, for
it cannot be believed that men who came back from an expedition without hogs, had
ever visited a country where hogs were to be procured. It is however remarkable,
notwithstanding the shrewdness of Tupia's objection, that
when they mentioned hogs it was not by description but by name, calling them
Booah, the name which is given them in the South-sea islands; but if
the animal had been wholly unknown to them,* and they had had no communication
with people to whom it was known, they could not possibly have been acquainted
with the name.
About ten o'clock at night, a breeze sprung up at W. N. W. with which we
stood off north; and at noon the next day,* the Cavalles bore S. E. by E. distant
eight leagues; the entrance of Doubtless Bay S. by W. distant three leagues; and
the north west extremity of the land in sight, which we judged to be the main,
bore N. W. by W.: our latitude by observation was 34° 44′ S. In the
evening, we found the variation to be 12° 41′ E. by the azimuth, and
12° 40′ by the amplitude.
Early in the morning, we stood in with the land,* seven leagues to the
westward of Doubtless Bay, the bottom of which is not far distant from the bottom
of another large bay, which the shore forms at this place, being separated only by
a low neck of land, which juts out into a peninsula that I have called KNUCKLE
POINT. About the middle of this bay, which we called SANDY BAY, is a high
mountain, standing upon a distant shore, to which I gave the name of MOUNT CAMEL.
The latitude here is 34° 51′ S. and longitude 186° 50′. We
had twenty-four and twenty-five fathom water, with a good bottom; but there seems
to be nothing in this bay that can induce a ship to put into it; for the land
about it is utterly barren and desolate, and, except Mount Camel, the situation is
low: the soil appears to be nothing but white sand, thrown up in low irregular
hills and narrow ridges, lying parallel with the shore. But barren and desolate as
this place is, it is not without inhabitants: we saw one village on the west side
of Mount Camel, and another on the east side; we saw also five canoes full of
people, who pulled after the ship, but could not come up with us. At
nine o'clock,* we tacked and stood to the northward; and at noon, the Cavalles
bore S. E. by E. distant thirteen leagues; the north extremity of the land in
sight, making like an island, bore N. W. ¼ N. distant nine leagues; and Mount
Camel bore S. W. by S. distance six leagues.
The wind being contrary, we kept plying northward till five o'clock in the
evening of the 12th,* when, having made very little way, we tacked
and stood to the N. E. being two leagues to the northward of Mount Camel, and
about a mile and a half from the shore, in which situation we had two and twenty
fathom water.
At ten, it began to blow and rain, which brought us under double reefed
topsails; at twelve, we tacked and stood to the westward till seven the next
morning,* when we tacked and stood again to the N. E. being about a mile to
windward of the place where we tacked last night. Soon after it blew very hard at
N. N. W. with heavy squalls and much rain, which brought us under our courses, and
split the maintop-sail; so that we were obliged to unbend it and bend another: at
ten, it became more moderate, and we set the top-sails, double reefed: at noon,
having strong gales and heavy weather, we tacked and stood to the westward, and
had no land in sight for the first time since we had been upon this coast.
We had now strong gales at W. and W. S. W.; and at half an hour past three
we tacked and stood to the northward. Soon after, a small island lying off Knuckle
Point bore S. ½ W. distant half a league. In the evening, having split the fore
and mizen topsails, we brought the ship under her courses; and at midnight, we
wore, and stood to the southward till five in the morning;* when we tacked and
stood to the N. W. and saw land bearing south, at the distance of eight or nine
leagues;* by this we discovered that we had fallen much to the
leeward since yesterday morning. At noon, our latitude by observation was 34°
6′ S.; and the same land which we had seen before to the N. W. now bore
S. W. and appeared to be the northern extremity of the country. We had a large
swell rolling in from the westward, and therefore concluded that we were not
covered by any land in that quarter. At eight in the evening, we tacked and stood
to the westward, with as much sail as we could bear;* and at noon the next day, we
were in latitude 34° 10′, longitude 185° 45′ W. and by
estimation about seventeen leagues from the land, notwithstanding our utmost
endeavours to keep in with it.
On the 16th, at six in the morning,* we saw land from the
mast-head, bearing S. S. W.; and at noon it bore S. by W. distant fourteen
leagues: while we were standing in for the shore we sounded several times, but had
no ground with ninety fathom. At eight, we tacked in a hundred and eight fathom,
at about three or four miles from the shore, which was the same point of land that
we had to the N. W. before we were blown off. At noon it bore S. W. distant about
three miles; Mount Camel bore S. by E. distant about eleven leagues, and the
westermost land in sight bore S. 75 W.; the latitude by observation was 34°
20′ S. At four o'clock, we tacked and stood in shore, in doing which, we
met with a strong rippling, and the ship fell fast to leeward, which we imputed to
a current setting east. At eight, we tacked and stood off till eight the next
morning;* when we tacked and stood in, being about ten leagues from the land: at
noon, the point of land which we were near the day before, bore S.S.W. distant
five leagues. The wind still continued at west; and at seven o'clock, we tacked in
thirty-five fathom, when the point of land which has been mentioned before, bore
N.W. by N. distant four or five miles; so that we had not gained one
inch to windward the last twenty-four hours,* which confirmed our opinion that
there was a current to the eastward. The point of land I called NORTH CAPE, it
being the northern extremity of this country. It lies in latitude 34° 22′
S. longitude 186° 55′ W. and thirty-one leagues distant from
Cape Bret, in the direction of N. 63 W. It forms the north point of Sandy Bay, and
is a peninsula jutting out N. E. about two miles, and terminating in a bluff head
that is flat at the top. The isthmus which joins this head to the main land is
very low, and for that reason the land of the Cape, from several situations, has
the appearance of an island. It is still more remarkable when it is seen from the
southward, by the appearance of a high round island at the S. E. point of the
Cape; but this also is a deception; for what appears to be an island is a round
hill, joined to the Cape by a low narrow neck of land. Upon the Cape we saw a
Hippah or village, and a few inhabitants; and on the south east side of it there
appears to be anchorage, and good shelter from the south west and north west
winds.
*We continued to stand off and on, making N. W. till noon on the
21st, when North Cape bore S. 39 E. distant thirty-eight leagues.*
Our situation varied only a few leagues till the 23d, when, about
seven o'clock in the evening, we saw land from the mast-head,* bearing S. ½ E. At
eleven the next morning, we saw it again, bearing S. S. E. at the distance of
eight leagues: we now stood to the S. W.; and at four o'clock, the land bore S. E.
by S. distant four leagues, and proved to be a small island, with other islands or
rocks, still smaller, lying off the south west end of it, and another lying off
the north east end, which were discovered by Tasman and
called the Three Kings. The principal island lies in latitude 34° 12′
S. longitude 187° 48′ W. and distant fourteen or fifteen leagues
from North Cape, in the direction of W. 14 N. At midnight, we tacked
and stood to the N. E. till six the next morning,* which was Christmas day, when
we tacked and stood to the southward. At noon, the Three Kings bore E. 8 N.
distant five or six leagues. The variation this morning by the azimuth was
11° 25′ E.
On the 26th, we stood to the southward close upon a wind;*
and at noon, were in latitude 35° 10′ S. longitude 188° 20′
W. the Three Kings bearing N. 26 W. distant twenty-two leagues. In this
situation we had no land in sight; and yet, by observation, we were in the
latitude of the Bay of Islands; and by my reckoning but twenty leagues to the
westward of North Cape: from whence it appears, that the northern part of this
island is very narrow; for otherwise we must have seen some part of the west side
of it. We stood to the southward till twelve at night, and then tacked and stood
to the northward.
At four o'clock in the morning, the wind freshened,* and at nine, blew a
storm; so that we were obliged to bring the ship to under her mainsail. Our course
made good between noon this day and yesterday was S. S. W. ½ W. distance eleven
miles. The Three Kings bore N. 27 E. distant seventy-seven miles. The gale
continued all this day, and till two the next morning, when it fell,* and began to
veer to the southward and S. W. where it fixed about four, when we made sail and
steered east in for the land, under the fore-sail and main-sail; but the wind then
rising, and by eight o'clock being increased to a hurricane, with a prodigious
sea, we were obliged to take in the main-sail; we then wore the ship, and brought
her to with her head to the north west. At noon the gale was somewhat abated, but
we had still heavy squalls. Our course made good this day, was north, a little
easterly, twenty-nine miles; latitude by account 34° 50′ S. longitude 188° 27′ W.;* the Three Kings bore N. 41 E. distant
fifty-two miles. At seven o'clock in the evening, the wind being at S. W. and S.
W. by W. with hard squalls, we wore and lay on the other tack;* and at six the
next morning spread more sail. Our course and distance since yesterday was E. by
N. twenty-nine miles. In the afternoon, we had hard squalls at S. W.; and at eight
in the evening, wore and stood to the N. W. till five the next morning;* and then
wore and stood to the S. E. At six, we saw the land bearing N. E. distant about
six leagues, which we judged to be Cape Maria Van Diemen, and which corresponded
with the account that had been given of it by the Indians. At midnight we wore and
stood to the S. E.* And on the next day at noon, Cape Maria Van Diemen bore N. E.
by N. distant about five leagues. At seven in the evening, we tacked and stood to
the westward, with a moderate breeze at S. W. by S. and S. W. Mount Camel then
bore N. 83 E. and the northermost land, or Cape Maria Van Diemen, N. by W.; we
were now distant from the nearest land about three leagues, where we had something
more than forty fathom water; and it must be remarked, that Mount Camel, which
when seen on the other side did not seem to be more than one mile from the sea,
seemed to be but little more when seen from this side; which is a demonstration
that the land here cannot be more than two or three miles broad, or from sea to
sea.
*At six o'clock in the morning of January the 1st, 1770,
being New-year's Day, we tacked and stood to the eastward, the Three Kings bearing
N. W. by N. At noon, we tacked again, and stood to the westward, being in latitude
34° 37′ S.; the Three Kings bearing N. W. by N. at the distance of
ten or eleven leagues; and Cape Maria Van Diemen N. 31 E. distant about four
leagues and an half: in this situation we had fifty-four fathom water.
During this part of our navigation two particulars are very
remarkable;* in latitude 35° S. and in the midst of summer, I met with
a gale of wind, which for its strength and continuance was such as I had scarcely
ever been in before, and we were three weeks in getting ten leagues to the
westward, and five weeks in getting fifty leagues, for at this time it was so long
since we passed Cape Bret. During the gale, we were happily at a considerable
distance from the land, otherwise it is highly probable that we should never have
returned to relate our adventures.
At five o'clock in the evening, having a fresh breeze to the westward, we
tacked and stood to the southward: at this time North Cape bore E. ¾ N. and just
open of a point that lies three leagues W. by N. from it.
This Cape, as I have observed before, is the northermost extremity of this
country, and the eastermost point of a peninsula, which runs out N. W. and N. W.
by N. seventeen or eighteen leagues, and of which Cape Maria Van Diemen is the
westermost point. Cape Maria lies in latitude 34° 30′ S. longitude
187° 18′ W.; and from this point the land trends away S. E. by S.
and S. E. beyond Mount Camel, and is every where a barren shore, consisting of
banks of white sand.
On the 2d, at noon,* we were in latitude 35° 17′
S. and Cape Maria bore north, distant about sixteen leagues, as near as we
could guess; for we had no land in sight, and did not dare to go nearer, as a
fresh gale blew right on shore, with a rolling sea. The wind continued at W. S. W.
and S. W. with frequent squalls; in the evening we shortened sail, and at midnight
tacked, and made a trip to the N. W. till two in the morning, when we wore and
stood to the southward.* At break of day, we made sail, and edged away, in order
to make land;* and at ten o'clock, we saw it, bearing N. W. It
appeared to be high, and at noon extended from N. to E. N. E. distant by
estimation eight or ten leagues. Cape Maria then bore N. 2° 30′ W.
distant thirty-three leagues; our latitude by observation was 36° 2′ S.
About seven o'clock in the evening, we were within six leagues of it; but having a
fresh gale upon it, with a rolling sea, we hauled our wind to the S. E. and kept
on that course close upon the wind all night, sounding several times, but having
no ground with one hundred, and one hundred and ten fathom.
*At eight o'clock the next morning, we were about five leagues from the
land, and off a place which lies in latitude 36° 25′ and had the
appearance of a bay or inlet. It bore east; and in order to see more of it, we
kept on our course till eleven o'clock, when we were not more than three leagues
from it, and then discovered that it was neither inlet nor bay, but a tract of low
land, bounded by higher lands on each side, which produced the deception. At this
time, we tacked and stood to the N. W.; and at noon, the land was not distant more
than three or four leagues. We were now in latitude 36° 31′ S.
longitude 185° 50′ W. Cape Maria bore N. 25 W. distant forty-four
leagues and an half; so that the coast must be almost strait in the direction of
S. S. E. ¾ E. and N. N. W. ¾ W. nearly. In about latitude 35° 45′ is
some high land adjoining to the sea; to the southward of which the shore is also
high, and has the most desolate and inhospitable appearance that can be imagined.
Nothing is to be seen but hills of sand, on which there is scarcely a blade of
verdure; and a vast sea, impelled by the westerly winds, breaking upon it in a
dreadful surf, renders it not only forlorn, but frightful; complicating the idea
of danger with desolation, and impressing the mind at once with a sense of misery and death.* From this place I steered to the northward,
resolving never more to come within the same distance of the coast, except the
wind should be very favourable indeed. I stood under a fresh sail all the day,
hoping to get an offing by the next noon, and we made good a course of a hundred
and two miles N. 38 W. Our latitude by observation was 35° 10′ S.; and
Cape Maria bore N. 10 E. distance forty-one miles. In the night, the wind shifted
from S. W. by S. to S. and blew fresh.* Our course to the noon of the
5th was N. 75 W. distance eight miles.
At day-break on the 6th,* we saw the land which we took to be
Cape Maria, bearing N. N. E. distant eight or nine leagues: and on the
7th, in the afternoon,* the land bore east: and some time after,
we discovered a turtle upon the water; but being awake, it dived instantly, so
that we could not take it. At noon, the high land, which has just been mentioned,
extended from N. to E. at the distance of five or six leagues; and in two places,
a flat gave it the appearance of a bay or inlet. The course that we made good the
last four and twenty hours was S. 33 E. fifty-three miles; Cape Maria bearing N.
25 W. distant thirty leagues.
We sailed within sight of land all this day, with gentle gales between the
N. E. and N. W.;* and by the next noon had sailed sixty-nine miles, in the
direction of S. 37 E.; our latitude by observation was 36° 39′ S. The
land which on the 4th we had taken for a bay, now bore N. E. by N.
distant five leagues and an half; and Cape Maria N. 29 W. forty-seven leagues.
On the 9th,* we continued a south east course till eight
o'clock in the evening, having run seven leagues since noon, with the wind at N.
N. E. and N. and being within three or four leagues of the land, which appeared to
be low and sandy.* I then steered S. E. by S. in a direction
parallel with the coast, having from forty-eight to thirty-four fathom water, with
a black sandy bottom. At day-break the next morning, we found ourselves between
two and three leagues from the land, which began to have a better appearance,
rising in gentle slopes, and being covered with trees and herbage. We saw a smoke
and a few houses, but it appeared to be but thinly inhabited. At seven o'clock, we
steered S. by E. and afterwards S. by W. the land lying in that direction. At
nine, we were abreast of a point which rises with an easy ascent from the sea to a
considerable height: this point, which lies in latitude 37° 43′, I
named WOODY HEAD. About eleven miles from this Head, in the direction of S. W. ½
W. lies a very small island, upon which we saw a great number of gannets, and
which we therefore called GANNET ISLAND. At noon, a high craggy point bore E. N.
E. distant about a league and a half, to which I gave the name of ALBETROSS POINT:
it lies in latitude 38° 4′ S. longitude 184° 42′ W.; and is
distant seven leagues in the direction of S. 17 W. from Woody Head. On the north
side of this point the shore forms a bay, in which there appears to be anchorage
and shelter for shipping. Our course and distance for the last twenty-four hours
was S. 37 E. sixty-nine miles; and at noon this day Cape Maria bore N. 30 W.
distant eighty-two leagues. Between twelve and one, the wind shifted at once from
N. N. E. to S. S. W. with which we stood to the westward till four o'clock in the
afternoon; and then tacked, and stood again in shore till seven; when we tacked
again and stood to the westward, having but little wind. At this time, Albetross
Point bore N. E. distant near two leagues, and the southermost land in sight bore
S. S. W. ½ W. being a very high mountain, and in appearance greatly resembling the
Pike of Teneriffe. In this situation we had thirty fathom
water, and having but little wind all night,* we tacked about four
in the morning, and stood in for the shore. Soon after, it fell calm; and being in
forty-two fathom water, the people caught a few sea-bream. At eleven, a light
breeze sprung up from the west, and we made sail to the southward. We continued to
steer S. by W. and S. S. W. along the shore, at the distance of about four leagues
with gentle breezes from between N.W. and N. N. E. At seven in the evening, we saw
the top of the Peak to the southward, above the clouds which concealed it below.
And at this time, the southermost land in sight bore S. by W. the variation, by
several azimuths which were taken both in the morning and the evening, appeared to
be 14° 15′ easterly.
At noon on the 12th,* we were distant about three leagues
from the shore which lies under the Peak, but the Peak itself was wholly concealed
by clouds: we judged it to bear about S. S. E.; and some very remarkable peaked
islands, which lay under the shore, bore E. S. E. distant three or four leagues.
At seven in the evening we sounded, and had forty-two fathom, being distant from
the shore between two and three leagues: we judged the Peak to bear east; and
after it was dark, we saw fires upon the shore.
At five o'clock in the morning we saw, for a few minutes,* the summit of
the Peak, towering above the clouds, and covered with snow. It now bore N. E.; it
lies in latitude 39° 16′ S. longitude 185° 15′ W.; and I
named it MOUNT EGMONT, in honour of the Earl. It seems to have a large base, and
to rise with a gradual ascent; it lies near the sea, and is surrounded by a flat
country, of a pleasant appearance, being clothed with verdure and wood, which
renders it the more conspicuous, and the shore under it forms a large cape, which
I have named CAPE EGMONT. It lies S.S.W. ½ W. twenty-seven leagues
distant from Albetross Point,* and on the north side of it are two small islands,
which lie near a remarkable point on the main, that rises to a considerable height
in the form of a sugar-loaf. To the southward of the Cape, the land trends away S.
E. by E. and S. S. E. and seems to be every where a bold shore. At noon, Cape
Egmont bore about N. E.; and in this direction, at about four leagues from the
shore, we had forty fathom of water. The wind during the rest of the day was from
W. to N. W. by W. and we continued to steer along the shore S. S. E. and S. E. by
E. keeping at the distance of between two and three leagues. At half an hour after
seven, we had another transient view of Mount Edgcombe, which bore N. 17 W.
distant about ten leagues.
*At five the next morning, we steered S. E. by S. the coast inclining more
southerly; and in about half an hour, we saw land bearing S. W. by S. for which we
hauled up. At noon the north west extremity of the land in sight bore S. 63 W. and
some high land, which had the appearance of an island lying under the main, bore
S. S. E. distant five leagues. We were now in a bay, the bottom of which bearing
south we could not see, though it was clear in that quarter. Our latitude by
observation was 40° 97′ S. longitude 184° 39′ W. At eight in
the evening, we were within two leagues of the land which we had discovered in the
morning, having run ten leagues since noon: the land which then bore S. 63 W. now
bore N. 59 W. at the distance of seven or eight leagues, and had the appearance of
an island. Between this land and CAPE EGMONT lies the bay, the west side of which
was our situation at this time, and the land here is of a considerable height, and
diversified by hill and valley.
[illustration] CHART of COOK's STRAIT in NEW ZEALAND
CHAP. VI.
Transactions in Queen Charlotte's
Sound: Passage through the Streight which divides the two
Islands, and back to Cape Turnagain: Horrid Custom of
the Inhabitants: Remarkable Melody of Birds: A Visit to a Heppah, and many
other Particulars.
THE shore at this place seemed to form several bays,* into one of which I
proposed to carry the ship, which was become very foul, in order to careen her,
and at the same time repair some defects, and recruit our wood and water.
With this view, I kept plying on and off all night, having from eighty to
sixty-three fathom. At day-break the next morning, I stood for an inlet which runs
in S. W.;* and at eight I got within the entrance, which may be known by a reef of
rocks, stretching from the north west point, and some rocky islands which lie off
the south east point. At nine o'clock, there being little wind, and what there was
being variable, we were carried by the tide or current within two cables' length
of the north west shore, where we had fifty-four fathom water, but by the help of
our boats we got clear. Just at this time we saw a sea-lion rise twice near the
shore, the head of which exactly resembled that of the male which has been
described in the Account of Lord Anson's Voyage. We also saw
some of the natives in a canoe cross the bay, and a village situated upon the
point of an island which lies seven or eight miles within the entrance. At noon,
we were the length of this island, but there being little wind, the boats were ordered ahead to tow.* About one o'clock, we hauled close round
the south west end of the island; and the inhabitants of the village which was
built upon it, were immediately up in arms. About two, we anchored in a very safe
and convenient cove, on the north west side of the bay, and facing the south west
end of the island, in eleven fathom water, with soft ground, and moored with the
stream anchor.
We were about four long cannon shot distant from the the village or
Heppah, from which four canoes were immediately dispatched, as we imagined to
reconnoitre, and if they should find themselves able, to take us. The men were all
well armed, and dressed nearly as they are represented in the figure published by
Tasman; two corners of the cloth which they wrapped round
the body were passed over the shoulders from behind, and being brought down to the
upper edge of it before, were made fast to it just under the breast; but few, or
none, had feathers in their hair. They rowed round the ship several times, with
their usual tokens of menace and defiance, and at last began the assault by
throwing some stones: Tupia expostulated with them, but
apparently to very little purpose; and we began to fear that they would oblige us
to fire at them, when a very old man in one of the boats expressed a desire of
coming on board. We gladly encouraged him in his design, a rope was thrown into
his canoe, and she was immediately alongside of the ship: the old man rose up, and
prepared to come up the ship's side, upon which all the rest expostulated with
great vehemence against the attempt, and at last laid hold of him, and held him
back: he adhered however to his purpose with a calm but steady perseverance, and
having at length disengaged himself, he came on board. We received him with all
possible expressions of friendship and kindness, and after some time
dismissed him,* with many presents to his companions. As soon as he was returned
on board his canoe, the people in all the rest began to dance, but whether as a
token of enmity or friendship we could not certainly determine, for we had seen
them dance in a disposition both for peace and war. In a short time, however, they
retired to their fort, and soon after I went on shore, with most of the gentlemen,
at the bottom of the cove, a-breast of the ship.
We found a fine stream of excellent water, and wood in the greatest
plenty, for the land here was one forest, of vast extent. As we brought the seine
with us, we hauled it once or twice, and with such success that we caught near
three hundred weight of fish of different sorts, which was equally distributed
among the ship's company.
At day-break, while we were busy in careening the ship,* three canoes came
off to us, having on board above a hundred men, besides several of their women,
which we were pleased to see, as in general it is a sign of peace; but they soon
afterwards became very troublesome, and gave us reason to apprehend some mischief
from them to the people that were in our boats alongside the ship. While we were
in this situation, the long-boat was sent ashore with some water casks, and some
of the canoes attempting to follow her, we found it necessary to intimidate them
by firing some small shot: we were at such a distance that it was impossible to
hurt them, yet our reproof had its effect, and they desisted from the pursuit.
They had some fish in their canoes which they now offered to sell, and which,
though it stunk, we consented to buy: for this purpose a man in a small boat was
sent among them, and they traded for some time very fairly. At length, however,
one of them watching his opportunity, snatched at some paper which
our market-man held in his hand,* and missing it, immediately put himself in a
posture of defence, flourishing his patoo-patoo, and making show as if he was
about to strike; some small shot were then fired at him from the ship, a few of
which struck him upon the knee: this put an end to our trade, but the Indians
still continued near the ship, rowing round her many times, and conversing with
Tupia, chiefly concerning the traditions they had among
them with respect to the antiquities of their country. To this subject they were
led by the enquiries which Tupia had been directed to make,
whether they had ever seen such a vessel as ours, or had ever heard that any such
had been upon their coast. These enquiries were all answered in the negative, so
that tradition has preserved among them no memorial of
Tasman; though, by an observation made this day, we find that
we are only fifteen miles south of Murderer's bay, our latitude being 41° 5′
32″, and Murderer's bay, according to his account, being 40°
50′.
The women in these canoes, and some of the men, had a head-dress which we
had not before seen. It consisted of a bunch of black feathers, made up in a round
form, and tied upon the top of the head, which it intirely covered, and made it
twice as high, to appearance, as it was in reality.
After dinner, I went in the pinnace with Mr. Banks,
Dr. Solander, Tupia, and some others,
into another cove, about two miles distant from that in which the ship lay: in our
way we saw something floating upon the water, which we took for a dead seal, but
upon rowing up to it, found it to be the body of a woman, which to all appearance
had been dead some days. We proceeded to our cove, where we went on shore, and
found a small family of Indians, who appeared to be greatly terrified at our
approach, and all ran away except one.* A conversation between this
person and Tupia soon brought back the rest, except an old
man and a child, who still kept aloof, but stood peeping at us from the woods. Of
these people, our curiosity naturally led us to enquire after the body of the
woman which we had seen floating upon the water: and they acquainted us, by
Tupia, that she was a relation, who had died a natural
death; and that, according to their custom, they had tied a stone to the body, and
thrown it into the sea, which stone, they supposed, had by some accident been
disengaged.
This family, when we came on shore, was employed in dressing some
provisions: the body of a dog was at this time buried in their oven, and many
provision baskets stood near it. Having cast our eyes carelessly into one of
these, as we passed it, we saw two bones pretty cleanly picked, which did not seem
to be the bones of a dog, and which, upon a nearer examination, we discovered to
be those of a human body. At this sight we were struck with horror, though it was
only a confirmation of what we had heard many times since we arrived upon this
coast. As we could have no doubt but the bones were human, neither could we have
any doubt but that the flesh which covered them had been eaten. They were found in
a provision basket; the flesh that remained appeared manifestly to have been
dressed by fire, and in the gristles at the end, were the marks of the teeth which
had gnawed them: to put an end however to conjecture, founded upon circumstances
and appearances, we directed Tupia to ask what bones they
were; and the Indians, without the least hesitation, answered, the bones of a man:
they were then asked what was become of the flesh, and they replied that they had
eaten it; but, said Tupia, why did you not eat the body of
the woman which we saw floating upon the water: the woman, said they, died of
disease; besides, she was our relation,* and we eat only the bodies
of our enemies, who are killed in battle. Upon enquiry who the man was whose bones
we had found, they told us, that about five days before, a boat belonging to their
enemies came into the bay, with many persons on board, and that this man was one
of seven whom they had killed. Though stronger evidence of this horrid practice
prevailing among the inhabitants of this coast will scarcely be required, we have
still stronger to give. One of us asked if they had any human bones with the flesh
remaining upon them, and upon their answering us that all had been eaten, we
affected to disbelieve that the bones were human, and said that they were the
bones of a dog; upon which one of the Indians with some eagerness took hold of his
own fore-arm, and thrusting it towards us, said, that the bone which Mr.
Banks held in his hand had belonged to that part of a human body; at
the same time, to convince us that the flesh had been eaten, he took hold of his
own arm with his teeth, and made shew of eating: he also bit and gnawed the bone
which Mr. Banks had taken, drawing it through his mouth, and
shewing, by signs, that it had afforded a delicious repast; the bone was then
returned to Mr. Banks, and he brought it away with him. Among
the persons of this family, there was a woman who had her arms, legs, and thighs
frightfully cut in several places; and we were told that she had inflicted the
wounds upon herself, in token of her grief for the loss of her husband, who had
been lately killed and eaten by their enemies, who had come from some place to the
eastward, towards which the Indians pointed.
The ship lay at the distance of somewhat less than a quarter of a mile
from the shore,* and in the morning we were awakened by the singing of the birds:
the number was incredible, and they seemed to strain their throats in emulation
of each other.* This wild melody was infinitely superior to any
that we had ever heard of the same kind; it seemed to be like small bells, most
exquisitely tuned, and perhaps the distance, and the water between, might be no
small advantage to the sound. Upon enquiry, we were informed that the birds here
always began to sing about two hours after midnight, and continuing their musick
till sun-rise, were, like our nightingales, silent the rest of the day. In the
forenoon, a small canoe came off from the Indian village to the ship, and among
those that were in it, was the old man who had first come on board at our arrival
in the bay. As soon as it came alongside, Tupia renewed the
conversation, that had passed the day before, concerning their practice of eating
human flesh, during which they repeated what they had told us already: but, said
Tupia, where are the heads? do you eat them too? Of the
heads, said the old man, we eat only the brains, and the next time I come I will
bring some of them to convince you that what we have told you is truth. After some
farther conversation between these people and Tupia, they
told him that they expected their enemies to come very shortly, to revenge the
death of the seven men whom they had killed and eaten.
On the 18th, the Indians were more quiet than usual,* no
canoe came near the ship, nor did we see one of them moving on the shore, their
fishing, and other usual occupations being totally suspended. We thought they
expected an attack on this day, and therefore attended more diligently to what
passed on shore; but we saw nothing to gratify our curiosity.
After breakfast, we went out in the pinnace, to take a view of the bay,
which was of vast extent, and consisted of numberless small harbours and coves, in
every direction: we confined our excursion,* however, to the western
side, and the country being an impenetrable forest where we landed, we could see
nothing worthy of notice: we killed, however, a good number of shaggs, which we
saw sitting upon their nests in the trees, and which, whether roasted or stewed,
we considered as very good provision. As we were returning, we saw a single man in
a canoe fishing; we rowed up to him, and to our great surprize he took not the
least notice of us, but even when we were alongside of him, continued to follow
his occupation, without adverting to us any more than if we had been invisible. He
did not, however, appear to be either sullen or stupid: we requested him to draw
up his net, that we might examine it, and he readily complied: it was of a
circular form, extended by two hoops, and about seven or eight feet in diameter:
the top was open, and sea-ears were fastened to the bottom as a bait: this he let
down so as to lie upon the ground, and when he thought fish enough were assembled
over it, he drew it up by a very gentle and even motion, so that the fish rose
with it, scarcely sensible that they were lifted, till they came very near the
surface of the water, and then were brought out in the net by a sudden jerk. By
this simple method he had caught abundance of fish, and indeed they are so plenty
in this bay, that the catching them requires neither much labour nor art.
This day, some of our people found in the skirts of the wood, near a hole
or oven, three human hip-bones, which they brought on board; a farther proof that
these people eat human flesh: Mr. Monkhouse, our Surgeon, also brought on board,
from a place where he saw many deserted houses, the hair of a man's head, which he
had found, among many other things, tied up to the branches of trees.
In the morning of the 19th,* we set up the armourer's
forge to repair the braces of the tiller, and other iron-work, all hands on board
being still busy in careening, and other necessary operations about the vessel:
this day, some Indians came on board from another part of the bay, where they said
there was a town which we had not seen: they brought plenty of fish, which they
sold for nails, having now acquired some notion of their use; and in this traffick
no unfair practice was attempted.
In the morning of the 20th, our old man kept his promise,*
and brought on board four of the heads of the seven people who had been so much
the subject of our enquiries: the hair and flesh were entire, but we perceived
that the brains had been extracted; the flesh was soft, but had by some method
been preserved from putrefaction, for it had no disagreeable smell. Mr.
Banks purchased one of them, but they sold it with great reluctance,
and could not by any means be prevailed upon to part with a second; probably they
may be preserved as trophies, like the scalps in America, and the jaw-bones in the
islands of the South Seas. Upon examining the head which
had been bought by Mr. Banks, we perceived that it had
received a blow upon the temples, which had fractured the skull. This day we made
another excursion in the pinnace, to survey the bay, but we found no flat large
enough for a potatoe garden, nor could we discover the least appearance of
cultivation: we met not a single Indian, but found an excellent harbour; and about
eight o'clock in the evening returned on board the ship.
On the 21st,* Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander went a fishing with hook and line, and caught
an immense quantity every where upon the rocks, in between four and five fathom
water: the seine was hauled every night, and seldom failed to supply
the whole ship's company with as much fish as they could eat.* This day all the
people had leave to go on shore at the watering-place, and divert themselves as
they should think proper.
*In the morning of the 22d, I set out again in the pinnace,
accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, with a design to examine the head of the inlet, but after
rowing about four or five leagues without so much as coming in sight of it, the
wind being contrary, and the day half spent, we went on shore on the south east
side, to try what might be discovered from the hills.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander immediately
employed themselves in botanizing near the beach, and I, taking a seaman with me,
ascended one of the hills: when I reached the summit, I found a view of the inlet
intercepted by hills, which in that direction rose still higher, and which were
rendered inaccessible by impenetrable woods; I was, however, abundantly
compensated for my labour, for I saw the sea on the eastern side of the country,
and a passage leading from it to that on the west, a little to the eastward of the
entrance of the inlet where the ship now lay. The main land which lay on the south
east side of this inlet, appeared to be a narrow ridge of very high hills, and to
form part of the south west side of the streight; the land on the opposite side
appeared to trend away east as far as the eye could reach; and to the south east
there appeared to be an opening to the sea, which washed the eastern coast: on the
east side of the inlet also I saw some islands which I had before taken to be part
of the main land. Having made this discovery, I descended the hill, and as soon as
we had taken some refreshment, we set out on our return to the ship. In our way,
we examined the harbours and coves which lie behind the islands that
I had discovered from the hill;* and in this rout we saw an old village, in which
there were many houses that seemed to have been long deserted: we also saw another
village which was inhabited, but the day was too far spent for us to visit it, and
we therefore made the best of our way to the ship, which we reached between eight
and nine o'clock at night.
The 23d I employed in carrying on a survey of the place;* and
upon one of the islands where I landed, I saw many houses which seemed to have
been long deserted, and no appearance of any inhabitant.
On the 24th,* we went to visit our friends at the Hippah or
village on the point of the island near the ship's station, who had come off to us
on our first arrival in the bay. They received us with the utmost confidence and
civility, shewing us every part of their habitations, which were commodious and
neat. The island or rock on which this town is situated, is divided from the main
by a breach or fissure so narrow, that a man might almost leap from one to the
other: the sides of it are every where so steep as to render the artificial
fortification of these people almost unnecessary: there was, however, one slight
pallisade, and one small fighting-stage, towards that part of the rock where
access was least difficult.
The people here brought us out several human bones, the flesh of which
they had eaten, and offered them to sale; for the curiosity of those among us who
had purchased them as memorials of the horrid practice which many, notwithstanding
the reports of travellers, have professed not to believe, had rendered them a kind
of article of trade. In one part of this village we observed, not without some
surprize, a cross exactly like that of a crucifix; it was adorned with feathers,
and upon our enquiring for what purpose it had been set up,* we
were told that it was a monument for a man who was dead: we had before understood
that their dead were not buried, but thrown into the sea; but to our enquiry how
the body of the man had been disposed of, to whose memory this cross had been
erected, they refused to answer.
When we left these people, we went to the other end of the island, and
there taking water, crossed over to the main, where we saw several houses, but no
inhabitants, except a few in some straggling canoes, that seemed to be fishing,
After viewing this place, we returned on board the ship to dinner.
During our visit to the Indians this day, Tupia being
always of our party, they had been observed to be continually talking of guns, and
shooting people: for this subject of their conversation we could not at all
account; and it had so much engaged our attention, that we talked of it all the
way back, and even after we got on board the ship: we had perplexed ourselves with
various conjectures, which were all given up in their turn; but now we learnt,
that on the 21st one of our officers, upon pretence of going out to
fish, had rowed up to the Hippah, and that two or three canoes coming off towards
his boat, his fears suggested that an attack was intended, in consequence of which
three muskets were fired, one with small shot, and two with ball, at the Indians,
who retired with the utmost precipitation, having probably come out with friendly
intentions, for such their behaviour both before and afterwards expressed, and
having no reason to expect such treatment from people who had always behaved to
them not only with humanity, but kindness, and to whom they were not conscious of
having given offence.
On the 25th, I made another excursion along the coast,*
in the pinnace, towards the mouth of the inlet, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, and going on shore at a little cove, to
shoot shaggs, we fell in with a large family of Indians, whose custom it is to
disperse themselves among the different creeks and coves, where fish is to be
procured in the greatest plenty, leaving a few only in the Hippah, to which the
rest repair in times of danger. Some of these people came out a good way to meet
us, and gave us an invitation to go with them to the rest of their party, which we
readily accepted. We found a company of about thirty, men, women, and children,
who received us with all possible demonstrations of friendship: we distributed
among them a few ribands and beads, and in return, received the kisses and
embraces of both sexes, both young and old: they gave us also some fish, and after
a little time we returned, much pleased with our new acquaintance.
In the morning of the 26th, I went again out in the boat,*
with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, and
entered one of the bays, which lie on the east side of the inlet, in order to get
another sight of the streight, which passed between the eastern and western seas.
For this purpose, having landed at a convenient place, we climbed a hill of very
considerable height, from which we had a full view of it, with the land on the
opposite shore, which we judged to be about four leagues distant; but as it was
hazey in the horizon, we could not see far to the south east: I resolved however
to search the passage with the ship, as soon as I should put to sea. Upon the top
of this hill we found a parcel of loose stones, with which we erected a pyramid,
and left in it some musket balls, small shot, beads, and other things, which we
happened to have about us, that were likely to stand the test of time, and not
being of Indian workmanship, would convince any
European who should come to the place and pull it down,*
that other natives of Europe had been there before him.
When this was done, we descended the hill, and made a comfortable meal of the
shaggs and fish which our guns and lines had procured us, and which were dressed
by the boat's crew in a place that we had appointed: in this place we found
another Indian family, who received us, as usual, with strong expressions of
kindness and pleasure, shewing us where to procure water, and doing us such other
good offices as were in their power. From this place we went to the town, of which
the Indians had told us, who visited us on the 19th: this, like that
which we had seen before, was built upon a small island or rock, so difficult of
access, that we gratified our curiosity at the risk of our necks. The Indians here
also received us with open arms, carried us to every part of the place, and shewed
us all that it contained: this town, like the other, consisted of between eighty
and an hundred houses, and had only one fighting-stage. We happened to have with
us a few nails and ribands, and some paper, with which our guests were so
gratified, that at our coming away they filled our boat with dried fish, of which
we perceived they had laid up great quantities.
*The 27th and 28th were spent in refitting the
ship for the sea, fixing a transom for the tiller, getting stones on board to put
into the bottom of the bread-room, to bring the ship more by the stern, in
repairing the casks, and catching fish.
*On the 29th, we received a visit from our old man, whose
name we found to be TOPAA, and three other natives, with whom
Tupia had much conversation. The old man told us, that one
of the men who had been fired upon by the officer who had visited their Hippah,
under pretence of fishing, was dead; but to my great comfort I afterwards
discovered that this report was not true, and that if Topāa's discourses were taken literally, they would frequently lead us into mistakes.*
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were
several times on shore during the last two or three days, not without success, but
greatly circumscribed in their walks by climbers of a most luxuriant growth, which
were so interwoven together, as to fill up the space between the trees about which
they grew, and render the woods altogether impassable. This day also I went on
shore again myself, upon the western point of the inlet, and from a hill of
considerable height, I had a view of the coast to the N. W. The farthest land I
could see in that quarter, was an island which has been mentioned before, at the
distance of about ten leagues, lying not far from the main: between this island
and the place where I stood, I discovered, close under the shore, several other
islands, forming many bays, in which there appeared to be good anchorage for
shipping. After I had set off the different points for my survey, I erected
another pile of stones, in which I left a piece of silver coin, with some musket
balls and beads, and a piece of an old pendant flying on the top. In my return to
the ship, I made a visit to several of the natives, whom I saw along the shore,
and purchased a small quantity of fish.
On the 30th, early in the morning,* I sent a boat to one of
the islands for celery, and while the people were gathering it, about twenty of
the natives, men, women, and children, landed near some empty huts: as soon as
they were on shore, five or six of the women sat down upon the ground together,
and began to cut their legs, arms, and faces, with shells, and sharp pieces of
talc or jasper, in a terrible manner. Our people understood that their husbands
had lately been killed by their enemies; but while they were performing this
horrid ceremony, the men set about repairing the huts, with the utmost negligence
and unconcern.
*The carpenter having prepared two posts to be left as memorials of
our having visited this place, I ordered them to be inscribed with the ship's
name, and the year and month; one of them I set up at the watering-place, hoisting
the Union flag upon the top of it; and the other I carried over to the island that
lies nearest to the sea, called by the natives MOTUARA. I went first to the
village or Hippah, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouse and Tupia,
where I met with our old man, and told him and several others, by means of
Tupia, that we were come to set up a mark upon the island,
in order to show to any other ship which should happen to come thither, that we
had been there before. To this they readily consented, and promised that they
never would pull it down: I then gave something to every one present; and to the
old man I gave a silver threepence, dated 1736, and some spike nails, with the
king's broad arrow cut deep upon them; things which I thought most likely to
remain long among them: I then took the post to the highest part of the island,
and after fixing it firmly in the ground, I hoisted upon it the Union-flag, and
honoured this inlet with the name of QUEEN CHARLOTTE's SOUND, at the same time
taking formal possession of this and the adjacent country, in the name and for the
use of his Majesty King George the Third. We then drank a bottle of wine to her
Majesty's health, and gave the bottle to the old man who had attended us up the
hill, and who was mightily delighted with his present.
While the post was setting up, we enquired of the old man concerning the
passage into the eastern sea, the existence of which he confirmed; and then asked
him about the land to the S. W. of the streight, where we were then situated: this
land, he said, consisted of two Whennuas or islands, which might be
circumnavigated in a few days, and which he called TOVY POENAMMOO; the literal
translation of this word is "the water of green talc:"* and probably
if we had understood him better, we should have found that Tovy Poenammoo was the
name of some particular place where they got the green talc or stone of which they
make their ornaments and tools, and not a general name for the whole southern
district: he said, there was also a third Whennua, on the east side of the
streight, the circumnavigation of which would take up many moons: this he called
EAHEINOMAUWE; and to the land on the borders of the streight he gave the name of
TIERA WITTE. Having set up our post, and procured this intelligence, we returned
on board the ship, and brought the old man with us, who was attended by his canoe,
in which, after dinner, he returned home.
On the 31st, having completed our wooding,* and filled all
our water casks, I sent out two parties, one to cut and make brooms, and another
to catch fish. In the evening, we had a strong gate from the N. W. with such a
heavy rain that our little wild musicians on shore suspended their song, which
till now we had constantly heard during the night, with a pleasure which it was
impossible to lose without regret.
On the 1st, the gale increased to a storm,* with heavy gusts
from the high land, one of which broke the hawser, that we had fastened to the
shore, and obliged us to let go another anchor. Towards midnight, the gale became
more moderate, but the rain continued with such violence, that the brook which had
supplied us with water overflowed its banks, and carried away ten small casks
which had been left there full of water, and notwithstanding we searched the whole
cove, we could never recover one of them.
On the 3d, as I intended to sail the first opportunity,* I
went over to the Hippah on the east side of the Sound, and purchased a
considerable quantity of split and half-dried fish, for sea stores.*
The people here confirmed all that the old man had told us concerning the streight
and the country, and about noon I took leave of them: some of them seemed to be
sorry, and others glad, that we were going: the fish which I had bought they sold
freely, but there were some who shewed manifest signs of disapprobation. As we
returned to the ship, some of us made an excursion along the shore to the
northward, to traffick with the natives for a farther supply of fish, in which,
however, they had no great success. In the evening, we got every thing off from
the shore, as I intended to sail in the morning, but the wind would not permit.
*On the 4th, while we were waiting for a wind, we amused
ourselves by fishing, and gathering shells and seeds of various kinds:* and early
in the morning of the 5th, we cast off the hawser, hove short on the
bower, and carried the kedge anchor out in order to warp the ship out of the cove,
which having done about two o'clock in the afternoon, we hove up the anchor and
got under sail; but the wind soon failing, we were obliged to come to an anchor
again a little above Motuara. When we were under sail, our old man Topāa came on
board to take his leave of us, and as we were still desirous of making farther
enquiries whether any memory of Tasman had been preserved
among these people, Tupia was directed to ask him whether he
had ever heard that such a vessel as ours had before visited the country. To this
he replied in the negative, but said, that his ancestors had told him there had
once come to this place a small vessel, from a distant country, called ULIMAROA,
in which were four men, who, upon their coming on shore, were all killed: upon
being asked where this distant land lay, he pointed to the northward. Of Ulimaroa
we had heard something before, from the people about the Bay of Islands, who said that their ancestors had visited it;* and
Tupia had also talked to us of Ulimaroa, concerning which
he had some confused traditionary notions, not very different from those of our
old man, so that we could draw no certain conclusion from the accounts of either.
Soon after the ship came to an anchor the second time, Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander went on shore, to see if any gleanings of
natural knowlege remained, and by accident fell in with the most agreeable Indian
family they had seen, which afforded them a better opportunity of remarking the
personal subordination among these people, than had before offered. The principal
persons were a widow, and a pretty boy about ten years old: the widow was mourning
for her husband with tears of blood, according to their custom, and the child, by
the death of its father, was become proprietor of the land where we had cut our
wood. The mother and the son were sitting upon matts, and the rest of the family,
to the number of sixteen or seventeen, of both sexes, sat round them in the open
air, for they did not appear to have any house, or other shelter from the weather,
the inclemencies of which, custom has probably enabled them to endure without any
lasting inconvenience. Their whole behaviour was affable, obliging, and
unsuspicious; they presented each person with fish, and a brand of fire to dress
it, and pressed them many times to stay till the morning, which they would
certainly have done if they had not expected the ship to sail, greatly regretting
that they had not become acquainted with them sooner, as they made no doubt but
that more knowlege of the manners and disposition of the inhabitants of this
country would have been obtained from them in a day, than they had yet been able
to acquire during our whole stay upon the coast.
*On the 6th, about six o'clock in the morning, a light
breeze sprung up at north, and we again got under sail, but the wind proving
variable, we reached no farther than just without Motuara; in the afternoon,
however, a more steady gale at N. by W. set us clear of the Sound, which I shall
now describe.
The entrance of Queen Charlotte's Sound is situated
in latitude 41° S. longitude 184° 45′ W. and near the middle
of the south west side of the streight in which it lies. The land of the south
east head of the Sound, called by the natives KOAMAROO, off which lie two small
islands and some rocks, makes the narrowest part of the streight. From the north
west head a reef of rocks runs out about two miles, in the direction of N. E. by
N.; part of which is above the water, and part below. By this account of the
heads, the Sound will be sufficiently known: at the entrance, it is three leagues
broad, and lies in S.W. by S. S. W. and W.S.W. at least ten leagues, and is a
collection of some of the finest harbours in the world, as will appear from the
plan, which is laid down with all the accuracy that time and circumstances would
admit. The land forming the harbour or cove in which we lay, is called by the
natives TOTARRANUE: the harbour itself, which I called SHIP COVE, is not inferior
to any in the Sound, either for convenience or safety: it lies on the west side of
the Sound, and is the southermost of three coves, that are situated within the
island of Motuara, which bears east of it. Ship Cove may be entered, either
between Motuara and a long island, called by the natives HAMOTE, or between
Motuara and the western shore. In the last of these channels are two ledges of
rocks, three fathom under water, which may easily be known by the sea-weed that
grows upon them. In sailing either in or out of the Sound, with little wind,
attention must be had to the tides,* which flow about nine or ten
o'clock at the full and change of the moon, and rise and fall between seven and
eight feet perpendicularly. The flood comes in through the streight from the S. E.
and sets strongly over upon the north west head, and the reef that lies off it:
the ebb sets with still greater rapidity to the S. E. over upon the rocks and
islands that lie off the south east head. The variation of the compass we found
from good observation, to be 13° 5′ E.
The land about this sound, which is of such a height that we saw it at the
distance of twenty leagues, consists wholly of high hills and deep vallies, well
stored with a variety of excellent timber, fit for all purposes except masts, for
which it is too hard and heavy. The sea abounds with a variety of fish, so that
without going out of the cove where we lay, we caught every day, with the seine
and hooks and lines, a quantity sufficient to serve the whole ship's company: and
along the shore we found plenty of shags, and a few other species of wild-fowl,
which those who have long lived upon salt provisions will not think despicable
food.
The number of inhabitants scarcely exceeds four hundred, and they live
dispersed along the shores, where their food, consisting of fish and fern roots,
is most easily procured; for we saw no cultivated ground. Upon any appearance of
danger, they retire to their Hippahs, or forts; in this situation we found them,
and in this situation they continued for some time after our arrival. In
comparison of the inhabitants of other parts of this country, they are poor, and
their canoes are without ornament: the little traffic we had with them was wholly
for fish, and indeed they had scarcely any thing else to dispose of. They seemed,
however, to have some knowlege of iron, which the inhabitants of some other parts
had not;* for they willingly took nails for their fish, and
sometimes seemed to prefer it to every thing else that we could offer, which had
not always been the case. They were at first very fond of paper; but when they
found that it was spoiled by being wet, they would not take it: neither did they
set much value upon the cloth of Otaheite; but English
broad cloth, and red kersey, were in high estimation; which shewed that they had
sense enough to appretiate the commodities which we offered by their use, which is
more than could be said of some of their neighbours, who made a much better
appearance. Their dress has been mentioned already, particularly their large round
head-dresses of feathers, which were far from being unbecoming.
As soon as we got out of the Sound, I stood over to the eastward, in order
to get the streight well open before the tide of ebb came on. At seven in the
evening, the two small islands which lie off Cape Koamaroo, the south east head of
Queen Charlotte's Sound, bore east, distant about four
miles: at this time it was nearly calm, and the tide of ebb setting out, we were,
in a very short time, carried by the rapidity of the stream close upon one of the
islands, which was a rock rising almost perpendicularly out of the sea: we
perceived our danger increase every moment, and had but one expedient to prevent
our being dashed to pieces, the success of which a few minutes would determine. We
were now within little more than a cable's length of the rock, and had more than
seventy-five fathom water; but upon dropping an anchor, and veering about one
hundred and fifty fathom of cable, the ship was happily brought up: this, however,
would not have saved us, if the tide which set S. by E. had not, upon meeting with
the island, changed its direction to S. E. and carried us beyond the first point.
In this situation, we were not above two cables' length from the
rocks; and here we remained in the strength of the tide,* which set to the S. E.
after the rate of at least five miles an hour, from a little after seven till near
midnight, when the tide abated, and we began to heave.* By three in the morning
the anchor was at the bows, and having a light breeze at N. W. we made sail for
the eastern shore; but the tide being against us, we made but little way: the wind
however afterwards freshened, and came to N. and N. E. with which, and the tide of
ebb, we were in a short time hurried through the narrowest part of the streight,
and then stood away for the southermost land we had in sight, which bore from us
S. by W. Over this land appeared a mountain of stupendous height, which was
covered with snow.
The narrowest part of the streight, through which we had been driven with
such rapidity, lies between Cape Tierawitte, on the coast of Eaheinomauwe, and
Cape Koamaroo: the distance between them I judged to be between four or five
leagues, and notwithstanding the tide, now its strength is known, may be passed
without much danger. It is however safest to keep on the north east shore, for on
that side there appeared to be nothing to fear; but on the other shore there are
not only the islands and rocks which lie off Cape Koamaroo, but a reef of rocks
stretching from these islands six or seven miles to the southward, at the distance
of two or three miles from the shore, which I had discovered from the hill when I
took my second view of the streight from the east to the western sea. The length
of the streight we had passed I shall not pretend to assign, but some judgment may
be formed of it from a view of the chart.
About nine leagues north from Cape Tierawitte, and under the same shore,
is a high and remarkable island which may be distinctly seen from Queen
Charlotte's Sound, from which it is distant about six or seven
leagues.* This island, which was noticed when we passed it on the 14th of
January, I have called ENTRY ISLE.
On the east side of Cape Tierawitte, the land trends away S. E. by E.
about eight leagues, where it ends in a point, and is the southermost land on
Eaheinomauwe. To this point I have given the name of CAPE PALLISER, in honour of
my worthy friend Captain Palliser. It lies in latitude 41° 34′ S.
longitude 183° 58′ W. and bore from us this day at noon S. 79 E.
distant about thirteen leagues, the ship being then in the latitude of 41°
27′ S.; Koamaroo at the same time bearing N. ½ E. distant seven or eight
leagues. The southermost land in sight bore S. 16 W. and the snowy mountain S. W.
At this time we were about three leagues from the shore, and abreast of a deep bay
or inlet, to which I gave the name of CLOUDY BAY, and at the bottom of which there
appeared low land covered with tall trees.
At three o'clock in the afternoon we were abreast of the southermost point
of land that we had seen at noon, which I called CAPE CAMPBEL; it lies S. by W.
distant between twelve and thirteen leagues from Cape Koamaroo, in latitude
41° 44′ S. longitude 183° 45′ W.; and with Cape Palliser
forms the southern entrance of the streight, the distance between them being
between thirteen and fourteen leagues W. by S. and E. by N.
From this Cape we steered along the shore S.W. by S. till eight o'clock in
the evening, when the wind died away. About half an hour afterwards, however, a
fresh breeze sprung up at S.W. and I put the ship right before it. My reason for
this, was a notion which some of the officers had just started, that Eahienomauwe
was not an island, and that the land might stretch away to the S.E. from between
Cape Turnagain and Cape Palliser,* there being a space of between
twelve and fifteen leagues that we had not seen. I had indeed the strongest
conviction that they were mistaken, not only from what I had seen the first time I
discovered the streight, but from many other concurrent testimonies that the land
in question was an island; but being resolved to leave no possibility of doubt
with respect to an object of such importance, I took the opportunity of the wind's
shifting, to stand eastward, and accordingly steered N. E. by E. all the night.*
At nine o'clock in the morning we were abreast of Cape Palliser, and found the
land trend away N. E. towards Cape Turnagain, which I
reckoned to be distant about twenty-six leagues: however, as the weather was hazy,
so as to prevent our seeing above four or five leagues, I still kept standing to
the N. E. with a light breeze at south; and at noon Cape Palliser bore N. 72 W.
distant about three leagues.
About three o'clock in the afternoon, three canoes came up to the ship
with between thirty and forty people on board, who had been pulling after us with
great labour and perseverance for some time: they appeared to be more cleanly, and
a better class, than any we had met with since we left the Bay of Islands, and
their canoes were also distinguished by the same ornaments which we had seen upon
the northerly part of the coast. They came on board with very little invitation;
and their behaviour was courteous and friendly: upon receiving presents from us,
they made us presents in return, which had not been done by any of the natives
that we had seen before. We soon perceived that our guests had heard of us, for as
soon as they came on board, they asked for Whow, the name by which nails were
known among the people with whom we had trafficked: but though they had heard of
nails, it was plain, they had seen none;* for when nails were given
them, they asked Tupia what they were. The term Whow, indeed,
conveyed to them the idea not of their quality, but only of their use; for it is
the same by which they distinguish a tool, commonly made of bone, which they use
both as an augur and a chissel. However, their knowing that we had Whow to sell,
was a proof that their connections extended as far north as Cape Kidnappers, which
was distant no less than forty-five leagues; for that was the southermost place on
this side the coast where we had had any traffic with the natives. It is also
probable, that the little knowlege which the inhabitants of Queen
Charlotte's Sound had of iron, they obtained from their neighbours
at Tierawitte; for we had no reason to think that the inhabitants of any part of
this coast had the least knowlege of iron or its use before we came among them,
especially as when it was first offered they seemed to disregard it as of no
value. We thought it probable, that we were now once more in the territories of
Teratu; but upon enquiring of these people, they said that he was not their King.
After a short time, they went away, much gratified with the presents that we had
made them; and we pursued our course along the shore to the N. E. till eleven
o'clock the next morning.* About this time, the weather happening to clear up, we
saw Cape Turnagain, bearing N. by E. ½ E. at the distance
of about seven leagues: I then called the officers upon deck, and asked them,
whether they were not now satisfied, that Eahienomauwe was an island; they readily
answered in the affirmative, and all doubts being now removed, we hauled our wind
to the eastward.
AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE round the WORLD. BOOK III.
CHAP. I.
The Run from New Zealand to
Botany Bay, on the East Coast of New
Holland, now called New South Wales;
various Incidents that happened there; with some Account of the Country and
its Inhabitants.
HAVING sailed from Cape Farewell,* which lies in latitude 40° 33′
S. longitude 186° W. on Saturday the 31st of
March 1770, we steered westward, with a fresh gale at N. N. E. and at
noon on the 2d of April, our latitude,* by observation, was
40°, our longitude from Cape Farewell 2° 31′W.
In the morning of the 9th,* being in latitude 38°
2′S. we saw a tropic bird, which in so high a latitude is very uncommon.
In the morning of the 10th,* being in latitude 38° 51′
S. longitude 202° 43′ W. we found the variation, by the
amplitude, to be 11° 25′ E. and by the azimuth 11° 20′.
*In the morning of the 11th, the variation was 13°
48′, which is two degrees and an half more than the day before, though I
expected to have found it less.
*In the course of the 13th, being in latitude 39° 33′
S. longitude 204° 2′W. I found the variation to be 12°
27′ E. and in the morning of the 14th,* it was 11°
30′; this day we also saw some flying fish.* On the 15th, we
saw an egg bird and a gannet, and as these are birds that never go far from the
land, we continued to sound all night, but had no ground with 130 fathom.* At noon
on the 16th, we were in latitude 39° 45′ S. longitude
208° W. At about two o'clock the wind came about to the W. S. W.
upon which we tacked and stood to the N. W.; soon after a small land-bird perched
upon the rigging, but we had no ground with 120 fathom. At eight we wore and stood
to the southward till twelve at night, and then wore and stood to the N. W. till
four in the morning,* when we again stood to the southward, having a fresh gale at
W. S. W. with squalls and dark weather till nine, when the weather became clear,
and there being little wind, we had an opportunity to take several observations of
the sun and moon, the mean result of which gave 207° 56′W. longitude:
our latitude at noon was 39° 36′ S. We had now a hard gale from the
southward, and a great sea from the same quarter, which obliged us to run under
our fore-sail and mizen all night, during which we sounded every two hours, but
had no ground with 120 fathom.
*In the morning of the 18th, we saw two Port Egmont hens, and
a pintado bird, which are certain signs of approaching land, and indeed by our
reckoning we could not be far from it, for our longitude was now one degree to the
westward of the eastside of Van Diemen's land, according to the
longitude laid down by Tasman,* whom we could not suppose to
have erred much in so short a run as from this land to New
Zealand, and by our latitude we could not be above fifty or
fifty-five leagues from the place whence he took his departure. All this day we
had frequent squalls and a great swell.* Atone in the morning we brought to and
sounded, but had no ground with 130 fathom; at six we saw land extending from N.
E. to W. at the distance of five or six leagues, having eighty fathom water with a
fine sandy bottom.
We continued standing westward, with the wind at S. S. W. till eight, when
we made all the sail we could, and bore away along the shore N. E. for the
eastermost land in fight, being at this time in latitude 37° 58′ S. and
longitude 210° 39′ W. The southermost point of land in sight, which
bore from us W. ¼ S. I judged to lie in latitude 38°, longitude
211° 7′, and gave it the name of POINT HICKS, because Mr.
Hicks, the First Lieutenant, was the first who discovered it. To the
southward of this Point no land was to be seen, though it was very clear in that
quarter, and by our longitude, compared with that of Tasman,
not as it is laid down in the printed charts, but in the extracts from
Tasman's journal, published by Rembrantse, the body of Van
Diemen's land ought to have borne due south; and indeed, from the sudden falling
of the sea after the wind abated, I had reason to think it did; yet as I did not
see it, and as I found this coast trend N. E. and S. W. or rather more to the
eastward, I cannot determine whether it joins to Van Diemen's land or not.
At noon, we were in latitude 37° 50′, longitude 210°
29′W. The extreams of the land extended from N. W. to E. N. E and a
remarkable point bore N. 20 E. at the distance of about four
leagues.* This point rises in a round hillock, very much resembling the Ram Head
at the entrance of Plymouth Sound, and therefore I called
it by the same name. The variation by an azimuth, taken this morning, was 3°
7′ E.; and what we had now seen of the land, appeared low and level: the
sea shore was a white sand, but the country within was green and woody. About one
o'clock, we saw three water spouts at once; two were between us and the shore, and
the third at some distance, upon our larboard quarter: this phaenomenon is so well
known, that it is not necessary to give a particular description of it here.
At six o'clock in the evening, we shortened sail, and brought to for the
night, having fifty-six fathom water, and a fine sandy bottom. The northermost
land in sight then bore N. by E. ½ E. and a small island lying close to a point on
the main bore W. distant two leagues. This point, which I called CAPE HOWE, may be
known by the trending of the coast, which is north on the one side, and south west
on the other; it may also be known by some round hills upon the main, just within
it.
*We brought to for the night, and at four in the morning made sail along
shore to the northward. At six, the northermost land in sight bore N. N. W. and we
were at this time about four leagues from the shore. At noon, we were in latitude
36° 51′ S. longitude 209° 53′ W. and about three leagues
distant from the shore. The weather being clear, gave us a good view of the
country, which has a very pleasing appearance: it is of a moderate height,
diversified by hills and vallies, ridges and plains, interspersed with a few lawns
of no great extent, but in general covered with wood: the ascent of the hills and
ridges is gentle, and the summits are not high. We continued to sail along the
shore to the northward, with a southerly wind,* and in the afternoon
we saw smoke in several places, by which we knew the country to be inhabited. At
six in the evening, we shortened sail, and sounded: we found forty-four fathom
water, with a clear sandy bottom, and stood on under an easy sail till twelve,
when we brought to for the night, and had ninety fathom water.
At four in the morning, we made sail again,* at the distance of about five
leagues from the land, and at six, we were abreast of a high mountain, lying near
the shore, which, on account of its figure, I called MOUNT DROMEDARY: under this
mountain the shore forms a point, to which I gave the name of POINT DROMEDARY, and
over it there is a peaked hillock. At this time, being in latitude 36° 18′
S. longitude 209° 55′ W. we found the variation to be 10°
42′ E.
Between ten and eleven, Mr. Green and I took several
observations of the sun and moon, the mean result of which gave 209°
17′ longitude W. By an observation made the day before, our longitude was
210° 9′ W. from which, 20′ being subtracted, there remains 209°
49′ the longitude of the ship this day at noon, the mean of which, with
this day's observation, gives 209° 33′, by which I fix the longitude of
this coast. At noon, our latitude was 35° 49′ S. Cape Dromedary bore S,
30 W. at the distance of twelve leagues, and an open bay, in which were three or
four small islands, bore N. W. by W. at the distance of five or six leagues. This
bay seemed to afford but little shelter from the sea winds, and yet it is the only
place where there appeared a probability of finding anchorage upon the whole
coast. We continued to steer along the shore N. by E. and N. N. E. at the distance
of about three leagues, and saw smoke in many places near the
beach.* At five in the evening, we were abreast of a point of land which rose in a
perpendicular cliff, and which, for that reason, I called POINT UPRIGHT. Our
latitude was 35° 35′ S. when this Point bore from us due west, distant
about two leagues: in this situation, we had about thirty-one fathom water with a
sandy bottom. At six in the evening, the wind falling, we hauled off E. N. E. and
at this time the northermost land in sight bore N. by E. ½ E. At midnight, being
in seventy fathom water, we brought to till four in the morning,* when we made
sail in for the land; but at day-break, found our situation nearly the same as it
had been at five the evening before, by which it was apparent that we had been
driven about three leagues to the southward, by a tide or current, during the
night. After this we steered along the shore N. N. E. with a gentle breeze at S.
W. and were so near the land as to distinguish several of the natives upon the
beach, who appeared to be of a black, or very dark colour. At noon, our latitude,
by observation, was 35° 27′ S. and longitude 209° 23′W. Cape
Dromedary bore S. 28 W. distant nineteen leagues, a remarkable peaked hill, which
resembled a square dove-house, with a dome at the top, and which for that reason I
called the PIGEON HOUSE, bore N. 32° 30′ W. and a small low island,
which lay close under the shore, bore N. W. distant about two or three leagues.
When I first discovered this island, in the morning, I was in hopes, from its
appearance, that I should have found shelter for the ship behind it, but when we
came near it, it did not promise security even for the landing of a boat: I should
however have attempted to send a boat on shore, if the wind had not veered to that
direction, with a large hollow sea rolling in upon the land from the S. E. which
indeed had been the case ever since we had been upon it. The coast still continued
to be of a moderate height, forming alternately rocky points and
sandy beaches; but within,* between Mount Dromedary and the Pigeon House, we saw
high mountains, which, except two, are covered with wood: these two lie inland
behind the Pigeon House, and are remarkably flat at the top, with steep rocky
cliffs all round them, as far as we could see. The trees which almost every where
clothe this country, appear to be large and lofty. This day the variation was
found to be 9° 50′ E. and for the two last days, the latitude, by
observation, was twelve or fourteen miles to the southward of the ship's account,
which could have been the effect of nothing but a current setting in that
direction. About four in the afternoon, being near five leagues from the land, we
tacked and stood off S. E. and E. and the wind having veered in the night, from E.
to N. E. and N. we tacked about four in the morning, and stood in,* being then
about nine or ten leagues from the shore. At eight, the wind began to die away,
and soon after it was calm. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 35°
38′, and our distance from the land about six leagues. Cape Dromedary
bore S. 37 W. distant seventeen leagues, and the Pigeon House N. 40 W.: in this
situation we had seventy-four fathom water. In the afternoon, we had variable
light airs and calms, till six in the evening, when a breeze sprung up at N. by
W.: at this time, being about four or five leagues from the shore, we had seventy
fathom water. The Pigeon House bore N. 45 W. Mount Dromedary S. 30 W. and the
northermost land in sight N. 19 E.
We stood to the north east till noon the next day,* with a gentle breeze
at N. W. and then we tacked and stood westward. At this time, our latitude, by
observation, was 35° 10′S. and longitude 208° 51′ W. A point
of land which I had discovered on St. George's day, and which therefore I called
CAPE GEORGE, bore W. distant nineteen miles, and the Pigeon House,*
(the latitude and longitude of which I found to be 35° 19′ S. and
209° 42′W.) S. 75 W. In the morning, we had found the variation, by
amplitude, to be 7° 50′ E. and by several azimuths 7° 54′ E.
We had a fresh breeze at N. W. from noon till three; it then came to the west,
when we tacked and stood to the northward. At five in the evening, being about
five or six leagues from the shore, with the Pigeon House bearing W. S. W. distant
about nine leagues, we had eighty-six fathom water; and at eight, having thunder
and lightning, with heavy squalls, we brought to in 120 fathom.
*At three in the morning, we made sail again to the northward, having the
advantage of a fresh gale at S. W. At noon, we were about three or four leagues
from the shore, and in latitude 34° 22′ S. longitude 208° 36′
W. In the course of this day's run from the preceding noon, which was
forty-five miles north east, we saw smoke in several places near the beach. About
two leagues to the northward of Cape George, the shore seemed to form a bay, which
promised shelter from the north east winds, but as the wind was with us, it was
not in my power to look into it without beating up, which would have cost me more
time than I was willing to spare. The north point of this bay, on account of its
figure, I named LONG NOSE; its latitude is 35° 6′, and about eight
leagues north of it there lies a point, which, from the colour of the land about
it, I called RED POINT: its latitude is 34° 29′, and longitude
208° 45′W. To the north west of Red Point, and a little way inland,
stands a round hill, the top of which looks like the crown of a hat. In the
afternoon of this day, we had a light breeze at N. N. W. till five in the evening,
when it fell calm: at this time, we were between three and four leagues from the
shore, and had forty-eight fathom water: the variation by azimuth was 8° 48′
E. and the extremities of this land were from N. E. by N.
to S. W. by S. Before it was dark,* we saw smoke in several places along the
shore, and a fire two or three times afterwards. During the night we lay becalmed,
driving in before the sea till one in the morning,* when we got a breeze from the
land, with which we steered N. E. being then in thirty-eight fathom. At noon, it
veered to N. E. by N. and we were then in latitude 34° 10′ S. longitude
208° 27′ W.: the land was distant about five leagues, and extended
from S. 37 W. to N. ½ E. In this latitude, there are some white cliffs, which rise
perpendicularly from the sea to a considerable height. We stood off the shore till
two o'clock, and then tacked and stood in till six, when we were within four or
five miles of it, and at that distance had fifty fathom water. The extremities of
the land bore from S. 28 W. to N. 25° 30 E. We now tacked and stood off
till twelve, then tacked and stood in again till four in the morning,* when we
made a trip off till daylight; and during all this time we lost ground, owing to
the variableness of the winds. We continued at the distance of between four and
five miles from the shore, till the afternoon, when we came within two miles, and
I then hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to attempt a landing, but the pinnace
proved to be so leaky that I was obliged to hoist her in again. At this time we
saw several of the natives walking briskly along the shore, four of whom carried a
small canoe upon their shoulders: we flattered ourselves that they were going to
put her into the water, and come off to the ship, but finding ourselves
disappointed, I determined to go on shore in the yawl, with as many as it would
carry: I embarked therefore, with only Mr. Banks,
Dr. Solander, Tupia, and four rowers:
we pulled for that part of the shore where the Indians appeared, near which four
small canoes were lying at the water's edge, The Indians sat down
upon the rocks,* and seemed to wait for our landing; but to our great regret, when
we came within about a quarter of a mile, they ran away into the woods: we
determined however to go ashore, and endeavour to procure an interview, but in
this we were again disappointed, for we found so great a surf beating upon every
part of the beach, that landing with our little boat was altogether impracticable:
we were therefore obliged to be content with gazing at such objects as presented
themselves from the water: the canoes, upon a near view, seemed very much to
resemble those of the smaller sort at New Zealand. We
observed, that among the trees on shore, which were not very large, there was no
underwood; and could distinguish that many of them were of the palm kind, and some
of them cabbage trees: after many a wishful look we were obliged to return, with
our curiosity rather excited than satisfied, and about five in the evening got on
board the ship. About this time it fell calm, and our situation was by no means
agreeable: we were now not more than a mile and a half from the shore, and within
some breakers, which lay to the southward, but happily a light breeze came off the
land, and carried us out of danger: with this breeze we stood to the northward,*
and at day-break we discovered a bay, which seemed to be well sheltered from all
winds, and into which therefore I determined to go with the ship. The pinnace
being repaired, I sent her, with the Master, to sound the entrance, while I kept
turning up, having the wind right out. At noon, the mouth of the bay bore N. N. W.
distant about a mile, and seeing a smoke on the shore, we directed our glasses to
the spot, and soon discovered ten people, who, upon our nearer approach, left
their fire, and retired to a little eminence, whence they could conveniently
observe our motions. Soon after two canoes, each having two men on
board, came to the shore just under the eminence,* and the men joined the rest on
the top of it. The pinnace, which had been sent ahead to sound, now approached the
place, upon which all the Indians retired farther up the hill, except one, who hid
himself among some rocks near the landing-place. As the pinnace proceeded along
the shore, most of the people took the same route, and kept abreast of her at a
distance; when she came back, the master told us, that in a cove a little within
the harbour, some of them had come down to the beach, and invited him to land by
many signs and words of which he knew not the meaning; but that all of them were
armed with long pikes, and a wooden weapon shaped somewhat like a cimeter. The
Indians who had not followed the boat, seeing the ship approach, used many
threatening gestures, and brandished their weapons; particularly two, who made a
very singular appearance, for their faces seemed to have been dusted with a white
powder, and their bodies painted with broad streaks of the same colour, which
passing obliquely over their breasts and backs, looked not unlike the cross-belts
worn by our soldiers; the same kind of streaks were also drawn round their legs
and thighs like broad garters: each of these men held in his hand the weapon that
had been described to us as like a cimeter, which appeared to be about two feet
and a half long, and they seemed to talk to each other with great earnestness.
We continued to stand into the bay, and early in the afternoon anchored
under the south shore, about two miles within the entrance, in six fathom water,
the south point bearing S. E. and the north point East. As we came in we saw, on
both points of the bay, a few huts, and several of the natives, men, women, and
children. Under the south head we saw four small canoes,* with each
one man on board, who were very busily employed in striking fish with a long pike
or spear: they ventured almost into the surf, and were so intent upon what they
were doing, that although the ship passed within a quarter of a mile of them, they
scarcely turned their eyes towards her; possibly being deafened by the surf, and
their attention wholly fixed upon their business or sport, they neither saw nor
heard her go past them.
The place where the ship had anchored was abreast of a small village,
consisting of about six or eight houses; and while we were preparing to hoist out
the boat, we saw an old woman, followed by three children, come out of the wood;
she was loaded with fire-wood, and each of the children had also its little
burden: when she came to the houses three more children, younger than the others,
came out to meet her: she often looked at the ship, but expressed neither fear nor
surprise: in a short time she kindled a fire, and the four canoes came in from
fishing. The men landed, and having hauled up their boars, began to dress their
dinner, to all appearance wholly unconcerned about us, though we were within half
a mile of them. We thought it remarkable that of all the people we had yet seen,
not one had the least appearance of clothing, the old woman herself being
destitute even of a fig-leaf.
After dinner the boats were manned, and we set out from the ship, having
Tupia of our party. We intended to land where we saw the
people, and began to hope that as they had so little regarded the ship's coming
into the bay, they would as little regard our coming on shore: in this, however,
we were disappointed; for as soon as we approached the rocks, two of the men came
down upon them to dispute our landing, and the rest ran away. Each of the two champions was armed with a lance about ten feet long,* and a short
stick which he seemed to handle as if it was a machine to assist him in managing
or throwing the lance: they called to us in a very loud tone, and in a harsh
dissonant language, of which neither we nor Tupia understood
a single word: they brandished their weapons, and seemed resolved to defend their
coast to the uttermost, though they were but two, and we were forty. I could not
but admire their courage, and being very unwilling that hostilities should
commence with such inequality of force between us, I ordered the boat to lie upon
her oars: we then parlied by signs for about a quarter of an hour, and to bespeak
their good-will, I threw them nails, beads, and other trifles, which they took up
and seemed to be well pleased with. I then made signs that I wanted water, and, by
all the means that I could devise, endeavoured to convince them that we would do
them no harm: they now waved to us, and I was willing to interpret it as an
invitation; but upon our putting the boat in, they came again to oppose us. One
appeared to be a youth about nineteen or twenty, and the other a man of middle
age: as I had now no other resource I fired a musquet between them. Upon the
report, the youngest dropped a bundle of lances upon the rock, but recollecting
himself in an instant he snatched them up again with great haste: a stone was then
thrown at us, upon which I ordered a musquet to be fired with small shot, which
struck the eldest upon the legs, and he immediately ran to one of the houses,
which was distant about an hundred yards: I now hoped that our contest was over,
and we immediately landed; but we had scarcely left the boat when he returned, and
we then perceived that he had left the rock only to fetch a shield or target for
his defence. As soon as he came up, he threw a lance at us, and his comrade
another; they fell where we stood thickest,* but happily hurt
nobody. A third musquet with small shot was then fired at them, upon which one of
them threw another lance, and both immediately ran away: if we had pursued, we
might probably have taken one of them; but Mr. Banks
suggesting that the lances might be poisoned, I thought it not prudent to venture
into the woods. We repaired immediately to the huts, in one of which we found the
children, who had hidden themselves behind a shield and some bark; we peeped at
them, but left them in their retreat, without their knowing that they had been
discovered, and we threw into the house when we went away some beads, ribbons,
pieces of cloth, and other presents, which we hoped would procure us the good-will
of the inhabitants when they should return; but the lances which we found lying
about, we took away with us, to the number of about fifty: they were from six to
fifteen feet long, and all of them had four prongs in the manner of a fish-gig,
each of which was pointed with fish-bone, and very sharp: we observed that they
were smeared with a viscous substance of a green colour, which favoured the
opinion of their being poisoned, though we afterwards discovered that it was a
mistake: they appeared, by the sea-weed that we found sticking to them, to have
been used in striking fish. Upon examining the canoes that lay upon the beach, we
found them to be the worst we had ever seen: they were between twelve and fourteen
feet long, and made of the bark of a tree in one piece, which was drawn together
and tied up at each end, the middle being kept open by sticks which were placed
across them from gunwale to gunwale as thwarts. We then searched for fresh water,
but found none, except in a small hole which had been dug in the sand.
Having reimbarked in our boat, we deposited our lances on board the ship,
and then went over to the north point of the bay,* where we had seen
several of the inhabitants when we were entering it, but which we now found
totally deserted. Here however we found fresh water, which trickled down from the
top of the rocks, and stood in pools among the hollows at the bottom; but it was
situated so as not to be procured for our use without difficulty.
In the morning, therefore,* I sent a party of men to that part of the
shore where we first landed, with orders to dig holes in the sand where the water
might gather; but going ashore myself with the Gentlemen soon afterwards, we
found, upon a more diligent search, a small stream, more than sufficient for our
purpose.
Upon visiting the hut where we had seen the children, we were greatly
mortified to find that the beads and ribbons which we had left there the night
before, had not been moved from their places, and that not an Indian was to be
seen.
Having sent some empty water-casks on shore; and left a party of men to
cut wood, I went myself in the pinnace to sound, and examine the bay; during my
excursion I saw several of the natives, but they all fled at my approach. In one
of the places where I landed I found several small fires, and fresh muscles
broiling upon them; here also I found some of the largest oyster-shells I had ever
seen.
As soon as the wooders and waterers came on board to dinner, ten or twelve
of the natives came down to the place, and looked with great attention and
curiosity at the casks, but did not touch them: they took away however the canoes
which lay near the landing-place, and again disappeared. In the afternoon, when
our people were again ashore, sixteen or eighteen Indians, all armed, came boldly
within about an hundred yards of them, and then stopped: two of them
advanced somewhat nearer;* and Mr. Hicks, who commanded the
party on shore, with another, advanced to meet them, holding out presents to them
as he approached, and expressing kindness and amity by every sign he could think
of, but all without effect; for before he could get up with them they retired, and
it would have answered no purpose to pursue. In the evening, I went with
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to a sandy cove on the north
side of the bay, where, in three or four hauls with the seine, we took above three
hundred weight of fish, which was equally divided among the ship's company.
*The next morning, before day-break, the Indians came down to the houses
that were abreast of the ship, and were heard frequently to shout very loud. As
soon as it was light, they were seen walking along the beach; and soon after they
retired to the woods, where, at the distance of about a mile from the shore, they
kindled several fires.
Our people went ashore as usual, and with them Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, who, in search of
plants, repaired to the woods. Our men, who were employed in cutting grass, being
the farthest removed from the main body of the people, a company of fourteen or
fifteen Indians advanced towards them, having sticks in their hands, which,
according to the report of the Serjeant of the marines, shone like a musquet. The
grass-cutters, upon seeing them approach, drew together, and repaired to the main
body. The Indians, being encouraged by this appearance of a flight, pursued them;
they stopped however when they were within about a furlong of them, and after
shouting several times went back into the woods. In the evening they came again in
the same manner, stopped at the same distance, shouted and retired. I followed
them myself, alone and unarmed, for a considerable way along the
shore,* but I could not prevail upon them to stop.
This day Mr. Green took the sun's meridian altitude a
little within the south entrance of the bay, which gave the latitude 34°
S. the variation of the needle was 11° 3′ E.
Early the next morning, the body of Forby Sutherland,* one of our seamen,
who died the evening before, was buried near the watering-place; and from this
incident I called the south point of this bay SUTHERLAND POINT. This day we
resolved to make an excursion into the country. Mr. Banks,
Dr. Solander, myself, and seven others, properly accoutred
for the expedition, set out, and repaired first to the huts, near the
watering-place, whither some of the natives continued every day to resort; and
though the little presents which we had left there before had not yet been taken
away, we left others of somewhat more value, consisting of cloth, looking-glasses,
combs, and beads, and then went up into the country. We found the soil to be
either swamp or light sand, and the face of the country finely diversified by wood
and lawn. The trees are tall, strait, and without underwood, standing at such a
distance from each other that the whole country, at least where the swamps do not
render it incapable of cultivation, might be cultivated without cutting down one
of them: between the trees the ground is covered with grass, of which there is
great abundance, growing in tufts about as big as can well be grasped in the hand,
which stand very close to each other. We saw many houses of the inhabitants, and
places where they had slept upon the grass without any shelter; but we saw only
one of the people, who the moment he discovered us ran away. At all these places
we left presents, hoping that at length they might produce confidence and
good-will. We had a transient and imperfect view of a quadruped
about as big as a rabbit:* Mr. Banks's greyhound, which was
with us, got sight of it, and would probably have caught it, but the moment he set
off he lamed himself, against a stump which lay concealed in the long grass. We
afterwards saw the dung of an animal which fed upon grass, and which we judged
could not be less than a deer; and the footsteps of another, which was clawed like
a dog, and seemed to be about as big as a wolf: we also tracked a small animal,
whose foot resembled that of a polcat or weasel. The trees over our head abounded
with birds of various kinds, among which were many of exquisite beauty,
particularly loriquets and cockatoos, which flew in flocks of several scores
together. We found some wood which had been felled by the natives with a blunt
instrument, and some that had been barked. The trees were not of many species;
among others there was a large one which yielded a gum not unlike the Sanguis
draconis; and in some of them steps had been cut at about three feet distance from
each other, for the convenience of climbing them.
From this excursion we returned between three and four o'clock, and having
dined on board, we went ashore again at the waterring-place, where a party of men
were filling casks. Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, had been sent out in the
morning with a boat to dredge for oysters at the head of the bay; when he had
performed this service, he went ashore, and having taken a midshipman with him,
and sent the boat away, set out to join the waterers by land. In his way he fell
in with a body of two and twenty Indians, who followed him, and were often not
more than twenty yards distant; when Mr. Gore perceived them so near, he stopped,
and faced about, upon which they stopped also; and when he went on
again, continued their pursuit:* they did not however attack him, though they were
all armed with lances, and he and the midshipman got in safety to the
watering-place. The Indians, who had slackened their pursuit when they came in
sight of the main body of our people, halted at about the distance of a quarter of
a mile, where they stood still. Mr. Monkhouse and two or three of the waterers
took it in their head to march up to them; but seeing the Indians keep their
ground till they came pretty near them, they were seized with a sudden fear very
common to the rash and fool-hardy, and made a hasty retreat: this step, which
insured the danger that it was taken to avoid, encouraged the Indians, and four of
them running forward discharged their lances at the fugitives, with such force
that, flying no less than forty yards, they went beyond them. As the Indians did
not pursue, our people, recovering their spirits, stopped to collect the lances
when they came up to the place where they lay; upon which the Indians, in their
turn, began to retire. Just at this time I came up, with Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander, and
Tupia; and being desirous to convince the Indians that we
were neither afraid of them, nor intended them any mischief, we advanced towards
them, making signs of expostulation and entreaty, but they could not be persuaded
to wait till we could come up. Mr. Gore told us, that he had seen some of them up
the bay, who had invited him by signs to come on shore, which he, certainly with
great prudence, declined.
The morning of the next day was so rainy,* that we were all glad to stay
on board. In the afternoon, however, it cleared up, and we made another excursion
along the sea-coast to the southward: we went ashore, and Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander gathered many plants; but besides these we
saw nothing worthy of notice. At our first entering the woods,* we
met with three of the natives, who instantly ran away: more of them were seen by
some of the people, but they all disappeared, with great precipitation, as soon as
they found that they were discovered. By the boldness of these people at our first
landing, and the terror that seized them at the sight of us afterwards, it appears
that they were sufficiently intimidated by our fire-arms: not that we had any
reason to think the people much hurt by the small-shot which we were obliged to
fire at them, when they attacked us at our coming out of the boat; but they had
probably seen the effects of them, from their lurking places, upon the birds that
we had shot. Tupia, who was now become a good marksman,
frequently strayed from us to shoot parrots; and he had told us, that while he was
thus employed, he had once met with nine Indians, who, as soon as they perceived
he saw them, ran from him, in great confusion and terror.
*The next day, twelve canoes, in each of which was a single Indian, came
towards the watering-place, and were within half a mile of it a considerable time:
they were employed in striking fish, upon which, like others that we had seen
before, they were so intent that they seemed to regard nothing else. It happened,
however, that a party of our people were out a shooting near the place, and one of
the men, whose curiosity might at length perhaps be roused by the report of the
fowling-pieces, was observed by Mr. Banks to haul up his
canoe upon the beach, and go towards the shooting party: in something more than a
quarter of an hour he returned, launched his canoe, and went off in her to his
companions. This incident makes it probable that the natives acquired a knowlege
of the destructive power of our firearms, when we knew nothing of the matter; for
this man was not seen by any of the party whose operations he had
reconnoitred.*
While Mr. Banks was gathering plants near the
watering-place, I went with Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouse to
the head of the bay, that I might examine that part of the country, and make
farther attempts to form some connection with the natives. In our way we met with
eleven or twelve small canoes, with each a man in it, probably the same that were
afterwards abreast of the shore, who all made into shoal water upon our approach.
We met other Indians on shore the first time we landed, who instantly took to
their canoes, and paddled away. We went up the country to some distance, and found
the face of it nearly the same with that which has been described already, but the
soil was much richer; for instead of sand, I found a deep black mould, which I
thought very fit for the production of grain of any kind. In the woods we found a
tree which bore fruit that in colour and shape resembled a cherry; the juice had
an agreeable tartness, though but little flavour. We found also interspersed some
of the finest meadows in the world: some places however were rocky, but these were
comparatively few: the stone is sandy, and might be used with advantage for
building. When we returned to the boat, we saw some smoke upon another part of the
coast, and went thither in hopes of meeting with the people, but at our approach,
these also ran away. We found six small canoes, and six fires very near the beach,
with some muscles roasting upon them, and a few oysters lying near: by this we
judged that there had been one man in each canoe, who having picked up some
shell-fish were come ashore to eat it, and that each had made his separate fire
for that purpose; we tasted of their cheer, and left them in return some strings
of beads, and other things which we thought would please them.* At
the foot of a tree in this place we found a small well of fresh water, supplied by
a spring; and the day being now far spent, we returned to the ship. In the
evening, Mr. Banks made a little excursion with his gun, and
found such a number of quails, resembling those in England,
that he might have shot as many as he pleased; but his object was variety, and not
number.
*The next morning, as the wind would not permit me to sail, I sent out
several parties into the country to try again whether some intercourse could not
be established with the natives. A midshipman who belonged to one of these
parties, having straggled a long way from his companions, met with a very old man
and woman, and some little children; they were sitting under a tree by the water
side, and neither party saw the other till they were close together: the Indians
showed signs of fear, but did not attempt to run away. The man happened to have
nothing to give them but a parrot that he had shot; this he offered, but they
refused to accept it, withdrawing themselves from his hand either through fear or
aversion. His stay with them was but short, for he saw several canoes near the
beach fishing, and being alone, he feared they might come ashore and attack him:
he said, that these people were very dark coloured, but not black; that the man
and woman appeared to be very old, being both grey-headed; that the hair of the
man's head was bushy, and his beard long and rough; that the woman's hair was
cropped short, and both of them were stark naked. Mr. Monkhouse the Surgeon, and
one of the men, who were with another party near the watering-place, also stayed
from their companions, and as they were coming out of a thicket observed six
Indians standing together, at the distance of about fifty yards. One of them
pronounced a word very loud, which was supposed to be a signal,* for
a lance was immediately thrown at him out of the wood, which very narrowly missed
him. When the Indians saw that the weapon had not taken effect, they ran away with
the greatest precipitation; but on turning about towards the place whence the
lance had been thrown, he saw a young Indian, whom he judged to be about nineteen
or twenty years old, come down from a tree, and he also ran away with such speed
as made it hopeless to follow him. Mr. Monkhouse was of opinion that he had been
watched by these Indians in his passage through the thicket, and that the youth
had been stationed in the tree, to discharge the lance at him, upon a signal as he
should come by; but however this be, there could be no doubt but that he was the
person who threw the lance.
In the afternoon, I went myself with a party over to the north shore, and
while some of our people were hauling the seine, we made an excursion a few miles
into the country, proceeding afterwards in the direction of the coast. We found
this place without wood, and somewhat resembling our moors in
England; the surface of the ground, however, was covered
with a thin brush of plants, about as high as the knees: the hills near the coast
are low, but others rise behind them, increasing by a gradual ascent to a
considerable distance, with marshes and morasses between. When we returned to the
boat, we found that our people had caught with the seine a great number of small
fish, which are well known in the West Indies, and which our sailors call Leather
jackets, because their skin is remarkably thick. I had sent the Second Lieutenant
out in the yawl a striking, and when we got back to the ship, we found that he
also had been very successful. He had observed that the large sting-rays, of which there is great plenty in the bay,* followed the flowing tide
into very shallow water; he therefore took the opportunity of flood, and struck
several in not more than two or three feet water: one of them weighed no less than
two hundred and forty pounds after his entrails were taken out.
*The next morning, as the wind still continued northerly I sent out the
yawl again, and the people struck one still larger, for when his entrails were
taken out he weighed three hundred and thirty-six pounds.
The great quantity of plants which Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander collected in this place induced me to give it
the name of BOTANY BAY. It is situated in the latitude of
34° S., longitude 208° 37′ W. It is capacious, safe, and
convenient, and may be known by the land on the sea-coast, which is nearly level,
and of a moderate height; in general higher than it is farther inland, with steep
rocky cliffs next the sea, which have the appearance of a long island lying close
under the shore. The harbour lies about the middle of this land, and in
approaching it from the southward, is discovered before the ship comes abreast of
it; but from the northward it is not discovered so soon: the entrance is a little
more than a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in W.N.W. To sail into it the
southern shore should be kept on board, till the ship is within a small bare
island, which lies close under the north shore; within this island the deepest
water on that side is seven fathom, shallowing to five a good way up. At a
considerable distance from the south shore there is a shoal, reaching from the
inner south point quite to the head of the harbour; but over towards the north and
north west shore there is a channel of twelve or fourteen feet at low water, for
three or four leagues, up to a place where there is three or four fathom, but here
I found very little fresh water. We anchored near the south shore,*
about a mile within the entrance, for the convenience of sailing with a southerly
wind, and because I thought it the best situation for watering; but I afterwards
found a very fine stream on the north shore, in the first sandy cove within the
island, before which a ship might lie almost land-locked, and procure wood as well
as water in great abundance. Wood indeed is every where plenty, but I saw only two
kinds which may be considered as timber. These trees are as large, or larger than
the English oak, and one of them has not a very different appearance: this is the
same that yields the reddish gum like sanguis draconis, and the wood is heavy,
hard, and dark-coloured, like lignum vitae: the other grows tall and strait,
something like the pine; and the wood of this, which has some resemblance to the
live oak of America, is also hard and heavy. There are a few shrubs, and several
kinds of the palm; mangroves also grow in great plenty near the head of the bay.
The country in general is level, low, and woody, as far as we could see. The
woods, as I have before observed, abound with birds of exquisite beauty,
particularly of the parrot kind; we found also crows here, exactly the same with
those in England. About the head of the harbour, where
there are large flats of sand and mud, there is great plenty of water-fowl, most
of which were altogether unknown to us: one of the most remarkable was black and
white, much larger than a swan, and in shape somewhat resembling a pelican. On
these banks of sand and mud there are great quantities of oysters, muscles,
cockles, and other shell-fish, which seem to be the principal subsistence of the
inhabitants, who go into shoal water with their little canoes, and pick them out
with their hands. We did not observe that they eat any of them raw, nor do they
always go on shore to dress them, for they have frequently fires in their canoes
for that purpose. They do not however subsist wholly upon this
food,* for they catch a variety of other fish, some of which they strike with
gigs, and some they take with hook and line. All the inhabitants that we saw were
stark naked: they did not appear to be numerous, nor to live in societies, but
like other animals were scattered about along the coast, and in the woods. Of
their manner of life, however, we could know but little, as we were never able to
form the least connection with them: after the first contest at our landing, they
would never come near enough to parley; nor did they touch a single article of all
that we had left at their huts, and the places they frequented, on purpose for
them to take away.
During my stay in this harbour, I caused the English colours to be
displayed on shore every day, and the ship's name, and the date of the year, to be
inscribed upon one of the trees near the watering-place.
It is high-water here at the full and change of the moon about eight
o'clock, and the tide rises and falls perpendicularly between four and five feet.
CHAP. IV.
The Range from Botany Bay to
Trinity Bay; with a farther Account of the
Country, its Inhabitants, and Productions.
AT day-break, on Sunday the 6th of May 1770,* we set sail
from Botany Bay, with a light breeze at N. W. which soon
after coming to the southward, we steered along the shore N. N. E.; and at noon,
our latitude, by observation, was 33° 50′ S. At this time we were
between two and three miles distant from the land, and a-breast of a bay, or
harbour, in which there appeared to be good anchorage, and which I called PORT
JACKSON. This harbour lies three leagues to the northward of Botany
Bay: the variation, by several azimuths, appeared to be 8°
E. At sun-set, the northermost land in sight bore N. 26 E. and some
broken land, that seemed to form a bay, bore N. 40 W. distant four leagues. This
bay, which lies in latitude 33° 42′, I called BROKEN
BAY. We steered along the shore N. N. E. all night, at the distance
of about three leagues from the land, having from thirty-two to thirty-six fathom
water, with a hard sandy bottom.
Soon after sun-rise on the 7th, I took several azimuths,*
with four needles belonging to the azimuth compass, the mean result of which gave
the variation 7° 56′ E. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was
33° 22′ S.: we were about three leagues from the shore; the
northermost land in sight bore N. 19 E. and some lands which projected in three
bluff points, and which, for that reason, I called CAPE THREE
POINTS,* bore S. W. distant five leagues. Our longitude from Botany
Bay was 19′ E. In the afternoon, we saw smoke in several places
upon the shore, and in the evening, found the variation to be 8° 25′ E.
At this time we were between two and three miles from the shore, in twenty-eight
fathom; and at noon the next day,* we had not advanced one step to the northward.
We stood off shore, with the winds northerly, till twelve at night, and at the
distance of about five leagues, had seventy fathom; at the distance of six leagues
we had eighty fathom, which is the extent of the soundings; for at the distance of
ten leagues, we had no ground with 150 fathom.
*The wind continuing northerly, till the morning of the 10th,
we continued to stand in and off the shore, with very little change of situation
in other respects; but a gale then springing up at S. W. we made the best of our
way along the shore to the northward. At sun-rise, our latitude was 33° 2′
S. and the variation 8° E. At nine in the forenoon, we passed
a remarkable hill, which stood a little way inland, and somewhat resembled the
crown of a hat: and at noon, our latitude, by observation, was 32° 53′
S. and our longitude 208° W. We were about two leagues distant
from the land, which extended from N. 41 E. to S. 41 W., and a small round rock,
or island, which lay close under the land, bore S. 82 W. distant between three and
four leagues. At four in the afternoon, we passed, at the distance of about a
mile, a low rocky point, which I called POINT STEPHENS, on
the north side of which is an inlet, which I called PORT STEPHENS: this inlet
appeared to me, from the mast head, to be sheltered from all winds. It lies in
latitude 32° 40′, longitude 207° 51′, and at the entrance
are three small islands, two of which are high; and on the main near the shore are
some high round hills, which at a distance appear like islands. In
passing this bay,* at the distance of two or three miles from the shore, our
soundings were from thirty-three to twenty-seven fathom, from which I conjectured
that there must be a sufficient depth of water within it. At a little distance
within land, we saw smoke in several places; and at half an hour past five, the
northermost land in sight bore N. 36 E. and Point Stephens
S. W. distant four leagues. Our soundings in the night, were from forty-eight to
sixty-two fathom, at the distance of between three and four leagues from the
shore, which made in two hillocks. This Point I called CAPE HAWKE: it lies in the
latitude of 32° 14′ S., longitude 207° 30′ W.;* and at four
o'clock in the morning bore W. distant about eight miles; at the same time the
northermost land in sight bore N. 6 E. and appeared like an island. At noon, this
land bore N. 8 E. the northermost land in sight N. 13 E. and Cape
Hawke S. 37 W. Our latitude, by observation, was 32° 2′
S. which was twelve miles to the southward of that given by the log; so
that probably we had a current setting that way: by the morning amplitude and
azimuth, the variation was 9° 10′ E. During our run along the shore, in
the afternoon, we saw smoke in several places, at a little distance from the
beach, and one upon the top of a hill, which was the first we had seen upon
elevated ground since our arrival upon the coast. At sun-set, we had twenty-three
fathom, at the distance of a league and an half from the shore: the northermost
land then bore N. 13 E. and three hills, remarkably large and high, lying
contiguous to each other, and not far from the beach, N. N. W. As these hills bore
some resemblance to each other, we called them the THREE BROTHERS. They lie in
latitude 31° 40′, and may be seen fourteen or sixteen leagues. We
steered N. E. by N. all night, having from twenty-seven to sixty-seven fathom, at
the distance of between two and six leagues from the shore.
*At day-break, we steered north, for the northermost land in sight.
At noon, we were four leagues from the shore, and by observation, in latitude
31° 18′ S., which was fifteen miles to the southward of that given
by the log; our longitude 206° 58′ W. In the afternoon, we stood in for
the land, where we saw smoke in several places, till six in the evening, when,
being within three or four miles of it, and in twenty-four fathom of water, we
stood off with a fresh breeze at N. and N. N. W. till midnight, when we had 118
fathom, at the distance of eight leagues from the land, and then tacked.* At three
in the morning, the wind veered to the westward, when we tacked and stood to the
northward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 30° 43′ S., and
our longitude 206° 45′ W. At this time we were between three and four
leagues from the shore, the northermost part of which bore from us N. 13 W. and a
point, or head land, on which we saw fires that produced a great quantity of
smoke, bore W. distant four leagues. To this Point I gave the name of SMOKEY CAPE:
it is of a condsierable height, and over the pitch of the Point is a round
hillock; within it are two others, much higher and larger, and within them the
land is very low. Our latitude was 30° 31′ S., longitude 206° 54′
W.: this day the observed latitude was only five miles south of the log.
We saw smoke in several parts along the coast, besides that seen upon Smokey Cape.
In the afternoon, the wind being at N. E. we stood off and on, and at
three or four miles distance from the shore had thirty fathom water: the wind
afterwards coming cross off land, we stood to the northward, having from thirty to
twenty-one fathom, at the distance of four or five miles from the shore.
*At five in the morning, the wind veered to the north, and blew fresh,
attended with squalls: at eight, it began to thunder and rain, and
in about an hour it fell calm,* which gave us an opportunity to sound, and we had
eighty-six fathom at between four and five leagues from the shore: soon after this
we had a gale from the southward, with which we steered N. by W. for the
northermost land in sight. At noon, we were about four leagues from the shore, and
by observation, in latitude 30° 22′, which was nine miles to the
southward of our reckoning, longitude 206° 39′ W. Some lands near the
shore, of a considerable height, bore W.
As we advanced to the northward, from Botany Bay,
the land gradually increased in height, so that in this latitude it may be called
a hilly country. Between this latitude and the Bay, it exhibits a pleasing variety
of ridges, hills, vallies, and plains, all clothed with wood, of the same
appearance with that which has been particularly described: the land near the
shore is in general low and sandy, except the points, which are rocky, and over
many of them are high hills, which, at their first rising out of the water, have
the appearance of islands. In the afternoon, we had some small rocky islands
between us and the land, the southermost of which lies in latitude 30°
10′, and the northermost in 29° 58′, and somewhat more than
two leagues from the land: about two miles without the northermost island we had
thirty-three fathom water, Having the advantage of a moon, we steered along the
shore all night, in the direction of N. and N. by E. keeping at the distance of
about three leagues from the land, and having from twenty to twenty-five fathom
water. As soon as it was light, having a fresh gale, we made all the fail we
could, and at nine o'clock in the morning,* being about a league from the shore,
we discovered smoke in many places, and having recourse to our glasses, we saw
about twenty of the natives, who had each a large bundle upon his
back,* which we conjectured to be palm leaves for covering their houses: we
continued to observe them above an hour, during which they walked upon the beach,
and up a path that led over a hill of a gentle ascent, behind which we lost sight
of them: not one of them was observed to stop and look towards us, but they
trudged along, to all appearance, without the least emotion either of curiosity or
surprize, though it is impossible they should not have seen the ship by a casual
glance as they walked along the shore; and though she must, with respect to every
other object they had yet seen, have been little less stupendous and unaccountable
than a floating mountain with all its woods would have been to us. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 28° 39′ S., and longitude 206°
27′W. A high point of land, which I named CAPE
BYRON, bore N. W. by W. at the distance of three miles. It lies in
latitude 28° 37′ 30″ S., longitude 206° 30′ W. and may be
known by a remarkable sharp peaked mountain, which lies inland, and bears from it
N. W. by W. From this point, the land trends N. 13 W.: inland it is high and
hilly, but low near the shore; to the southward of the point it is also low and
level. We continued to steer along the shore with a fresh gale, till sun-set, when
we suddenly discovered breakers a-head, directly in the ship's course, and also on
our larboard bow. At this time we were about five miles from the land, and had
twenty fathom water: we hauled up east till eight, when we had run eight miles,
and increased our depth of water to forty-four fathom: we then brought to, with
the ship's head to the eastward, and lay upon this tack till ten, when, having
increased our sounding to seventy-eight fathom, we wore, and lay with the ship's
head to the land till five in the morning,* when we made sail, and at daylight,
were greatly surprized to find ourselves farther to the southward, than we had
been the evening before, though the wind had been southerly,* and
blown fresh all night: we now saw the breakers again within us, and passed them at
the distance of one league. They lie in latitude 28° 8′ S. stretching
off east two leagues from a point of land, under which is a small island. Their
situation may always be known by the peaked mountain which has been just
mentioned, and which bears from them S. W. by W. for this reason I have named it
MOUNT WARNING. It lies seven or eight leagues inland, in latitude 28° 22′
S. The land about it is high and hilly, but it is of itself sufficiently
conspicuous to be at once distinguished from every other object. The Point off
which these shoals lie, I have named POINT DANGER. To the northward of this Point
the land is low, and trends N. W. by N.; but it soon turns again more to the
northward.
At noon, we were about two leagues from the land, and by observation, in
latitude 27° 46′ S. which was seventeen miles to the southward of the
log; our longitude was 206° 20′ W. Mount Warning bore S. 26 W. distant
fourteen leagues, and the northermost land in sight bore N. We pursued our course
along the shore, at the distance of about two leagues, in the direction of N. ¾ E.
till between four and five in the afternoon, when we discovered breakers on our
larboard bow. Our depth of water was thirty-seven fathom, and at sun-set, the
northermost land bore N. by W. the breakers N. W. by W. distant four miles, and
the northermost land set at noon, which formed a point, and to which I gave the
name of POINT LOOK-OUT, W. distant five or six miles, in the latitude of 27°
6′. On the north side of this Point, the shore forms a wide open bay,
which I called MORETON's BAY, in the bottom of which the land is so low that I
could but just see it from the top-mast head. The breakers lie between three and
four miles from Point Look-out; and at this time we had a great sea
from the southward,* which broke upon them very high. We stood on N. N. E. till
eight o'clock, when having passed the breakers, and deepened our water to
fifty-two fathom, we brought to till midnight, when made sail again to the N. N.
E.* At four in the morning, we had 135 fathom, and when the day broke, I perceived
that during the night I had got much farther northward, and from the shore, than I
expected from the course we steered, for we were distant at least seven leagues; I
therefore hauled in N. W. by W. with a fresh gale at S. S. W. The land that was
farthest to the north the night before, now bore S. S. W. distant six leagues, and
I gave it the name of CAPE MORETON, it being the north
point of Moreton's Bay: its latitude is 26° 56′,
and its longitude is 206° 28′. From Cape Moreton the land trends away
west, farther than can be seen, for there is a small space, where at this time no
land is visible, and some on board having also observed that the sea looked paler
than usual, were of opinion that the bottom of Moreton's
Bay opened into a river: we had here thirty-four fathom water, and
a fine sandy bottom: this alone would have produced the change that had been
observed in the colour of the water; and it was by no means necessary to suppose a
river to account for the land at the bottom of the Bay not being visible, for
supposing the land there to be as low as we knew it to be in a hundred other parts
of the coast, it would have been impossible to see it from the station of the
ship; however, if any future navigator should be disposed to determine the
question, whether there is or is not a river in this place, which the wind would
not permit us to do, the situation may always be found by three hills which lie to
the northward of it, in the latitude of 26° 53′. These hills lie but a
little way inland, and not far from each other: they are remarkable for the
singular form of their elevation, which very much resembles a
glass-house,* and for which reason I called them the GLASS HOUSES: the northermost
of the three is the highest and largest: there are also several other peaked hills
inland to the northward of these, but they are not nearly so remarkable. At noon,
our latitude was, by observation, 26° 28′ S. which was ten miles to the
northward of the log, a circumstance which had never before happened upon this
coast; our longitude was 206° 46′. At this time we were between two and
three leagues from the land, and had twenty-four fathom water. A low bluff point,
which was the south head of a sandy bay, bore N. 62 W. distant three leagues, and
the northermost point of land in sight bore N. ¼ E. This day we saw smoke in
several places, and some at a considerable distance inland.
In steering along the shore at the distance of two leagues, our soundings
were from twenty-four to thirty-two fathom, with a sandy bottom. At six in the
evening, the northermost point of land bore N. ¼ W. distant four leagues; at ten
it bore N. W. by W. ½ W. and as we had seen no land to the northward of it, we
brought to, not well knowing which way to steer.
At two in the morning, however,* we made sail with the wind at S. W. and
at daylight, we saw the land extending as far as N. ¼ E. the point we had set the
night before bore S. W. by W. distant between three and four leagues. It lies in
latitude 25° 58′, longitude 206° 48′ W.: the land within it
is of a moderate and equal height, but the point itself is so unequal, that it
looks like two small islands lying under the land, for which reason I gave it the
name of DOUBLE ISLAND POINT; it may also be known by the white cliffs on the north
side of it. Here the land trends to the N. W. and forms a large open bay, the
bottom of which is so low a flat that from the deck it could
scarcely be seen.* In crossing this bay, our depth of water was from thirty to
twenty-two fathom, with a white sandy bottom. At noon, we were about three leagues
from the shore, in latitude 25° 34′ S. longitude 206° 45′
W.: Double Island Point bore S. ¾ W. and the northermost land in sight N. ¾
E. This part of the coast, which is of a moderate height, is more barren than any
we had seen, and the soil more sandy. With our glasses we could discover that the
sands, which lay in great patches of many acres, were moveable, and that some of
them had not been long in the place they possessed; for we saw in several parts,
trees half buried, the tops of which were still green; and in others, the naked
trunks of such as the sand had surrounded long enough to destroy. In other places
the woods appeared to be low and shrubby, and we saw no signs of inhabitants. Two
water snakes swam by the ship: they were beautifully spotted, and in every respect
like land snakes, except that their tails were broad and flat, probably to serve
them instead of fins in swimming. In the morning of this day, the variation was
8° 20′ E. and in the evening, 8° 36′. During the night,
we continued our course to the northward, with a light breeze from the land, being
distant from it between two and three leagues, and having from twenty-three to
twenty-seven fathom with a fine sandy bottom.
*At noon on the 19th, we were about four miles from the land,
with only thirteen fathom. Our latitude was 25° 4′, and the northermost
land in sight bore N. 21 W. distant eight miles. At one o'clock, being still four
miles distant from the shore, but having seventeen fathom water, we passed a black
bluff head, or point of land, upon which a great number of the natives were
assembled, and which therefore I called INDIAN HEAD: it lies in latitude 25°
3′. About four miles N. by W. of this Head, is another very like it from
whence the land trends away somewhat more to the westward: next
to the sea it is low and sandy,* and behind it nothing was to be seen, even from
the mast-head. Near Indian Head we saw more of the natives, and upon the
neighbouring shore fires by night, and smoke by day. We kept to the northward all
night, at the distance of from four miles to four leagues from the shore, and with
a depth of water from seventeen to thirty-four fathom. At day-break,* the
northermost land bore from us W. S. W. and seemed to end in a point, from which we
discovered a reef running out to the northward as far as we could see. We had
hauled our wind to the westward before it was light, and continued the course till
we saw the breakers upon our see bow. We now edged away N. W. and N. N. W. along
the east side of the shoal, from two to one mile distant, having regular soundings
from thirteen to seven fathom, with a fine sandy bottom. At noon, our latitude, by
observation, was 20° 26′, which was thirteen miles to the northward of
the log: we judged the extream point of the shoal to bear from us about N. W. and
the point from which it seemed to run out, bore S. ¾ W. distant twenty miles. This
point I named SANDY CAPE, from two very large patches of white sand which lay upon
it. It is sufficiently high to be seen at the distance of twelve leagues, in clear
weather, and lies in latitude 24° 45′, longitude 206° 51′:
the land trends from it S. W. as far as can be seen. We kept along the east side
of the shoal till two in the afternoon, when, judging that there was a sufficient
depth of water upon it to allow passage for the ship, I sent the boat a-head to
sound, and upon her making the signal for more than five fathom, we hauled our
wind, and stood over the tail of it in six fathom. At this time we were in
latitude 24° 22′, and Sandy Cape bore S. ½ E. distant eight leagues;
but the direction of the shoal is nearest N. N. W. and S. S. E.* It
is remarkable that when on board the ship we had six fathom, the boat, which was
scarcely a quarter of a mile to the southward, had little more than five, and that
immediately after six fathom we had thirteen, and then twenty, as fast as the man
could cast the lead: from these circumstances, I conjectured that the west side of
the shoal was steep. This shoal I called the BREAK SEA SPIT, because we had now
smooth water, and to the southward of it we had always a high sea from the S. E.
At six in the evening, the land of Sandy Cape extended from S. 17 E. to S. 27 E.
at the distance of eight leagues; our depth of water was twenty-three fathom: with
the same soundings we stood to the westward all night.* At seven in the morning,
we saw, from the mast-head, the land of Sandy Cape bearing S. E. ½ E. distant
about thirteen leagues: at nine, we discovered land to the westward, and soon
after saw smoke in several places. Our depth of water was now decreased to
seventeen fathom, and by noon we had no more than thirteen, though we were seven
leagues from the land, which extended from S. by W. to W. N. W. Our latitude at
this time was 24° 28′S. For a few days past we had seen several of the
sea birds called boobies, not having met with any of them before; last night a
small flock of them passed the ship, and went away to the N. W. and in the
morning, from about half an hour before sun-rise, to half an hour after, flights
of them were continually coming from the N. N. W. and flying to the S. S. E. nor
was one of them seen to fly in any other direction; we therefore conjectured that
there was a lagoon, river, or inlet of shallow water, in the bottom of the deep
bay, to the southward of us, whither these birds resorted to feed in the day, and
that not far to the northward there were some islands to which they repaired in
the night. To this bay I gave the name of HERVEY's BAY, in honour of Captain
Hervey. In the afternoon, we stood in for the land,* steering S. W.
with a gentle breeze at S. E. till four o'clock, when, being in latitude 24°
36′, about two leagues from the shore, and having nine fathom water, we
bore away along the coast N. W. by W. and at the same time could see land
extending to the S. S. E. about eight leagues. Near the sea the land is very low,
but within there are some lofty hills, all thickly clothed with wood. While we
were running along the shore, we shallowed our water from nine to seven fathom,
and at one time we had but six, which determined us to anchor for the night.
At six in the morning we weighed,* with a gentle breeze from the
southward, and steered N. W. ¼ W. edging in for the land till we got within two
miles of it, with water from seven to eleven fathom: we then steered N. N. W. as
the land lay, and at noon, our latitude was 24° 19′. We continued in
the same course, at the same distance, with from twelve fathom to seven, till five
in the evening, when we were abreast of the south point of a large open bay, in
which I intended to anchor. During this course, we discovered with our glasses
that the land was covered with palm-nut-trees, which we had not seen from the time
of our leaving the islands within the Tropick: we also saw two men walking along
the shore, who did not condescend to take the least notice of us. In the evening,
having hauled close upon a wind, and made two or three trips, we anchored about
eight o'clock in five fathom, with a fine sandy bottom. The south point of the bay
bore E. ¾ S. distant two miles, the north point N. W. ¼ N. and about the same
distance from the shore.
Early the next morning I went ashore,* with a party of men, in order to
examine the country, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr.
Solander, the other gentlemen, and Tupia: the
wind blew fresh,* and we found it so cold, that being at some
distance from the shore, we took our cloaks as a necessary equipment for the
voyage. We landed a little within the south point of the bay, where we found a
channel leading into a large lagoon: this channel I proceeded to examine, and
found three fathom water till I got about a mile up it, where I met with a shoal,
upon which there was little more than one fathom, but having passed over it, I had
three fathom again. The entrance of this channel lies close to the south point of
the bay, being formed by the shore on the east, and on the west by a large spit of
sand: it is about a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in S. by W. In this place
there is room for a few ships to lie in great security, and a small stream of
fresh water; I would have rowed into the lagoon, but was prevented by shallows. We
found several bogs, and swamps of salt water, upon which, and by the sides of the
lagoon, grows the true mangrove, such as is found in the West Indies, and the
first of the kind that we had met with. In the branches of these mangroves there
were many nests of a remarkable kind of ant, that was as green as grass: when the
branches were disturbed they came out in great numbers, and punished the offender
by a much sharper bite than ever we had felt from the same kind of animal before.
Upon these mangroves also we saw small green caterpillars in great numbers: their
bodies were thick set with hairs, and they were ranged upon the leaves side by
side like a file of soldiers, to the number of twenty or thirty together: when we
touched them, we found that the hair on their bodies had the quality of a nettle,
and gave us a much more acute, though less durable pain. The country here is
manifestly worse than about Botany Bay: the soil is dry and
sandy, but the sides of the hills are covered with trees, which grow separately,
without underwood. We found here the tree that yields a gum like the
Sanguis draconis;* but it is somewhat different from the trees of the same kind
which we had seen before, for the leaves are longer, and hang down like those of
the weeping willow. We found also much less gum upon them, which is contrary to
the established opinion, that the hotter the climate, the more gums exude. Upon a
plant also, which yielded a yellow gum, there was less than upon the same kind of
plant in Botany Bay. Among the shoals and sand-banks we saw
many large birds, some in particular of the same kind that we had seen in
Botany Bay, much bigger than swans, which we judged to
be pelicans; but they were so shy that we could not get within gun-shot of them.
Upon the shore we saw a species of the bustard, one of which we shot, it was as
large as a turkey, and weighed seventeen pounds and an half. We all agreed that
this was the best bird we had eaten since we left England;
and in honour of it we called this inlet BUSTARD BAY. It lies in latitude 24°
4′, longitude 208° 18′. The sea seemed to abound with fish;
but, unhappily, we tore our seine all to pieces at the first haul: upon the
mud-banks, under the mangroves, we found innumerable oysters of various kinds;
among others the hammer-oyster, and a large proportion of small pearl-oysters: if
in deeper water there is equal plenty of such oysters at their full growth, a
pearl fishery might certainly be established here to very great advantage.
The people who were left on board the ship said, that while we were in the
woods about twenty of the natives came down to the beach, abreast of her, and
having looked at her sometime, went away; but we that were ashore, though we saw
smoke in many places, saw no people: the smoke was at places too distant for us to
get to them by land, except one, to which we repaired:* we found ten
small fires still burning within a few paces of each other; but the people were
gone: we saw near them several vessels of bark, which we supposed to have
contained water, and some shells and fish-bones, the remains of a recent meal. We
saw also, lying upon the ground, several pieces of soft bark, about the length and
breadth of a man, which we imagined might be their beds; and, on the windward side
of the fires, a small shade, about a foot and a half high, of the same substance.
The whole was in a thicket of close trees, which afforded good shelter from the
wind. The place seemed to be much trodden, and as we saw no house, nor any remains
of a house, we were inclined to believe that as these people had no clothes, they
had no dwelling; but spent their nights, among the other commoners of Nature, in
the open air: and Tupia himself, with an air of superiority
and compassion, shook his head, and said that they were Taata Enos, 'poor
wretches.' I measured the perpendicular height of the last tide, and found it to
be eight feet above low-water mark, and from the time of low-water this day, I
found that it must be high-water at the full and change of the moon at eight
o'clock.
*At four o'clock in the morning we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at
south made sail out of the bay. In standing out our soundings were from five to
fifteen fathom; and at day-light, when we were in the greatest depth, and abreast
of the north head of the bay, we discovered breakers stretching out from it N.N.E.
between two and three miles, with a rock at the outermost point of them, just
above water. While we were passing these rocks, at the distance of about half a
mile, we had from fifteen to twenty fathom, and as soon as we had passed them, we
hauled along shore W.N.W. for the farthest land we had in sight. At noon, our
latitude by observation was 23° 52′ S.;* the north part
of Bustard Bay bore S. 62 E. distant ten miles; and the northermost land in sight
N. 60 W.; the longitude was 208° 37′, and our distance from the nearest
shore six miles, with fourteen fathom water.
Till five in the afternoon it was calm, but afterwards we steered before
the wind N. W. as the land lay till ten at night, and then brought to, having had
all along fourteen and fifteen fathom. At five in the morning we made sail;* and
at day-light the northermost point of the main bore N. 70 W. Soon after we saw
more land, making like islands, and bearing N. W. by N. At nine, we were abreast
of the point, at the distance of one mile, with fourteen fathom water. This point
I found to lie directly under the Tropic of Capricorn; and for that reason I
called it CAPE CAPRICORN: its longitude is 208° 58′ W.: it is of a
considerable height, looks white and barren, and may be known by some islands
which lie to the N. W. of it, and some small rocks at the distance of about a
league S. E. On the west side of the Cape there appeared to be a lagoon, and on
the two spits which formed the entrance we saw an incredible number of the large
birds that resemble a pelican. The northermost land now in sight bore from Cape
Capricorn N. 24 W. and appeared to be an island; but the main land trended W. by
N. ½ N. which course we steered, having from fifteen to six fathom, and from six
to nine, with a hard sandy bottom. At noon, our latitude by observation was
23° 24′ S.; Cape Capricorn bore S. 60 E. distant two leagues; and a
small island N. by E. two miles: in this situation we had nine fathom, being about
four miles from the main, which, next the sea, is low and sandy, except the points
which are high and rocky. The country inland is hilly, but by no means of a
pleasing aspect. We continued to stand to the N. W. till four o'clock in the
afternoon, when it fell calm;* and we soon after anchored in twelve
fathom, having the main land and islands in a manner all round us, and Cape
Capricorn bearing S. 54 E. distant four leagues. In the night, we found the tide
rise and fall near seven feet; and the flood to set to the westward, and the ebb
to the eastward, which is just contrary to what we found when we were at anchor to
the eastward of Bustard Bay.
*At six in the morning we weighed, with a gentle breeze at South, and
stood away to the N. W. between the outermost range of islands and the main,
leaving several small islands between the main and the ship, which we passed at a
very little distance: our soundings being irregular, from twelve to four fathom, I
sent a boat ahead to sound. At noon we were about three miles from the main, and
about the same distance from the islands without us: our latitude by observation
was 23° 7′ S.: the main land here is high and mountainous; the islands
which lie off it are also most of them high, and of a small circuit, having an
appearance rather of barrenness than fertility. At this time we saw smoke in many
places at a considerable distance inland, and therefore conjectured that there
might be a lagoon, river, or inlet running up the country, the rather as we had
passed two places which had the appearance of being such; but our depth of water
was too little to encourage me to venture where I should probably have less. We
had not stood to the northward above an hour, before we suddenly fell into three
fathom; upon which I anchored, and sent away the Master to found the channel which
lay to leeward of us, between the northermost island and the main: it appeared to
be pretty broad, but I suspected that it was shallow, and so indeed it was found;
for the master reported at his return that in many places he had only two fathom
and an half, and where we lay at anchor we had only sixteen feet,*
which was not two feet more than the ship drew. While the master was sounding the
channel, Mr. Banks tried to fish from the cabbin windows with
hook and line: the water was too shallow for fish; but the ground was almost
covered with crabs, which readily took the bait, and sometimes held it so fast in
their claws, that they did not quit their hold till they were considerably above
water. These crabs were of two sorts, and both of them such as we had not seen
before: one of them was adorned with the finest blue that can be imagined, in
every respect equal to the ultramarine, with which all his claws, and every joint
was deeply tinged: the under part of him was white, and so exquisitely polished
that in colour and brightness it exactly resembled the white of old china: the
other was also marked with the ultramarine upon his joints, and his toes, but
somewhat more sparingly; and his back was marked with three brown spots which had
a singular appearance. The people who had been out with the boat to sound,
reported, that upon an island where we had observed two fires, they had seen
several of the inhabitants, who called to them, and seemed very desirous that they
should land. In the evening, the wind veered to E. N. E. which gave us an
opportunity to stretch three or four miles back by the way we came; after which,
the wind shifted to the South, and obliged us again to anchor in six fathom.
At five in the morning,* I sent away the Master to search for a passage
between the islands, while we got the ship under sail; and as soon as it was light
we followed the boat, which made a signal that a passage had been found. As soon
as we got again into deep water, we made sail to the northward, as the land lay,
with soundings from nine fathom to fifteen, and some small islands still without
us. At noon we were about two leagues distant from the main;* and by
observation in latitude 22° 53′ S. The northermost point of land in
sight now bore N. N. W. distant ten miles. To this point I gave the name of CAPE
MANIFOLD, from the number of high hills which appeared over it: it lies in
latitude 22° 43′ S. and distant about seventeen leagues from Cape
Capricorn, in the direction of N. 26 W. Between these Capes the shore forms a
large bay, which I called KEPPEL BAY; and I also distinguished the islands by the
name of KEPPEL's ISLANDS. In this bay there is good anchorage; but what
refreshments it may afford, I know not: we caught no fish, though we were at
anchor; but probably there is fresh water in several places, as both the islands
and the main are inhabited. We saw smoke and fires upon the main; and upon the
islands we saw people. At three in the afternoon, we passed Cape Manifold, from
which the lands trends N. N. W. The land of the Cape is high, rising in hills
directly from the sea; and may be known by three islands which lie off it, one of
them near the shore, and the other two eight miles out at sea. One of these
islands is low and flat, and the other high and round. At six o'clock in the
evening we brought to, when the northermost part of the main in sight bore N. W.
and some islands which lie off it N. 31 W. Our soundings after twelve o'clock were
from twenty to twenty-five fathom, and in the night from thirty to thirty-four.
*At day-break we made sail, Cape Manifold bearing S. by E. distant eight
leagues, and the islands which I had set the night before were distant four miles
in the same direction. The farthest visible point of the main bore N. 67 W. at the
distance of twenty-two miles; but we could see several islands to the northward of
this direction. At nine o'clock in the forenoon, we were abreast of the point
which I called CAPE TOWNSHEND. It lies in latitude 22°
15′;* longitude 209° 43′: the land is high and level, and
rather naked than woody. Several islands lie to the northward of it, at the
distance of four or five miles out at sea; three or four leagues to the S. E. the
shore forms a bay, in the bottom of which there appeared to be an inlet or
harbour. To the westward of the Cape the land trends S. W. ½ S. and there forms a
very large bay which turns to the eastward, and probably communicates with the
inlet, and makes the land of the Cape an island. As soon as we got round this
Cape, we hauled our wind to the westward, in order to get within the islands,
which lie scattered in the bay in great numbers, and extend out to sea as far as
the eye could reach even from the mast-head: these islands vary both in height and
circuit from each other; so that, although they are very numerous, no two of them
are alike. We had not stood long upon a wind before we came into shoal water, and
were obliged to tack at once to avoid it. Having sent a boat ahead, I bore away W.
by N. many small islands, rocks, and shoals, lying between us and the main, and
many of a larger extent without us: our soundings till near noon were from
fourteen to seventeen fathom, when the boat made the signal for meeting with shoal
water: upon this we hauled close upon a wind to the eastward, but suddenly fell
into three fathom and a quarter; we immediately dropped an anchor, which brought
the ship up with all her sails standing. When the ship was brought up we had four
fathom, with a coarse sandy bottom, and found a strong tide setting to the N. W.
by W. ½ W. at the rate of near three miles an hour, by which we were so suddenly
carried upon the shoal. Our latitude by observation was 22° 8′ S.; Cape
Townshend bore E. 16 S. distant thirteen miles; and the westermost part of the main in sight W. ¾ N.* At this time a great number of islands lay
all round us.
In the afternoon, having sounded round the ship, and found that there was
water sufficient to carry her over the shoal, we weighed, and about three o'clock
made sail and stood to the westward, as the land lay, having sent a boat ahead to
sound. At six in the evening, we anchored in ten fathom, with a sandy bottom, at
about two miles distance from the main; the westermost part of which bore W. N. W.
and a great number of islands, lying a long way without us, were still in sight.
*At five o'clock the next morning, I sent away the Master with two boats
to sound the entrance of an inlet which bore from us west, at about the distance
of a league, into which I intended to go with the ship, that I might wait a few
days till the moon should encrease, and in the mean time examine the country. As
soon as the ship could be got under sail, the boats made the signal for anchorage;
upon which we stood in, and anchored in five fathom water, about a league within
the entrance of the inlet; which, as I observed a tide to flow and ebb
considerably, I judged to be a river that ran up the country to a considerable
distance. In this place I had thoughts of laying the ship ashore, and cleaning her
bottom; I therefore landed with the Master in search of a convenient place for
that purpose, and was accompanied by Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander. We found walking here exceedingly
troublesome, for the ground was covered with a kind of grass, the seeds of which
were very sharp and bearded backwards; so that whenever they stuck into our
clothes, which indeed was at every step, they worked forwards by means of the
beard, till they got at the flesh; and at the same time we were surrounded by a
cloud of musquitos, which incessantly tormented us with their
stings.* We soon met with several places where the ship might conveniently be laid
ashore; but to our great disappointment we could find no fresh water. We proceeded
however up the country, where we found gum trees like those that we had seen
before, and observed that here also the gum was in very small quantities. Upon the
branches of these trees, and some others, we found ants nests, made of clay, as
big as a bushel, something like those described in Sir Hans Sloan's Natural
History of Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 221, tab. 258, but not so smooth: the ants which
inhabited these nests were small, and their bodies white. But upon another species
of the tree we found a small black ant, which perforated all the twigs, and having
worked out the pith, occupied the pipe which had contained it; yet the parts in
which these insects had thus formed a lodgment, and in which they swarmed in
amazing numbers, bore leaves and flowers, and appeared to be in as flourishing a
state as those that were sound. We found also an incredible number of butterflies,
so that for the space of three or four acres the air was so crowded with them that
millions were to be seen in every direction, at the same time that every branch
and twig was covered with others that were not upon the wing. We found here also a
small fish of a singular kind; it was about the size of a minnow, and had two very
strong breast fins: we found it in places that were quite dry, where we supposed
it might have been left by the tide; but it did not seem to have become languid by
the want of water; for upon our approach it leaped away, by the help of the breast
fins, as nimbly as a frog: neither indeed did it seem to prefer water to land; for
when we found it in the water, it frequently leaped out, and pursued its way upon
dry ground: we also observed that when it was in places where small stones were
standing above the surface of the water at a little distance from
each other,* it chose rather to leap from stone to stone, than to pass through the
water; and we saw several of them pass entirely over puddles in this manner, till
they came to dry ground, and then leap away.
In the afternoon we renewed our search after fresh water, but without
success; and therefore I determined to make my stay here but short: however,
having observed from an eminence that the inlet penetrated a considerable way into
the country, I determined to trace it in the morning.
*At sun-rise I went ashore, and climbing a considerable hill, I took a
view of the coast and the islands that lie off it, with their bearings, having an
azimuth compass with me for that purpose; but I observed that the needle differed
very considerably in its position, even to thirty degrees, in some places more, in
others less; and once I found it differ from itself no less than two points in the
distance of fourteen feet. I took up some of the loose stones that lay upon the
ground, and applied them to the needle, but they produced no effect; and I
therefore concluded that there was iron ore in the hills, of which I had remarked
other indications both here, and in the neighbouring parts. After I had made my
observations upon the hill, I proceeded with Dr. Solander up
the inlet; I set out with the first of the flood, and long before high-water I had
advanced above eight leagues. Its breadth thus far was from two to five miles,
upon a S. W. by S. direction; but here it opened every way, and formed a large
lake, which to the N. W. communicated with the sea; and I not only saw the sea in
this direction, but found the tide of flood coming strongly in from that point: I
also observed an arm of this lake extending to the eastward, and it is not
improbable that it may communicate with the sea in the bottom of the
bay,* which lies to the westward of Cape Townshend. On the south side of the lake
is a ridge of high hills which I was very desirous to climb; but it being
high-water, and the day far spent, I was afraid of being bewildered among the
shoals in the night, especially as the weather was dark and rainy; and therefore I
made the best of my way to the ship. In this excursion I saw only two people, and
they were at a distance; they followed the boat along the shore a good way, but
the tide running strongly in my favour I could not prudently wait for them: I saw
however several fires in one direction, and smoke in another, but they also were
at a distance. While I was tracing the inlet with Dr.
Solander, Mr. Banks was endeavouring to
penetrate into the country, where several of the people who had leave to go ashore
were also rambling about. Mr. Banks and his party found their
course obstructed by a swamp, covered with mangroves, which however they resolved
to pass; the mud was almost knee deep, yet they resolutely went on; but before
they got half way, they repented of their undertaking: the bottom was covered with
branches of trees interwoven with each other, sometimes they kept their footing
upon them, sometimes their feet slipt through, and sometimes they were so
entangled among them, that they were forced to free themselves by groping in the
mud and slime with their hands. In about an hour however they crossed it, and
judged it might be about a quarter of a mile over. After a short walk they came up
to a place where there had been four small sires, and near them some shells and
bones of fish, that had been roasted: they found also heaps of grass laid
together, where four or five people appeared to have slept. The Second Lieutenant,
Mr. Gore, who was at another place, saw a little water lying in the bottom of a
gully, and near it the track of a large animal: some bustards were also seen, but
none of them shot,* nor any other bird except a few of the beautiful
loriquets which we had seen in Botany Bay. Mr. Gore, and
one of the midshipmen, who were in different places, said that they had heard the
voices of Indians near them, but had seen none: the country in general appeared
sandy and barren, and being destitute of fresh water, it cannot be supposed to
have any settled inhabitants. The deep gullies, which were worn by torrents from
the hills, prove, that at certains seasons the rains here are very copious and
heavy.
The inlet in which the ship lay I called THIRSTY SOUND, because it
afforded us no fresh water. It lies in latitude 22° 10′ S. and
longitude 210° 18′ W.; and may be known by a group of small islands
lying under the shore, from two to five leagues distant, in the direction of N. W.
and by another group of islands that lie right before it, between three and four
leagues out at sea. Over each of the points that form the entrance is a high round
hill, which on the N. W. is a peninsula that at high-water is surrounded by the
sea: they are bold to both the shores, and the distance between them is about two
miles. In this inlet is good anchorage in seven, six, five, and four fathom; and
places very convenient for laying a ship down, where, at spring-tides, the water
does not rise less than sixteen or eighteen feet. The tide flows at the full and
change of the moon about eleven o'clock. I have already observed that here is no
fresh water, nor could we procure refreshment of any other kind: we saw two
turtles, but we were not able to take either of them: neither did we catch either
fish or wild-fowl, except a few small land-birds: we saw indeed the same sorts of
water-fowl as in Botany Bay, but they were so shy that we
could not get a shot at them.
As I had not therefore a single inducement to stay longer in this place,*
I weighed anchor at six o'clock in the morning of Thursday the
31st of May, and put to sea.* We stood to the N. W. with a fresh
breeze at S. S. E. and kept without the group of islands that lie in shore, and to
the N. W. of Thirsty Sound, as there appeared to be no safe passage between them
and the main: at the same time we had a number of islands without us, extending as
far as we could see: during our run in this direction our depth of water was ten,
eight, and nine fathom. At noon, the west point of Thirsty Sound, which I have
called PIER HEAD, bore S. 36 E. distant five leagues; the east point of the other
inlet, which communicates with the Sound, bore S. by W. distant two leagues; the
group of islands just mentioned lay between us and the point, and the farthest
part of the main in sight, on the other side of the inlet, bore N. W. Our latitude
by observation was 21° 53′. At half an hour after twelve, the boat,
which was sounding ahead, made the signal for shoal water, and we immediately
hauled our wind to the N. E. At this time we had seven fathom, at the next cast
five, and at the next three, upon which we instantly dropped an anchor, that
brought the ship up. Pier Head, the north west point of Thirsty-sound, bore S. E.
distant six leagues, being half-way between the islands which lie off the east
point of the western inlet, and three small islands which lie directly without
them. It was now the first of the flood, which we found to set N. W. by W. ½ W.;
and having sounded about the shoal, upon which we had three fathom, and found deep
water all round it, we got under sail, and having hauled round the three islands
that have been just mentioned, came to an anchor under the Ice of them, in fifteen
fathom water; and the weather being dark, hazy, and rainy, we remained there till
seven o'clock in the morning.* At this time we got again under fail, and stood to
the N. W. with a fresh breeze at S. S. E.; having the main land in sight, and a
number of islands all round us,* some of which lay out at sea as far
as the eye could reach. The western inlet, which in the chart is distinguished by
the name of Broad Sound, we had now all open; at the entrance, it is at least nine
or ten leagues wide: in it, and before it, lie several islands, and probably
shoals also; for our soundings were very irregular, varying suddenly from ten to
four fathom. At noon, our latitude by observation was 21° 29′ S.; a
point of land which forms the north west entrance into Broad Sound, and which I
have named CAPE PALMERSTON, lying in latitude 21° 30′, longitude
210° 54′ W. bore W. by N. distant three leagues. Our latitude was
21′ 27′, our longitude 210° 57′. Between this Cape and Cape Townshend
lies the bay which I have called the BAY OF INLETS. We continued to stand to the
N. W. and N. W. by N. as the land lay, under an easy sail, having a boat ahead to
sound: at first the soundings were very irregular, from nine to four fathom; but
afterwards they were regular, from nine to eleven. At eight in the evening, being
about two leagues from the main land, we anchored in eleven fathom, with a sandy
bottom; and soon after we found the tide setting with a slow motion to the
westward. At one o'clock it was slack, or low-water; and at half an hour after two
the ship tended to the eastward, and rode so till six in the morning,* when the
tide had risen eleven feet. We now got under sail, and stood away in the direction
of the coast, N. N. W. From what we had observed of the tide during the night, it
is plain, that the flood came from the N. W.; whereas the preceding day, and
several days before, it came from the S. E.; nor was this the first, or even
second time that we had remarked the same thing. At sun-rise this morning, we
found the variation to be 6° 45′ E.; and in steering along the shore,
between the island and the main, at the distance of about two leagues from the
main, and three or four from the island,* our soundings were regular
from twelve to nine fathom; but about eleven o'clock in the forenoon we were again
embarrassed with shoal water, having at one time not more than three fathom; yet
we got clear, without casting anchor. At noon we were about two leagues from the
main, and four from the islands without us. Our latitude by observation was
20° 56′, and a high promontory, which I named CAPE HILLSBOROUGH,
bore W. ½ N. distant seven miles. The land here is diversified by mountains,
hills, plains, and valleys, and seems to be well clothed with herbage and wood:
the islands which lie parallel to the coast, and from five to eight or nine miles
distant, are of various height and extent; scarcely any of them are more than five
leagues in circumference, and many are not four miles: besides this chain of
islands, which lies at a distance from the coast, there are others much less,
which lie under the land, from which we saw smoke rising in different places. We
continued to steer along the shore at the distance of about two leagues, with
regular soundings from nine to ten fathom. At sun-set, the farthest point of the
main bore N. 48 W. and to the northward of this lay some high land, which I took
to be an island, and of which the north west point bore 41 W.; but not being sure
of a passage, I came to an anchor about eight o'clock in the evening, in ten
fathom water, with a muddy bottom. About ten we had a tide setting to the
northward, and at two it had fallen nine feet; after this it began to rise, and
the flood came from the northward, in the direction of the islands which lay out
to sea; a plain indication that there was no passage to the N. W. This however had
not appeared at day-break,* when we got under sail and stood to the N. W. At eight
o'clock in the morning, we discovered low land quite across what we took for an
opening, which proved to be a bay, about five or six leagues deep;*
upon this we hauled our wind to the eastward round the north point of the bay,
which at this time bore from us N. E. by N. distant four leagues: from this point
we found the land trend way N. by W. ½ W. and a streight or passage between it and
a large island, or islands, lying parallel to it. Having the tide of ebb in our
favour, we stood for this passage; and at noon were just within the entrance: our
latitude by observation was 20° 26′ S.; Cape Hillsborough bore S. by E.
distant ten leagues; and the north point of the bay S. 19 W. distant four miles.
This point, which I named CAPE CONWAY, lies in latitude 26° 36′ S.
longitude 211° 28′ W.; and the bay which lies between this Cape and
Cape Hillsborough I called REPULSE BAY. The greatest depth of water which we found
in it was thirteen fathom, and the least eight. In all parts there was safe
anchorage, and I believe that, upon proper examination, some good harbours would
be found in it; especially at the north side within Cape Conway; for just within
that Cape there lie two or three small islands, which alone would shelter that
side of the bay from the southerly and south easterly winds, that seem to prevail
here as a Trade. Among the many islands that lie upon this coast, there is one
more remarkable than the rest; it is of a small circuit, very high and peaked, and
lies E. by S. ten miles from Cape Conway, at the south end of the passage. In the
afternoon, we steered through this passage, which we found to be from three to
seven miles broad, and eight or nine leagues in length, N. by W. ½ W., S. by E. ½
E. It is formed by the main on the west, and by the islands on the east, one of
which is at least five leagues in length: our depth of water in running through
was from twenty to five and twenty fathom, with good anchorage every where, and
the whole passage may be considered as one safe harbour, exclusive of the small
bays and coves which abound on each side, where ships might lie as
in a bason.* The land both upon the main and islands is high, and diversified by
hill and valley, wood and lawn, with a green and pleasant appearance. On one of
the islands we discovered with our glasses two men and a woman, and a canoe with
an outrigger, which appeared to be larger, and of a construction very different
from those of bark tied together at the ends, which we had seen upon other parts
of the coast; we hoped therefore that the people here had made some farther
advances beyond mere animal life than those that we had seen before. At six
o'clock in the evening, we were nearly the length of the north end of the passage;
the north westermost point of the main in sight bore N. 54 W. and the north end of
the island N. N. E. with an open sea between the two points. As this passage was
discovered on Whitsunday, I called it WHITSUNDAY's PASSAGE, and I called the
islands that form it CUMBERLAND ISLANDS, in honour of his Royal Highness the Duke.
We kept under an easy sail, with the lead going all night, being at the distance
of about three leagues from the shore, and having from twenty-one to twenty-three
fathom water. Ar day-break,* we were abreast of the point which had been the
farthest in sight to the north west the evening before, which I named CAPE
GLOUCESTER. It is a lofty promontory, in latitude 19° 59′ S. longitude
211° 49′ W. and may be known by an island which lies out at sea N.
by W. ½ W. at the distance of five or six leagues from it, and which I called
HOLBORNE ISLE; there are also islands lying under the land between Holborne Isle,
and Whitsunday's Passage. On the west side of Cape Gloucester the land trends away
S. W. and S. S. W. and forms a deep bay, the bottom of which I could but just see
from the mast-head: it is very low, and a continuation of the low land which we
had seen at the bottom of Repulse Bay. This bay I called EDGCUMBE BAY, but without staying to look into it,* we continued our course to the westward,
for the farthest land we could see in that direction, which bore W. by N. ½ N. and
appeared very high. At noon, we were about three leagues from the shore, by
observation in latitude 19° 47′ S. and Cape Gloucester bore S. 63 E.
distant seven leagues and an half. At six in the evening, we were abreast of the
westermost point just mentioned, at about three miles distance, and because it
rises abruptly from the low lands which surround it, I called it CAPE UPSTART. It
lies in latitude 19° 39′ S. longitude 212° 32′ W. fourteen
leagues W. N. W. from Cape Gloucester, and is of a height sufficient to be seen at
the distance of twelve leagues: inland there are some high hills or mountains,
which, like the Cape, afford but a barren prospect. Having passed this Cape, we
continued standing to the W. N. W. as the land lay, under an easy sail, having
from sixteen to ten fathom,* till two o'clock in the morning, when we fell into
seven fathom; upon which we hauled our wind to the northward, judging ourselves to
be very near land: at day-break, we found our conjecture to be true, being within
little more than two leagues of it. In this part of the coast the land, being very
low, is nearer than it appears to be, though it is diversified with here and there
a hill. At noon, we were about four leagues from the land, in fifteen fathom
water, and our latitude, by observation, was 19° 12′ S. Cape Upstart
bearing S. 32° 30′ E. distant twelve leagues. About this time some very
large columns of smoke were seen rising from the low lands. At sun-set, the
preceding night, when we were close under Cape Upstart, the variation was nearly
9° E. and at sun-rise this day, it was no more than 5°
35′; I judged therefore that it had been influenced by iron ore, or other
magnetical matter, contained under the surface of the earth.
We continued to steer W. N. W. as the land lay,* with twelve or
fourteen fathom water, till noon on the 6th, when our latitude, by
observation, was if 19° 1′ S. and we had the mouth of a bay all open,
extending from S. ½ E. to S. W. ½ S. distant two leagues. This bay, which I named
CLEAVELAND BAY, appeared to be about five or six miles in extent every way: the
east point I named CAPE CLEAVELAND, and the west, which had the appearance of an
island, MAGNETICAL ISLE, as we perceived that the compass did not traverse well
when we were near it: they are both high, and so is the main land within them, the
whole forming a surface the most rugged, rocky, and barren of any we had seen upon
the coast; it was not however without inhabitants, for we saw smoke in several
parts of the bottom of the bay. The northermost land that was in fight at this
time, bore N. W. and it had the appearance of an island, for we could not trace
the main land farther than W. by N. We steered W. N. W. keeping the main land on
board, the outermost part of which, at sun-set, bore W. by N. but without it lay
high land, which we judged not to be part of it.* At daybreak, we were abreast of
the eastern part of this land, which we found to be a group of islands, lying
about five leagues from the main: at this time, being between the two shores, we
advanced slowly to the N. W. till noon, when our latitude, by observation, was
18° 49′ S. and our distance from the main about five leagues: the
north west part of it bore from us N. by W. ½ W. the islands extending from N. to
E. and the nearest being distant about two miles: Cape Cleaveland bore S. 50 E.
distant eighteen leagues. Our soundings, in the course that we had sailed between
this time and the preceding noon, were from fourteen to eleven fathom.
In the afternoon, we saw several large columns of smoke upon the main; we
saw also some people and canoes, and upon one of the islands what
had the appearance of cocoa nut-trees:* as a few of these nuts would now have been
very acceptable, I sent Lieutenant Hicks ashore, and with him went Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, to see what refreshment
could be procured, while I kept standing in for the island with the ship. About
seven o'clock in the evening they returned, with an account that what we had taken
for cocoa nut-trees, were a small kind of cabbage palm, and that, except about
fourteen or fifteen plants, they had met with nothing worth bringing away. While
they were ashore, they saw none of the people, but just as they had put off, one
of them came very near the beach, and shouted with a loud voice; it was so dark
that they could not see him, however they turned towards the shore, but when he
heard the boat putting back, he ran away or hid himself, for they could not get a
glimpse of him, and though they shouted he made no reply. After the return of the
boats, we stood away N. by W. for the northermost land in fight, of which we were
abreast at three o'clock in the morning,* having passed all the islands three or
four hours before. This land, on account of its figure, I named POINT HILLOCK: it
is of a considerable height, and may be known by a round hillock, or rock, which
joins to the Point, but appears to be detached from it. Between this Cape and
Magnetical Isle the shore forms a large bay, which I called HALIFAX BAY: before it
lay the group of islands which has been just mentioned, and some others, at a less
distance from the shore. By these islands the Bay is sheltered from all winds, and
it affords good anchorage. The land near the beach, in the bottom of the Bay, is
low and woody, but farther back it is one continued ridge of high land, which
appeared to be barren and rocky. Having passed Point Hillock, we continued
standing to the N. N. W. as the land trended, having the advantage of a light moon. At six,* we were abreast of a point of land which lies N. by W.
½ W. distant eleven miles from Point Hillock, which I named CAPE SANDWICH. Between
these two points the land is very high, and the surface is craggy and barren. Cape
Sandwich may be known not only by the high craggy land over it, but by a small
island which lies east of it, at the distance of a mile, and some others that lie
about two leagues to the northward. From Cape Sandwich the land trends W. and
afterwards N. forming a fine large bay, which I called ROCKINGHAM BAY, where there
appears to be good shelter, and good anchorage, but I did not stay to examine it:
I kept ranging along the shore to the northward, for a cluster of small islands,
which lie off the northern point of the Bay. Between the three outermost of these
islands, and those near the shore, I found a channel of about a mile broad,
through which I passed, and upon one of the nearest islands we saw with our
glasses about thirty of the natives, men, women, and children, all standing
together, and looking with great attention at the ship; the first instance of
curiosity that we had seen among them: they were all stark naked, with short hair,
and of the same complexion with those that we had seen before. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 17° 59′, and we were abreast of the north
point of Rockingham Bay, which bore from us W. at the distance of about two miles.
This boundary of the Bay is formed by an island of considerable height, which in
the chart is distinguished by the name of DUNK ISLE, and which lies so near the
shore as not to be easily distinguished from it. Our longitude was 213° 57′
W. Cape Sandwich bore S. by E. ½ E. distant nineteen miles, and the
northermost land in sight N. ½ W.: our depth of water for the last ten hours had
not been more than sixteen, nor less than seven fathom. At sunset, the northern
extremity of the land bore N. 25 W. and we kept our course N. by W.
along the coast,* at the distance of between three and four leagues, with an easy
sail all night, having from twelve to fifteen fathom water.
*At six o'clock in the morning, we were abreast of some small islands,
which we called FRANKLAND's ISLES, and which lie about two leagues distant from
the main land. The most distant point in sight to the northward bore N. by W. ½ W.
and we thought it was part of the main, but afterwards found it to be an island of
considerable height, and about four miles in circuit. Between this island and a
point on the main, from which it is distant about two miles, I passed with the
ship. At noon, we were in the middle of the channel, and by observation in the
latitude of 16° 57′ S. with twenty fathom water. The point on the main,
of which we were now abreast, I called CAPE GRAFTON: its latitude is 16° 57′
S. and longitude 214° 6′ W. and the land here, as well as the
whole coast for about twenty leagues to the southward, is high, has a rocky
surface, and is thinly covered with wood: during the night we had seen several
sires, and about noon some people. Having hauled round Cape Grafton, we found the
land trend away N. W. by W. and three miles to the westward of the Cape we found a
bay, in which we anchored about two miles from the shore, in four fathom water
with an ouzey bottom. The east point of the bay bore S. 74 E. the west point S. 83
W. and a low, green, woody island, which lies in the offing, N. 35 E. This island,
which lies N. by E. ½ E. distant three or four leagues from Cape Grafton, is
called in the chart GREEN ISLAND.
As soon as the ship was brought to an anchor, I went ashore, accompanied
by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. As my
principal view was to procure some fresh water, and as the bottom of the bay was
low land covered with mangroves, where it was not probable fresh
water was to be found,* I went out towards the Cape, and found two small streams,
which however were rendered very difficult of access by the surf and rocks upon
the shore: I saw also, as I came round the Cape, a small stream of water run over
the beach, in a sandy cove, but I did not go in with the boat, because I saw that
it would not be easy to land. When we got ashore, we found the country every where
rising into steep rocky hills, and as no fresh water could conveniently be
procured, I was unwilling to lose time by going in search of lower land elsewhere:
we therefore made the best of our way back to the ship, and about midnight we
weighed and stood to the N. W. having but little wind, with some showers of rain.*
At four in the morning, the breeze freshened at S. by E. and the weather became
fair: we continued steering N. N. W. ½ W. as the land lay, at about three leagues
distance, with ten, twelve, and fourteen fathom water. At ten, we hauled off
north, in order to get without a small low island, which lay at about two leagues
distance from the main, and great part of which at this time, it being high water,
was overflowed: about three leagues to the north west of this island, close under
the main land, is another island, the land of which rises to a greater height, and
which at noon bore from us N. 55 W. distant seven or eight miles. At this time,
our latitude was 16° 20′ S. Cape Grafton bore S. 29 E. distant forty
miles, and the northermost point of land in sight N. 20 W.; our depth of water was
fifteen fathom. Between this point and Cape Grafton, the shore forms a large, but
not a very deep bay, which being discovered on Trinity Sunday, I called TRINITY
BAY.
CHAP. V.
Dangerous Situation of the Ship in her Course from Trinity
Bay to Endeavour River.
*HITHERTO we had safely navigated this dangerous coast, where the sea in
all parts conceals shoals that suddenly project from the shore, and rocks that
rise abruptly like a pyramid from the bottom, for an extent of two and twenty
degrees of latitude, more than one thousand three hundred miles; and therefore
hitherto none of the names which distinguish the several parts of the country that
we saw, are memorials of distress; but here we became acquainted with misfortune,
and we therefore called the point which we had just seen farthest to the
northward, CAPE TRIBULATION.
This Cape lies in latitude 16° 6′ S. and longitude 214°
39′ W. We steered along the shore N. by W. at the distance of between
three and four leagues, having from fourteen to twelve, and ten fathom water: in
the offing we saw two islands, which lie in latitude 16° S. and about
six or seven leagues from the main. At six in the evening, the northermost land in
sight bore N. by W. ½ W. and two low woody islands, which some of us took to be
rocks above water, bore N. ½ W. At this time we shortened sail, and hauled off
shore E. N. E. and N. E. by E. close upon a wind, for it was my design to stretch
off all night, as well to avoid the danger we saw ahead, as to see whether any
islands lay in the offing, especially as we were now near the
latitude assigned to the islands which were discovered by
Quiros,* and which some geographers, for what reason I
know not, have thought fit to join to this land. We had the advantage of a fine
breeze, and a clear moonlight night, and in standing off from six till near nine
o'clock, we deepened our water from fourteen to twenty-one fathom, but while we
were at supper it suddenly shoaled, and we fell into twelve, ten, and eight
fathom, within the space of a few minutes; I immediately ordered every body to
their station, and all was ready to put about and come to an anchor, but meeting
at the next cast of the lead with deep water again, we concluded that we had gone
over the tail of the shoals which we had seen at sun-set, and that all danger was
past: before ten, we had twenty and one and twenty fathom, and this depth
continuing, the gentlemen left the deck in great tranquility, and went to bed; but
a few minutes before eleven, the water shallowed at once from twenty to seventeen
fathom, and before the lead could be cast again, the ship struck, and remained
immoveable, except by the heaving of the surge, that beat her against the craggs
of the rock upon which she lay. In a few moments every body was upon the deck,
with countenances which sufficiently expressed the horrors of our situation. We
had stood off the shore three hours and a half, with a pleasant breeze, and
therefore knew that we could not be very near it, and we had too much reason to
conclude that we were upon a rock of coral, which is more fatal than any other,
because the points of it are sharp, and every part of the surface so rough as to
grind away whatever is rubbed against it, even with the gentlest motion. In this
situation all the sails were immediately taken in, and the boats hoisted out to
examine the depth of water round the ship: we soon discovered that our fears had
not aggravated our misfortune, and that the vessel had been lifted
over a ledge of the rock,* and lay in a hollow within it: in some places there was
from three to four fathom, and in others not so many feet. The ship lay with her
head to the N. E.; and at the distance of about thirty yards on the starboard
side, the water deepened to eight, ten, and twelve fathom. As soon as the
long-boat was out, we struck our yards and top-masts, and carried out the stream
anchor on the starboard bow, got the coasting anchor and cable into the boat, and
were going to carry it out the same way; but upon sounding a second time round the
ship, the water was found to be deepest astern: the anchor therefore was carried
out from the starboard quarter instead of the starboard bow, that is, from the
stern instead of the head, and having taken ground, our utmost force was applied
to the capstern, hoping that if the anchor did not come home, the ship would be
got off, but to our great misfortune and disappointment we could not move her:
during all this time she continued to beat with great violence against the rock,
so that it was with the utmost difficulty that we kept upon our legs; and to
complete the scene of distress, we saw by the light of the moon the sheathing
boards from the bottom of the vessel floating away all round her, and at last her
false keel, so that every moment was making way for the sea to rush in which was
to swallow us up. We had now no chance but to lighten her, and we had lost the
opportunity of doing that to the greatest advantage, for unhappily we went on
shore just at high water, and by this time it had considerably fallen, so that
after she should be lightened so as to draw as much less water as the water had
sunk, we should be but in the same situation as at first; and the only alleviation
of this circumstance was, that as the tide ebbed the ship settled to the rocks,
and was not beaten against them with so much violence. We had indeed some hope
from the next tide,* but it was doubtful whether she would hold
together so long, especially as the rock kept grating her bottom under the
starboard bow with such force as to be heard in the fore store-room. This however
was no time to indulge conjecture, nor was any effort remitted in despair of
success: that no time might be lost, the water was immediately started in the
hold, and pumped up; six of our guns, being all we had upon the deck, our iron and
stone ballast, casks, hoop staves, oil jars, decayed stores, and many other things
that lay in the way of heavier materials, were thrown overboard with the utmost
expedition, every one exerting himself with an alacrity almost approaching to
cheerfulness, without the least repining or discontent; yet the men were so far
imprest with a sense of their situation, that not an oath was heard among them,
the habit of profaneness, however strong, being instantly subdued, by the dread of
incurring guilt when death seemed to be so near.
While we were thus employed, day broke upon us,* and we saw the land at
about eight leagues distance, without any island in the intermediate space, upon
which, if the ship should have gone to pieces, we might have been set ashore by
the boats, and from which they might have taken us by different turns to the main:
the wind however gradually died away, and early in the forenoon it was a dead
calm; if it had blown hard, the ship must inevitably have been destroyed. At
eleven in the forenoon we expected high water, and anchors were got out, and every
thing made ready for another effort to heave her off if she should float, but to
our inexpressible surprize and concern she did not float by a foot and a half,
though we had lightened her near fifty ton, so much did the day-tide fall short of
that in the night. We now proceeded to lighten her still more, and threw overboard
every thing that it was possible for us to spare:* hitherto she had
not admitted much water, but as the tide fell, it rushed in so fast, that two
pumps, incessantly worked, could scarcely keep her free. At two o'clock, she lay
heeling two or three streaks to starboard, and the pinnace, which lay under her
bows, touched the ground: we had now no hope but from the tide at midnight, and to
prepare for it we carried out our two bower anchors, one on the starboard quarter,
and the other right a-stern, got the blocks and tackle which were to give us a
purchase upon the cables in order, and brought the falls, or ends of them, in
abaft, straining them tight, that the next effort might operate upon the ship, and
by shortening the length of the cable between that and the anchors, draw her off
the ledge upon which she rested, towards the deep water. About five o'clock in the
afternoon, we observed the tide begin to rise, but we observed at the same time
that the leak increased to a most alarming degree, so that two more pumps were
manned, but unhappily only one of them would work: three of the pumps however were
kept going, and at nine o'clock the ship righted, but the leak had gained upon us
so considerably, that it was imagined she must go to the bottom as soon as she
ceased to be supported by the rock: this was a dreadful circumstance, so that we
anticipated the floating of the ship not as an earnest of deliverance, but as an
event that would probably precipitate our destruction. We well knew that our boats
were not capable of carrying us all on shore, and that when the dreadful crisis
should arrive, as all command and subordination would be at an end, a contest for
preference would probably ensue, that would increase the horrors even of
shipwreck, and terminate in the destruction of us all by the hands of each other;
yet we knew that if any should be left on board to perish in the waves, they would
probably suffer less upon the whole than those who should get on
shore,* without any lasting or effectual defence against the natives, in a
country, where even nets and firearms would scarcely furnish them with food; and
where, if they should find the means of subsistence, they must be condemned to
languish out the remainder of life in a desolate wilderness, without the
possession, or even hope, of any domestic comfort, and cut off from all commerce
with mankind, except the naked savages who prowled the desert, and who perhaps
were some of the most rude and uncivilized upon the earth.
To those only who have waited in a state of such suspense, death has
approached in all his terrors; and as the dreadful moment that was to determine
our fate came on, every one saw his own sensations pictured in the countenances of
his companions: however, the capstan and windlace were manned with as many hands
as could be spared from the pumps, and the ship floating about twenty minutes
after ten o'clock, the effort was made, and she was heaved into deep water. It was
some comfort to find that she did not now admit more water than she had done upon
the rock; and though, by the gaining of the leak upon the pumps, there was no less
than three feet nine inches water in the hold, yet the men did not relinquish
their labour, and we held the water as it were at bay; but having now endured
excessive fatigue of body and agitation of mind for more than four and twenty
hours, and having but little hope of succeeding at last, they began to flag: none
of them could work at the pump more than five or six minutes together, and then,
being totally exhausted, they threw themselves down upon the deck, though a stream
of water was running over it from the pumps between three and four inches deep;
when those who succeeded them had worked their spell, and were exhausted in their
turn, they threw themselves down in the same manner, and the others
started up again,* and renewed their labour; thus relieving each other till an
accident was very near putting an end to their efforts at once. The planking which
lines the inside of the ship's bottom is called the cieling, and between this, and
the outside planking, there is a space of about eighteen inches: the man who till
this time had attended the well to take the depth of water, had taken it only to
the cieling, and gave the measure accordingly; but he being now relieved, the
person who came in his stead, reckoned the depth to the outside planking, by which
it appeared in a few minutes to have gained upon the pumps eighteen inches, the
difference between the planking without and within. Upon this, even the bravest
was upon the point of giving up his labour with his hope, and in a few minutes
every thing would have been involved in all the confusion of despair. But this
accident, however dreadful in its first consequences, was eventually the cause of
our preservation: the mistake was soon detected, and the sudden joy which every
man felt upon finding his situation better than his fears had suggested, operated
like a charm, and seemed to possess him with a strong belief that scarcely any
real danger remained. New confidence and new hope, however founded, inspired new
vigour; and though our state was the same as when the men first began to slacken
in their labour, through weariness and despondency, they now renewed their efforts
with such alacrity and spirit, that before eight o'clock in the morning the leak
was so far from having gained upon the pumps, that the pumps had gained
considerably upon the leak. Every body now talked of getting the ship into some
harbour, as a thing not to be doubted, and as hands could be spared from the
pumps, they were employed in getting up the anchors: the stream anchor and best
bower we had taken on board; but it was found impossible to save the little bower,
and therefore it was cut away at a whole cable:* we lost also the
cable of the stream anchor among the rocks; but in our situation these were
trifles which scarcely attracted our notice. Our next business was to get up the
fore-topmast and fore-yard, and warp the ship to the southeast, and at eleven,
having now a breeze from the sea, we once more got under sail and stood for the
land.
It was however impossible long to continue the labour by which the pumps
had been made to gain upon the leak, and as the exact situation of it could not be
discovered, we had no hope of stopping it within. In this situation, Mr.
Monkhouse,* one of my midshipmen, came to me and proposed an expedient that he had
once seen used on board a merchant ship, which sprung a leak that admitted above
four feet water an hour, and which by this expedient was brought safely from
Virginia to London; the master having such confidence in it, that he took her out
of harbour, knowing her condition, and did not think it worth while to wait till
the leak could be otherwise stopped. To this man, therefore, the care of the
expedient, which is called fothering the ship, was immediately committed, four or
five of the people being appointed to assist him, and he performed it in this
manner: He took a lower studding sail, and having mixed together a large quantity
of oakham and wool, chopped pretty small, he stitched it down in handfuls upon the
sail, as lightly as possible, and over this he spread the dung of our sheep and
other filth; but horse dung, if we had had it, would have been better. When the
sail was thus prepared, it was hauled under the ship's bottom by ropes, which kept
it extended, and when it came under the leak, the suction which carried in the
water, carried in with it the oakham and wool from the surface of the sail, which
in other parts the water was not sufficiently agitated to wash off.*
By the success of this expedient our leak was so far reduced, that instead of
gaining upon three pumps, it was easily kept under with one. This was a new source
of confidence and comfort; the people could scarcely have expressed more joy if
they had been already in port; and their views were so far from being limited to
running the ship ashore in some harbour, either of an island or the main, and
building a vessel out of her materials, to carry us to the East Indies, which had
so lately been the utmost object of our hope, that nothing was now thought of but
ranging along the shore in search of a convenient place to repair the damage she
had sustained, and then prosecuting the voyage upon the same plan as if nothing
had happened. Upon this occasion I must observe, both in justice and gratitude to
the ship's company, and the Gentlemen on board, that although in the midst of our
distress every one seemed to have a just sense of his danger, yet no passionate
exclamations, or frantic gestures, were to be heard or seen; every one appeared to
have the perfect possession of his mind, and every one exerted himself to the
uttermost, with a quiet and patient perseverance, equally distant from the
tumultuous violence of terror, and the gloomy inactivity of despair.
In the mean time, having light airs at E.S.E. we got up the main-topmast,
and main-yard, and kept edging in for the land, till about six o'clock in the
evening, when we came to an anchor in seventeen fathom water, at the distance of
seven leagues from the shore, and one from the ledge of rocks upon which we had
struck.
This ledge or shoal lies in latitude 15° 45′ S. and between six
and seven leagues from the main. It is not however the only shoal on this part of
the coast, especially to the northward; and at this time we saw one
to the southward,* the tail of which we passed over, when we had uneven soundings
about two hours before we struck. A part of this shoal is always above water, and
has the appearance of white sand: a part also of that upon which we had lain is
dry at low water, and in that place consists of sand stones; but all the rest of
it is a coral rock.
While we lay at anchor for the night, we found that the ship made about
fifteen inches water an hour, from which no immediate danger was to be
apprehended; and at six o'clock in the morning,* we weighed and stood to the N. W.
still edging in for the land with a gentle breeze at S. S. E. At nine we passed
close without two small islands that lie in latitude 15° 41′ S. and
about four leagues from the main: to reach these islands had, in the height of our
distress, been the object of our hope, or perhaps rather of our wishes, and
therefore I called them HOPE ISLANDS. At noon we were about three leagues from the
land, and in latitude 15° 37′ S.; the northermost part of the main in
sight bore N. 30 W.; and Hope Islands extended from S. 30 E. to S. 40 E. In this
situation we had twelve fathom water, and several sand-banks without us. At this
time the leak had not increased; but that we might be prepared for all events, we
got the sail ready for another fothering. In the afternoon, having a gentle breeze
at S. E. by E. I sent out the Master with two boats, as well to sound ahead of the
ship, as to look out for a harbour where we might repair our defects, and put the
ship in a proper trim. At three o'clock, we saw an opening that had the appearance
of an harbour, and stood off and on while the boats examined it; but they soon
found that there was not depth of water in it sufficient for the ship. When it was
near sunset, there being many shoals about us, we anchored in four
fathom,* at the distance of about two miles from the shore, the land extending
from N. ½ E. to S. by E. ½ E. The pinnace was still out with one of the mates; but
at nine o'clock she returned, and reported, that about two leagues to leeward she
had discovered just such a harbour as we wanted, in which there was a sufficient
rise of water, and every other convenience that could be desired, either for
laying the ship ashore, or heaving her down.
In consequence of this information, I weighed at six o'clock in the
morning,* and having sent two boats ahead, to lie upon the shoals that we saw in
our way, we ran down to the place; but notwithstanding our precaution, we were
once in three fathom water. As soon as these shoals were passed, I sent the boats
to lie in the channel that led to the harbour, and by this time it began to blow.
It was happy far us that a place of refuge was at hand; for we soon found that the
ship would not work, having twice missed stays: our situation, however, though it
might have been much worse, was not without danger; we were entangled among
shoals, and I had great reason to fear being driven to leeward, before the boats
could place themselves so as to prescribe our course. I therefore anchored in four
fathom, about a mile from the shore, and then made the signal for the boats to
come on board. When this was done I went myself and buoyed the channel, which I
found very narrow; the harbour also I found smaller than I expected, but most
excellently adapted to our purpose; and it is remarkable, that in the whole course
of our voyage we had seen no place which, in our present circumstances, could have
afforded us the same relief. At noon, our latitude was 15° 26′ S.
During all the rest of this day, and the whole night, it blew too fresh for us to
venture from our anchor and run into the harbour; and for our
farther security, we got down the top-gallant yards,* unbent the mainsail and some
of the small sails; got down the fore-top-gallant mast, and the gibb boom, and
sprit-sail, with a view to lighten the ship forwards as much as possible, in order
to come at her leak, which we supposed to be somewhere in that part; for in all
the joy of our unexpected deliverance, we had not forgot that at this time there
was nothing but a lock of wool between us and destruction. The gale continuing, we
kept our station all the 15th.* On the 16th, it was
somewhat more moderate;* and about six o'clock in the morning, we hove the cable
short, with a design to get under sail, but were obliged to desist, and veer it
out again. It is remarkable that the sea breeze, which blew fresh when we
anchored, continued to do so almost every day while we stayed here; it was calm
only while we were upon the rock, except once; and even the gale that afterwards
wafted us to the shore, would then certainly have beaten us to pieces. In the
evening of the preceding day, we had observed a fire near the beach over against
us; and as it would be necessary for us to stay sometime in this place, we were
not without hope of making an acquaintance with the people. We saw more fires upon
the hills to-day, and with our glasses discovered four Indians going along the
shore, who stopped, and made two fires; but for what purpose it was impossible we
should guess.
The scurvy now began to make its appearance among us, with many formidable
symptoms. Our poor Indian, Tupia, who had some time before
complained that his gums were sore and swelled, and who had taken plentifully of
our lemon juice by the Surgeon's direction, had now livid spots upon his legs, and
other indubitable testimonies that the disease had made a rapid progress,
notwithstanding all our remedies, among which the bark had been liberally
administered. Mr. Green,* our astronomer, was also declining; and
these, among other circumstances, imbittered the delay which prevented our going
ashore.
*In the morning of the 17th, though the wind was still fresh,
we ventured to weigh, and push in for the harbour; but in doing this we twice run
the ship aground: the first time she went off without any trouble, but the second
time she stuck fast. We now got down the fore yard, fore topmasts, and booms, and
taking them overboard, made a raft of them alongside of the ship. The tide was
happily rising, and about one o'clock in the afternoon, she floated. We soon
warped her into the harbour, and having moored her alongside of a steep beach to
the south, we got the anchors, cables, and all the hawsers on shore before night.
[illustration]
CHAP. VI.
Transactions while the Ship was refitting in Endeavour
River: A Description of the adjacent Country, its Inhabitants, and
Productions.
IN the morning of Monday the 18th,* a stage was made from the
ship to the shore, which was so bold that she floated at twenty feet distance: two
tents were also set up, one for the sick, and the other for stores and provisions,
which were landed in the course of the day. We also landed all the empty water
casks, and part of the stores. As soon as the tent for the sick was got ready for
their reception, they were sent ashore to the number of eight or nine, and the
boat was dispatch•d to haul the seine, in hopes of procuring some fish for the••
refreshment; but she returned without success. In the mean time, I climbed one of
the highest hills among those that overlooked the harbour, which afforded by no
means a comfortable prospect: the low land near the river is wholly over-run with
mangroves, among which the salt-water slows every tide; and the high land appeared
to be every where stoney and barren. In the mean time Mr.
Banks had also taken a walk up the country, and met with the frames
of several old Indian houses, and places where they had dressed shell-fish; but
they seemed not to have been frequented for some months.
Tupia, who had employed himself in angling, and lived
intirely upon what he caught, recovered in a surprising degree; but Mr.
Green still continued to be extremely ill.
*The next morning I got the four remaining guns out of the hold, and
mounted them upon the quarter-deck; I also got a spare anchor, and anchor-stock
ashore, and the remaining part of the stores and ballast that were in the hold:
set up the smith's forge, and employed the armourer and his mate to make nails and
other necessaries for the repair of the ship. In the afternoon, all the officers'
stores and the ground tier of water were got out; so that nothing remained in the
fore and main hold, but the coals, and a small quantity of stone ballast. This day
Mr. Banks crossed the river to take a view of the country
on the other side: he found it consist principally of sand-hills, where he saw
some Indian houses, which appeared to have been very lately inhabited. In his
walk, he met with vast flocks of pigeons and crows: of the pigeons, which were
exceedingly beautiful, he shot several; but the crows, which were exactly like
those in England, were so shy that he could not get within
reach of them.
*On the 20th, we landed the powder, and got out the stone
ballast and wood, which brought the ship's draught of water to eight feet ten
inches forward, and thirteen feet abaft; and this I thought, with the difference
that would be made by trimming the coals aft, would be sufficient; for I found
that the water rose and fell perpendicularly eight feet at the spring-tides: but
as soon as the coals were trimmed from over the leak, we could hear the water rush
in a little abaft the foremast, about three feet from the keel: this determined me
to clear the hold intirely. This evening, Mr. Banks observed
that in many parts of the inlet there were large quantities of pumice stones,
which lay at a considerable distance above high-water mark; whither they might
have been carried either by the freshes or extraordinary high tides, for there
could be no doubt but that they came from the sea.
The next morning we went early to work,* and by four o'clock in the
afternoon had got out all the coals, cast the moorings loose, and warped the ship
a little higher up the harbour to a place which I thought most convenient for
laying her ashore in order to stop the leak. Her draught of water forward was now
seven feet nine inches, and abaft thirteen feet six inches. At eight o'clock, it
being high-water, I hauled her bow close ashore; but kept her stern afloat,
because I was afraid of neiping her; it was however necessary to lay the whole of
her as near the ground as possible.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 22d, the tide left her,*
and gave us an opportunity to examine the leak, which we found to be at her floor
heads, a little before the starboard fore-chains. In this place the rocks had made
their way through four planks, and even into the timbers; three more planks were
much damaged, and the appearance of these breaches was very extraordinary: there
was not a splinter to be seen, but all was as smooth, as if the whole had been cut
away by an instrument: the timbers in this place were happily very close, and if
they had not, it would have been absolutely impossible to have saved the ship. But
after all, her preservation depended upon a circumstance still more remarkable: in
one of the holes, which was big enough to have sunk us, if we had had eight pumps
instead of four, and been able to keep them incessantly going, was in great
measure plugged up by a fragment of the rock, which, after having made the wound,
was left sticking in it; so that the water which at first bad gained upon our
pumps, was what came in at the interstices, between the stone and the edges of the
hole that received it. We found also several pieces of the fothering, which had
made their way between the timbers,* and in a great measure stopped
those parts of the leak which the stone had left open. Upon further examination,
we found that, besides the leak, considerable damage had been done to the bottom;
great part of the sheathing was gone from under the larboard bow; a considerable
part of the false keel was also wanting, and these indeed we had seen swim away in
fragments from the vessel, while she lay beating against the rock: the remainder
of it was in so shattered a condition that it had better have been gone, and the
fore foot and main keel were also damaged, but not so as to produce any immediate
danger: what damage she might have received abaft could not yet be exactly known,
but we had reason to think it was not much, as but little water made its way into
her bottom, while the tide kept below the leak which has already been described.
By nine o'clock in the morning the carpenters got to work upon her, while the
smiths were busy in making bolts and nails. In the mean time, some of the people
were sent on the other side of the water to shoot pigeons for the sick, who at
their return reported that they had seen an animal as large as a greyhound, of a
slender make, a mouse colour, and extremely swift; they discovered also many
Indian houses, and a fine stream of fresh water.
*The next morning, I sent a boat to haul the seine; but at noon it
returned with only three fish, and yet we saw them in plenty leaping about the
harbour. This day the carpenter finished the repairs that were necessary on the
starboard side; and at nine o'clock in the evening, we heeled the ship the other
way, and hauled her off about two feet for fear of neiping. This day almost every
body had seen the animal which the pigeon-shooters had brought an account of the
day before; and one of the seamen, who had been rambling in the woods, told us at
his return, that he verily believed
[illustration] he had seen the devil:* we naturally enquired
in what form he had appeared, and his answer was in so singular a stile that I
shall set down his own words; He was, says John, as large as a one gallon keg, and
very like it; he had horns and wings, yet he crept so slowly through the grass,
that if I had not been afeard I might have touched him. This formidable apparition
we afterwards discovered to have been a batt; and the batts here must be
acknowledged to have a frightful appearance, for they are nearly black, and full
as large as a partridge; they have indeed no horns, but the fancy of a man who
thought he saw the devil might easily supply that defect. Early on the
24th,* the carpenters began to repair the sheathing under the
larboard bow, where we found two planks cut about half through; and in the mean
time I sent a party of men, under the direction of Mr. Gore, in search of
refreshments for the sick: this party returned about noon with a few palm
cabbages, and a bunch or two of wild plantains; the plantains were the smallest I
had ever seen, and the pulp, though it was well tasted, was full of small stones.
As I was walking this morning at a little distance from the ship, I saw myself one
of the animals which had been so often described▪ it was of a light mouse colour,
and in size and shape very much resembling a greyhound; it had a long tail also,
which it carried like a greyhound; and I should have taken it for a wild dog, if
instead of running, it had not leapt like a hare or deer: its legs were said to be
very slender, and the print of its foot to be like that of a goat; but where I saw
it the grass was so high that the legs were concealed, and the ground was too hard
to receive the track. Mr. Banks also had an imperfect view of
this animal, and was of opinion that its species was hitherto unknown.
*After the ship was hauled ashore, all the water that came into her
of course went backwards; so that although she was dry forward, she had nine feet
water abaft: as in this part therefore her bottom could not be examined on the
inside, I took the advantage of the tide being out this evening to get the master
and two of the men to go under her, and examine her whole larboard side without.
They found the sheathing gone about the floor heads abreast of the mainmast, and
part of a plank a little damaged; but all agreed that she had received no other
material injury. The loss of her sheathing alone was a great misfortune, as the
worm would now be let into her bottom, which might expose us to great
inconvenience and danger; but as I knew no remedy for the mischief but heaving her
down, which would be a work of immense labour and long time, if practicable at ail
in our present situation, I was obliged to be content. The carpenters however
continued to work under her bottom in the evening till they were prevented by the
tide; the morning tide did not ebb out far enough to permit them to work at all,
for we had only one tolerable high and low tide in four and twenty hours, as
indeed we had experienced when we lay upon the rock. The position of the ship,
which threw the water in her abaft, was very near depriving the world of all the
knowlege which Mr. Banks had endured so much labour, and so
many risks, to procure; for he had removed the curious collection of plants which
he made during the whole voyage, into the bread room, which lies in the after part
of the ship, as a place of the greatest security; and nobody having thought of the
danger to which laying her head so much higher than the stern would expose them,
they were this day found under water. Most of them however were, by indefatigable
care and attention, restored to a state of preservation,* but some
were entirely spoilt and destroyed.
The 25th was employed in filling water and over-hauling the
rigging,* and at low water the carpenters finished the repairs under the larboard
bow, and every other place which the tide would permit them to come at; some casks
were then lashed under her bows to facilitate her floating, and at night, when it
was high water, we endeavoured to heave her off, but without success, for some of
the casks that were lashed to her gave way.
The morning of the 26th was employed in getting more casks
ready for the same purpose,* and in the afternoon we lashed no less than eight and
thirty under the ship's bottom, but to our great mortification these also proved
ineffectual, and we found ourselves reduced to the necessity of waiting till the
next spring-tide.
This day, some of our gentlemen who had made an excursion into the woods,
brought home the leaves of a plant, which was thought to be the same that in the
West Indies is called coccos, but upon trial, the roots proved too acrid to be
eaten; the leaves however were little inferior to spinnage. In the place where
these plants were gathered, grew plenty of the cabbage traces which have
occasionally been mentioned before, a kind of wild plantain, the fruit of which
was so full of stones as scarcely to be eatable; another fruit was also found
about the size of a small golden pippin, but flatter, and of a deep purple colour:
when first gathered from the tree it was very hard and disagreeable, but after
being kept a few days became soft, and tasted very much like an indifferent
damascene.
The next morning we began to move some of the weight from the after-part
of the ship forward, to ease her;* in the mean time the armourer continued to work
at the forge, the carpenter was busy in caulking the ship,* and the
men employed in filling water and over-hauling the rigging: in the forenoon, I
went myself in the pinnace up the harbour, and made several hauls with the seine,
but caught only between twenty and thirty fish, which were given to the sick and
convalescent.
*On the 28th, Mr. Banks went with some
of the seamen up the country, to shew them the plant which in the West Indies is
called Indian kalc, and which served us for greens. Tupia had
much meliorated the root of the coccos, by giving them a long dressing in his
country oven, but they were so small that we did not think them an object for the
ship. In their walk they found one tree which had been notched for the convenience
of climbing it, in the same manner with those we had seen in Botany
Bay: they saw also many nests of white ants, which resemble those
of the East Indies, the most pernicious insects in the world. The nests were of a
pyramidical figure, from a few inches to six feet high, and very much resembled
the stones in England, which are said to be monuments of
the Druids. Mr. Gore, who was also this day four or five miles up the country,
reported that he had seen the footsteps of men, and tracked animals of three or
four different sorts, but had not been fortunate enough to see either man or
beast.
*At two o'clock in the morning of the 29th, I observed, in
conjunction with Mr. Green, an emersion of Jupiter's first
satellite; the time here was 2• 18′ 53″, which gave the longitude of this place
214° 42′ 30″ W.: its latitude is 15° 26′ S. At break of
day, I sent the boat out again with the seine, and in the afternoon, it returned
with as much fish as enabled me to give every man a pound and an half. One of my
midshipmen, an American, who was this day abroad with his gun, reported that he
had seen a wolf, exactly like those which he had been used to see in
his own country,* and that he had shot at it, but did not kill it.
The next morning,* encouraged by the success of the day before, I sent the
boat again to haul the seine, and another party to gather greens: I sent also some
of the young gentlemen to take a plan of the harbour, and went myself upon a hill,
which lies over the south point, to take a view of the sea. At this time it was
low water, and I saw, with great concern, innumerable sand banks and shoals lying
all along the coast in every direction. The innermost lay about three or four
miles from the shore, the outermost extended as far as I could see with my glass,
and many of them did but just rise above water. There was some appearance of a
passage to the northward, and I had no hope of getting clear but in that
direction, for as the wind blows constantly from the S.E. it would have been
difficult, if not impossible, to return back to the southward.
Mr. Gore reported, that he had this day seen two animals like dogs, of a
straw colour, that they ran like a hare, and were about the same size. In the
afternoon, the people returned from hauling the seine, with still better success
than before, for I was now able to distribute two pounds and an half to each man:
the greens that had been gathered I ordered to be boiled among the peas, and they
made an excellent mess, which, with two copious supplies of fish, afforded us
unspeakable refreshment.
The next day, July the 1st, being Sunday,* every body had
liberty to go ashore, except one from each mess, who were again sent out with the
seine. The seine was again equally successful, and the people who went up the
country gave an account of having seen several animals, though none of them were
to be caught. They saw a fire also about a mile up the river,* and
Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, picked up the husk of a cocoa nut, which had been
cast upon the beach, and was full of barnacles: this probably might come from some
island to windward, perhaps from the Terra del Espirito Santo of
Quiros, as we were now in the latitude where it is said to
lie. This day the thermometer in the shade rose to 87, which was higher than it
had been on any day since we came upon this coast.
*Early the next morning, I sent the Master in the pinnace, out of the
harbour, to sound about the shoals in the offing, and look for a channel to the
northward: at this time we had a breeze from the land, which continued till about
nine o'clock, and was the first we had had since our coming into the river. At low
water we lashed some empty casks under the ship's bows, having some hope that as
the tides were rising she would float the next high water. We still continued to
fish with great success, and at high water we again attempted to heave the ship
off, but our utmost efforts were still ineffectual.
*The next day at noon, the Master returned, and reported, that he had
found a passage out to sea between the shoals, and described its situation. The
shoals, he said, consisted of coral rocks, many of which were dry at low water,
and upon one of which he had been ashore. He found here some cockles of so
enormous a size that one of them was more than two men could eat, and a great
variety of other shell-fish, of which he brought us a plentiful supply: in the
evening, he had also landed in a bay about three leagues to the northward of our
station, where he disturbed some of the natives who were at supper: they all fled
with the greatest precipitation at his approach, leaving some fresh sea eggs, and
a fire ready kindled behind them, but there was neither house nor
hovel near the place. We observed,* that although the shoals that lie just within
sight of the coast, abound with shell-fish, which may be easily caught at low
water; yet we saw no such shells about the fire places on shore. This day an
allegator was seen to swim about the ship for some time, and at high water we made
another effort to float her, which happily succeeded: we found however that by
lying so long with her head a-ground, and her stern a-float, she had sprung a
plank between decks, a-breast of the main chains, so that it was become necessary
to lay her ashore again.
The next morning was employed in trimming her upon an even keel, and in
the afternoon, having warped her over,* and waited for high water, we laid her
ashore on the sand bank on the south side of the river, for the damage she had
received already from the great descent of the ground, made me afraid to lay her
broad-side to the shore in the same place from which we had just floated her. I
was now very desirous to make another trial to come at her bottom, where the
sheathing had been rubbed off, but though she had scarcely four feet water under
her, when the tide was out, yet that part was not dry.
On the 5th, I got one of the carpenter's crew,* a man in whom
I could confide, to go down again to the ship's bottom, and examine the place. He
reported, that three streaks of the sheathing, about eight feet long, were
wanting, and that the main plank had been a little rubbed; this account perfectly
agreed with the report of the Master, and others, who had been under her bottom
before: I had the comfort however to find the carpenter of opinion that this would
be of little consequence, and therefore the other damage being repaired, she was
again floated at high water, and moored along-side the beach, where the stores had
been deposited;* we then went to work to take the stores on board,
and put her in a condition for the sea. This day, Mr. Banks
crossed to the other side of the harbour, where, as he walked along a sandy beach,
he found innumerable fruits, and many of them such as no plants which he had
discovered in this country produced: among others were some cocoa nuts, which
Tupia said had been opened by a kind of crab, which from
his description we judged to be the same that the Dutch call Beurs Krabbe, and
which we had not seen in these seas. All the vegetable substances which he found
in this place, were encrusted with marine productions, and covered with barnacles;
a sure sign that they must have come far by sea, and, as the trade-wind blows
right upon the shore, probably from Terra del Espirito Santo, which has been
mentioned already.
*The next morning, Mr. Banks, with Lieutenant Gore,
and three men, set out in a small boat up the river, with a view to spend two or
three days in an excursion, to examine the country, and kill some of the animals
which had been so often seen at a distance.
*On the 7th, I sent the Master again out to sound about the
shoals, the account which he had brought me of a channel being by no means
satisfactory; and we spent the remainder of this day, and the morning of the next,
in fishing, and other necessary occupations.
*About four o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Banks and
his party returned, and gave us an account of their expedition. Having proceeded
about three leagues among swamps and mangroves, they went up into the country,
which they found to differ but little from what they had seen before: they pursued
their course therefore up the river, which at length was contracted into a narrow
channel, and was bounded, not by swamps and mangroves, but by steep
banks,* that were covered with trees of a most beautiful verdure, among which was
that which in the West Indies is called Mohoe, or the bark tree, the hibiscus
tiliaceus; the land within was in general low, and had a thick covering of long
grass: the soil seemed to be such as promised great fertility, to any who should
plant and improve it. In the course of the day, Tupia saw an
animal, which, by his description, Mr. Banks judged to be a wolf: they also saw
three other animals, but could neither catch nor kill one of them, and a kind of
bat, as large as a partridge, but this also eluded all their diligence and skill.
At night, they took up their lodging close to the banks of the river, and made a
fire, but the musquitos swarmed about them in such numbers, that their quarters
were almost untenable; they followed them into the smoke, and almost into the
fire, which, hot as the climate was, they could better endure than the stings of
these insects, which were an intolerable torment. The fire, the flies, and the
want of a better bed than the ground, rendered the night extremely uncomfortable,
so that they passed it not in sleep, but in restless wishes for the return of day.
With the first dawn they set out in search of game, and in a walk of many miles,
they saw four animals of the same kind, two of which Mr.
Banks's greyhound fairly chaced, but they threw him out at a great
distance, by leaping over the long thick grass, which prevented his running: this
animal was observed not to run upon four legs, but to bound or hop forward upon
two, like the Jerbua, or Mus Jaculus. About noon, they returned to the boat, and
again proceeded up the river, which was soon contracted into a fresh water brook,
where, however, the tide rose to a considerable height: as evening approached, it
became low water, and it was then so shallow that they were obliged to get out of
the boat and drag her along, till they could find a place in which
they might,* with some hope of rest, pass the night. Such a place at length
offered, and while they were getting the things out of the boat, they observed a
smoke at the distance of about a furlong: as they did not doubt but that some of
the natives, with whom they had so long and earnestly desired to become personally
acquainted, were about the fire, three of the party went immediately towards it,
hoping that so small a number would not put them to flight: when they came up to
the place, however, they found it deserted, and therefore they conjectured that
before they had discovered the Indians, the Indians had discovered them. They
found the fire still burning, in the hollow of an old tree that was become
touch-wood, and several branches of trees newly broken down, with which children
appeared to have been playing: they observed also many foot-steps upon the sand,
below high water mark, which were certain indications that the Indians had been
recently upon the spot. Several houses were found at a little distance, and some
ovens dug in the ground, in the same manner as those of
Otaheite, in which victuals appeared to have been
dressed since the morning, and, scattered about them, lay some shells of a kind of
clamm, and some fragments of roots, the refuse of the meal. After regretting their
disappointment, they repaired to their quarters, which was a broad sand bank,
under the shelter of a bush. Their beds were plantain leaves, which they spread
upon the sand, and which were as soft as a mattress; their cloaks served them for
bed-clothes, and some bunches of grass for pillows: with these accommodations they
hoped to pass a better night than the last, especially as, to their great comfort,
not a musquito was to be seen. Here then they lay down, and, such is the force of
habit, they resigned themselves to sleep, without once reflecting upon the
probability and danger of being found by the Indians in that
situation. If this appears strange,* let us for a moment reflect, that every
danger, and every calamity, after a time becomes familiar, and loses its effect
upon the mind. If it were possible that a man should first be made acquainted with
his mortality, or even with the inevitable debility and infirmities of old age,
when his understanding had arrived at its full strength, and life was endeared by
the enjoyments of youth, and vigour, and health, with what an agony of terror and
distress would the intelligence be received! yet, being gradually acquainted with
these mournful truths, by insensible degrees, we scarce know when, they lose all
their force, and we think no more of the approach of old age and death, than these
wanderers of an unknown desart did of a less obvious and certain evil, the
approach of the native savages, at a time when they must have fallen an easy prey
to their malice or their fears. And it is remarkable, that the greater part of
those who have been condemned to suffer a violent death, have slept the night
immediately preceding their execution, though there is perhaps no instance of a
person accused of a capital crime having slept the first night of his confinement.
Thus is the evil of life in some degree a remedy for itself, and though every man
at twenty deprecates fourscore, almost every man is as tenacious of life at
fourscore as at twenty; and if he does not suffer under any painful disorder,
loses as little of the comforts that remain by reflecting that he is upon the
brink of the grave, where the earth already crumbles under his feet, as he did of
the pleasures of his better days, when his dissolution, though certain, was
supposed to be at a distance.
Our travellers having slept, without once awaking, till the morning,
examined the river, and finding the tide savoured their return, and the country
promised nothing worthy of a farther search,* they reimbarked in
their boat, and made the best of their way to the ship.
Soon after the arrival of this party, the Master also returned, having
been seven leagues out to sea, and he was now of opinion, that there was no
getting out where before he thought there had been a passage; his expedition
however was by no means without its advantage, for having been a second time upon
the rock where he had seen the large cockles, he met with a great number of
turtle, three of which he caught, that together weighed seven hundred and
ninety-one pounds, though he had no better instrument than a boat hook.
*The next morning therefore, I sent him out again, with proper instruments
for taking them, and Mr. Banks went with him, but the success
did not at all answer our expectations, for, by the unaccountable conduct of the
officer, not a single turtle was taken, nor could he be persuaded to return:
Mr. Banks, however, went ashore upon the reef, where he
saw several of the large cockles, and having collected many shells, and marine
productions, he returned at eleven o'clock at night, in his own small boat, the
Master still continuing with the large one upon the rock. In the afternoon, seven
or eight of the natives had appeared on the south side of the river, and two of
them came down to the sandy point, opposite to the ship; but upon seeing me put
off in a boat to speak with them, they all ran away with the greatest
precipitation.
As the Master continued absent with the boat all night, I was forced to
send the Second Lieutenant for him, early the next morning in the yawl;* and soon
after four of the natives appeared upon the sandy point, on the north side of the
river, having with them a small wooden canoe, with outriggers: they
seemed for some time to be busily employed in striking fish:* some of our people
were for going over to them in a boat, but this I would by no means permit,
repeated experience having convinced me that it was more likely to prevent, than
procure an interview. I was determined to try what could be done by a contrary
method, and accordingly let them alone, without appearing to take the least notice
of them: this succeeded so well, that at length two of them came in the canoe
within a musket shot of the ship, and there talked a great deal in a very loud
tone: we understood nothing that they said, and therefore could answer their
harangue only by shouting, and making all the signs of invitation and kindness
that we could devise. During this conference, they came, insensibly, nearer and
nearer, holding up their lances, not in a threatening manner, but as if to
intimate that if we offered them any injury, they had weapons to revenge it. When
they were almost along-side of us, we threw them some cloth, nails, beads, paper,
and other trifles, which they received without the least appearance of
satisfaction: at last, one of the people happened to throw them a small fish; at
this they expressed the greatest joy imaginable, and intimating, by signs, that
they would fetch their companions, immediately paddled away towards the shore. In
the mean time some of our people, and among them Tupia,
landed on the opposite side of the river: the canoe, with all the four Indians,
very soon returned to the ship, and came quite along-side, without expressing any
fear or distrust. We distributed some more presents among them, and soon after
they left us, and landed on the same side of the river where our people had gone
ashore: every man carried in his hand two lances, and a stick, which is used in
throwing them, and advanced to the place where
Tupia and the rest of our people were sitting;*
Tupia soon prevailed upon them to lay down their arms, and
come forward without them: he then made signs that they should sit down by him,
with which they complied, and seemed to be under no apprehension or constraint:
several more of us then going ashore, they expressed some jealousy lest we should
get between them and their arms; we took care however to shew them that we had no
such intention, and having joined them, we made them some more presents, as a
farther testimony of our good-will, and our desire to obtain theirs. We continued
together, with the utmost cordiality, till dinner time, and then giving them to
understand that we were going to eat, we invited them, by signs, to go with us:
this however they declined, and as soon as we left them, they went away in their
canoe. One of these men was somewhat above the middle age, the other three were
young; they were in general of the common stature, but their limbs were remarkably
small; their skin was of the colour of wood soot, or what would be called a dark
chocolate colour; their hair was black, but not woolly; it was short cropped, in
some lank, and in others curled. Dampier says, that the people whom he saw on the
western coast of this country, wanted two of their fore-teeth, but these had no
such defect: some part of their bodies had been painted red, and the upper lip and
breast of one of them was painted with streaks of white, which he called Carbanda;
their features were far from disagreeable, their eyes were lively, and their teeth
even and white, their voices were soft and tuneable, and they repeated many words
after us with great facility. In the night, Mr. Gore and the Master returned with
the long-boat, and brought one turtle and a few shell-fish. The yawl had been left
upon the shoal with six men, to make a farther trial for turtle.
The next morning,* we had another visit from four of the natives;
three of them had been with us before, but the fourth was a stranger, whose name,
as we learnt from his companions who introduced him, was YAPARICO. This gentleman
was distinguished by an ornament of a very striking appearance: it was the bone of
a bird, nearly as thick as a man's finger, and five or six inches long, which he
had thrust into a hole, made in the gristle that divides the nostrils; of this we
had seen one instance, and only one, in New Zealand; but
upon examination, we found that among all these people this part of the nose was
perforated, to receive an ornament of the same kind: they had also holes in their
ears, though nothing was then hanging to them, and had bracelets upon the upper
part of their arms, made of plaited hair, so that, like the inhabitants of
Terra del Fuego, they seem to be fond of ornament,
though they are absolutely without apparel; and one of them, to whom I had given
part of an old shirt, instead of throwing it over any part of his body, tied it as
a fillet round his head. They brought with them a fish, which they gave us, as we
supposed, in return for the fish that we had given them the day before. They
seemed to be much pleased, and in no haste to leave us, but seeing some of our
gentlemen examine their canoe with great curiosity and attention, they were
alarmed, and jumping immediately into it, paddled away without speaking a word.
About two the next morning, the yawl,* which had been left upon the shoal,
returned, with three turtles and a large skeat. As it seemed now probable that
this fishery might be prosecuted with advantage, I sent her out again, after
breakfast, for a further supply. Soon after, three Indians ventured down to
Tupia's tent, and were so well pleased with their
reception, that one of them went with the canoe to fetch two others
whom we had never seen:* when he returned, he introduced the strangers by name, a
ceremony which, upon such occasions, was never omitted. As they had received the
fish that was thrown into their canoe, when they first approached the ship, with
so much pleasure, some fish was offered to them now, and we were greatly surprized
to see that it was received with the greatest indifference: they made signs,
however, to some of the people, that they should dress it for them, which was
immediately done, but after eating a little of it, they threw the rest to
Mr. Banks's dog. They staid with us all the forenoon, but
would never venture above twenty yards from their canoe. We now perceived that the
colour of their skin was not so dark as it appeared, what we had taken for their
complexion, being the effects of dirt and smoke, in which, we imagined, they
contrived to sleep, notwithstanding the heat of the climate, as the only means in
their power to keep off the musquitos. Among other things that we had given them
when we first saw them, were some medals, which we had hung round their necks by a
riband; and these ribands were so changed by smoke, that we could not easily
distinguish of what colour they had been: this incident led us more narrowly to
examine the colour of their skin. While these people were with us, we saw two
others on the point of land that lay on the opposite side of the river, at the
distance of about two hundred yards, and by our glasses discovered them to be a
woman and a boy; the woman, like the rest, being stark naked. We observed, that
all of them were remarkably clean-limbed, and exceedingly active and nimble. One
of these strangers had a necklace of shells, very prettily made, and a bracelet
upon his arm, formed of several strings, so as to resemble what in
England is called gymp: both of them had a piece of bark
tied over the forehead, and were disfigured by the bone in the
nose.* We thought their language more harsh than that of the Islanders in the
South Sea, and they were continually repeating the word chercau, which we imagined
to be a term expressing admiration, by the manner in which it was uttered: they
also cried out, when they saw any thing new, cher, tut, tut, tut, tut! which
probably had a similar signification. Their canoe was not above ten feet long, and
very narrow, but it was fitted with an outrigger, much like those of the islands,
though in every respect very much inferior: when it was in shallow water, they set
it on with poles, and when in deep, they worked it with paddles about four feet
long: it contained just four people, so that the people who visited us to-day went
away at two turns. Their lances were like those that we had seen in
Botany Bay, except that they had but a single point,
which in some of them was the sting of the ray, and barbed with two or three sharp
bones of the same fish: it was indeed a most terrible weapon, and the instrument
which they used in throwing it, seemed to be formed with more art than any we had
seen before. About twelve o'clock next day,* the yawl returned, with another
turtle, and a large sting-ray, and in the evening, was sent out again.
The next morning, two of the Indians came on board,* but after a short
stay, went along the shore, and applied themselves with great diligence to the
striking of fish. Mr. Gore, who went out this day with his gun, had the good
fortune to kill one of the animals which had been so much the subject of our
speculation: an idea of it will best be conceived by the cut, plate XX, without
which, the most accurate verbal description would answer very little purpose, as
it has not similitude enough to any animal already known, to admit of illustration
by reference. In form, it is most like the gerbua,* which it also
resembles in its motion, as has been observed already, but it greatly differs in
size, the gerbua not being larger than a common rat, and this animal, when full
grown, being as big as a sheep: this individual was a young one, much under its
full growth, weighing only thirty-eight pounds. The head, neck, and shoulders, are
very small in proportion to the other parts of the body; the tail is nearly as
long as the body, thick near the rump, and tapering towards the end: the fore-legs
of this individual were only eight inches long, and the hind-legs two and twenty:
its progress is by successive leaps or hops, of a great length, in an erect
posture; the fore-legs are kept bent close to the breast, and seemed to be of use
only for digging: the skin is covered with a short fur, of a dark mouse or grey
colour, excepting the head and ears, which bear a slight resemblance to those of a
hare. This animal is called by the natives Kanguroo.
*The next day, our Kanguroo was dressed for dinner, and proved most
excellent meat; we might now indeed be said to fare sumptuously every day, for we
had turtle in great plenty, and we all agreed that they were much better than any
we had tasted in England, which we imputed to their being
eaten fresh from the sea, before their natural fat had been wasted, or their
juices changed by a diet and situation so different from what the sea affords
them, as garbage and a tub. Most of those that we caught here, were of the kind
called green turtle, and weighed from two to three hundred weight, and when these
were killed, they were always found to be full of turtle grass, which our
naturalists took to be a kind of conserva: two of them were loggerheads, the flesh
of which was much less delicious, and in their stomachs nothing was to be found
but shells.
In the morning of the 16th,* while the people were
employed as usual in getting the ship ready for the sea, I climbed one of the
hills on the north side of the river, from which I had an extensive view of the
inland country, and found it agreeably diversified by hills, vallies, and large
plains, which in many places were richly covered with wood. This evening, we
observed an emersion of Jupiter's first satellite, which gave 214° 53′
45″ of longitude. The observation which was made on the 29th of
June gave 214° 42′ 30″; the mean is 214° 48′ 7½″,
the longitude of this place west of Greenwich.
On the 17th,* I sent the Master and one of the Mates in the
pinnace to look for a channel to the northward; and I went myself with
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander into the woods on the other
side of the water. Tupia, who had been thither by himself,
reported, that he had seen three Indians who had given him some roots about as
thick as a man's finger, in shape not much unlike a rhadish, and of a very
agreeable taste. This induced us to go over, hoping that we should be able to
improve our acquaintance with the natives: in a very little time we discovered
four of them in a canoe, who as soon as they saw us came ashore, and, though they
were all strangers, walked up to us, without any signs of suspicion or fear. Two
of these had necklaces of shells, which we could not persuade them to part with
for any thing we could give them: we presented them however with some beads, and
after a short stay they departed. We attempted to follow them, hoping that they
would conduct us to some place where we should find more of them, and have an
opportunity of seeing their women; but they made us understand, by signs, that
they did not desire our company.
*At eight o'clock the next morning, we were visited by several of the
natives, who were now become quite familiar. One of them, at our desire, threw his
lance, which was about eight feet long: it flew with a swiftness and steadiness
that surprised us, and though it was never more than four feet from the ground, it
entered deeply into a tree at fifty paces distance. After this they ventured on
board, where I left them, to all appearance much entertained, and went again with
Mr. Banks to take a view of the country; but chiefly to
indulge an anxious curiosity, by looking round us upon the sea, of which our
wishes almost persuaded us we had formed an idea more disadvantageous than the
truth. After having walked about seven or eight miles along the shore to the
northward, we ascended a very high hill, and were soon convinced that the danger
of our situation was at least equal to our apprehensions; for in whatever
direction we turned our eyes, we saw rocks and shoals without number, and no
passage out to sea, but through the winding channels between them, which could not
be navigated without the last degree of difficulty and danger. We returned
therefore to the ship, not in better spirits than when we left it; we found
several natives still on board, and we were told that the turtles, of which we had
then no less than twelve upon the deck, had fixed their attention more than any
thing else in the ship.
*On the 19th in the morning, we were visited by ten of the
natives, the greater part from the other side of the river, where we saw six or
seven more, most of them women, and like all the rest of the people we had seen in
this country, they were stark naked. Our guests brought with them a greater number
of lances than they had ever done before, and having laid them up in a tree, they
set a man and a boy to watch them: the rest then came on board,* and
we soon perceived that they had determined to get one of our turtle, which was
probably as great a dainty to them as to us. They first asked us, by signs, to
give them one; and being refused, they expressed, both by looks and gestures,
great disappointment and anger. At this time we happened to have no victuals
dressed, but I offered one of them some biscuit, which he snatched and threw
overboard with great disdain. One of them renewed his request to Mr.
Banks, and upon a refusal stamped with his foot, and pushed him from
him in a transport of resentment and indignation: having applied by turns to
almost every person who appeared to have any command in the ship, without success,
they suddenly seized two of the turtles, and dragged them towards the side of the
ship where their canoe lay: our people soon forced them out of their hands, and
replaced them with the rest. They would not however relinquish their enterprise,
but made several other attempts of the same kind, in all which being equally
disappointed, they suddenly leaped into their canoe in a rage, and began to paddle
towards the shore. At the same time, I went into the boat with Mr.
Banks, and five or six of the ship's crew, and we got ashore before
them, where many more of our people were already engaged in various employments;
as soon as they landed, they seized their arms, and, before we were aware of their
design, they snatched a brand from under a pitch kettle which was boiling, and
making a circuit to the windward of the few things we had on shore, they set fire
to the grass in their way, with surprising quickness and dexterity: the grass,
which was five or six feet high, and as dry as stubble, burnt with amazing fury;
and the fire made a rapid progress towards a tent of Mr.
Banks's, which had been set up for Tupia when
he was sick, taking in its course a sow and pigs, one of which it
scorched to death.* Mr. Banks leaped into a boat, and fetched some people from on
board, just time enough to save his tent, by hauling it down upon the beach; but
the smith's forge, at least such part of it as would burn, was consumed. While
this was doing, the Indians went to a place at some distance, where several of our
people were washing, and where our nets, among which was the seine, and a great
quantity of linen, were laid out to dry; here they again set fire to the grass,
entirely disregarding both threats and entreaties. We were therefore obliged to
discharge a musquet, loaded with small shot, at one of them, which drew blood at
the distance of about forty yards, and this putting them to flight, we
extinguished the fire at this place before it had made much progress; but where
the grass had been first kindled, it spread into the woods to a great distance. As
the Indians were still in sight, I fired a musquet, charged with ball, abreast of
them among the mangroves, to convince them that they were not yet out of our
reach: upon hearing the ball they quickened their pace, and we soon lost sight of
them. We thought they would now give us no more trouble; but soon after we heard
their voices in the woods, and perceived that they came nearer and nearer. I set
out, therefore, with Mr. Banks and three or four more, to
meet them: when our parties came in sight of each other, they halted; except one
old man, who came forward to meet us: at length he stopped, and having uttered
some words, which we were very sorry we could not understand, he went back to his
companions, and the whole body slowly retreated. We found means however to seize
some of their darts, and continued to follow them about a mile: we then sat down
upon some rocks, from which we could observe their motions, and they also sat down
at about an hundred yards distance. After a short time, the old man
again advanced towards us,* carrying in his hand a lance without a point: he
stopped several times, at different distances, and spoke; we answered by beckoning
and making such signs of amity as we could devise; upon which the messenger of
peace, as we supposed him to be, turned and spoke aloud to his companions, who
then set up their lances against a tree, and advanced towards us in a friendly
manner: when they came up, we returned the darts or lances that we had taken from
them, and we perceived with great satisfaction that this rendered the
reconciliation complete. We found in this party four persons whom we had never
seen before, who as usual were introduced to us by name; but the man who had been
wounded in the attempt to burn our nets and linen, was not among them; we knew
however that he could not be dangerously hurt, by the distance at which the shot
reached him. We made all of them presents of such trinkets as we had about us, and
they walked back with us towards the ship: as we went along, they told us, by
signs, that they would not set fire to the grass any more; and we distributed
among them some musquet balls, and endeavoured to make them understand their use
and effect. When they came abreast of the ship, they sat down, but could not be
prevailed upon to come on board; we therefore left them, and in about two hours
they went away, soon after which we perceived the woods on fire at about two miles
distance. If this accident had happened a very little while sooner, the
consequence might have been dreadful; for our powder had been aboard but a few
days, and the store tent, with many valuable things which it contained, had not
been removed many hours. We had no idea of the fury with which grass would burn in
this hot climate, nor consequently of the difficulty of extinguishing it; but we
determined, that if it should ever again be necessary for us to
pitch our tents in such a situation,* our first measure should be to clear the
ground round us.
In the afternoon we got every thing on board the ship, new birthed her,
and let her swing with the tide; and at night the Master returned, with the
discouraging account that there was no passage for the ship to the northward.
*The next morning, at low water, I went and sounded and buoyed the bar,
the ship being now ready for the sea. We saw no Indians this day, but all the
hills round us for many miles were on fire, which at night made a most striking
and beautiful appearance.
*The 21st passed without our getting sight of any of the
inhabitants, and indeed without a single incident worth notice.* On the
22d, we killed a turtle for the day's provision, upon opening
which we found a wooden harpoon or turtle-peg, about as thick as a man's finger,
near fifteen inches long, and bearded at the end, such as we had seen among the
natives, sticking through both shoulders: it appeared to have been struck a
considerable time, for the wound had perfectly healed up over the weapon.
*Early in the morning of the 23d, I sent some people into the
country to gather a supply of the greens which have been before mentioned by the
name of Indian Kale; and one of them having straggled from the rest, suddenly fell
in with four Indians, three men and a boy, whom he did not see till, by turning
short in the wood, he found himself among them. They had kindled a fire, and were
broiling a bird of some kind, and part of a Kanguroo, the remainder of which, and
a cockatoo, hung at a little distance upon a tree: the man, being unarmed, was at
first greatly terrified; but he had the presence of mind not to run away, judging
very rightly,* that he was most likely to incur danger by appearing
to apprehend it; on the contrary, he went and sat down by them, and, with an air
of chearfulness and good humour, offered them his knife, the only thing he had
about him which he thought would be acceptable to them; they received it, and
having handed it from one to the other, they gave it him again: he then made an
offer to leave them; but this they seemed not disposed to permit: still however he
dissembled his fears, and sat down again; they considered him with great attention
and curiosity, particularly his clothes, and then felt his hands and face, and
satisfied themselves that his body was of the same texture with their own. They
treated him with the greatest civility, and having kept him about half an hour,
they made signs that he might depart: he did not wait for a second dismission, but
when he left them, not taking the direct way to the ship, they came from their
fire and directed him; so that they well knew whence he came.
In the mean time, Mr. Banks, having made an excursion
on the other side of the river to gather plants, found the greatest part of the
cloth that had been given to the Indians lying in a heap together, probably as
useless lumber, not worth carrying away; and perhaps, if he had sought further, he
might have found the other trinkets; for they seemed to set very little value upon
any thing we had, except our turtle, which was a commodity that we were least able
to spare.
The blowing weather, which prevented our attempt to get out to sea, still
continuing,* Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander
went again out on the 24th to see whether any new plant could be
picked up: they traversed the woods all day without success; but as they were
returning through a deep valley, the sides of which,* though almost
as perpendicular as a wall, were covered with trees and bushes; they found lying
upon the ground several marking nuts, the Anacardium orientale; these put them
upon a new scent, and they made a most diligent search after the tree that bore
them, which perhaps no European botanist ever saw; but to
their great mortification they could not find it: so that, after spending much
time, and cutting down four or five trees, they returned quite exhausted with
fatigue to the ship.
*On the 25th, having made an excursion up the river, I found
a canoe belonging to our friends the Indians, whom we had not seen since the
affair of the turtle; they had left it tied to some mangroves, about a mile
distant from the ship, and I could see by their fires that they were retired at
least six miles directly inland.
*As Mr. Banks was again gleaning the country for his
Natural History on the 26th, he had the good fortune to take an
animal of the Opossum tribe: it was a female, and with it he took two young ones:
it was found much to resemble the remarkable animal of the kind, which Mons. de
Busson has described in his Natural History by the name of Phalanger, but it was
not the same. Mons. Busson supposes this tribe to be peculiar to America, but in
this he is certainly mistaken; and probably, as Pallas has observed in his
Zoology, the Phalanger itself is a native of the East Indies, as the animal which
was caught by Mr. Banks resembled it in the extraordinary
conformation of the feet, in which it differs from animals of every other tribe.
*On the 27th, Mr. Gore shot a Kanguroo, which, with the skin,
entrails, and head, weighed eighty-four pounds. Upon examination, however, we
found that this animal was not at its full growth, the innermost grinders not
being yet formed. We dressed it for dinner the next day;* but to our
great disappointment, we found it had a much worse flavour than that we had eaten
before.
The wind continued in the same quarter, and with the same violence, till
five o'clock in the morning of the 29th,* when it fell calm; soon
after a light breeze sprung up from the land, and it being about two hours ebb, I
sent a boat to see what water was upon the bar; in the mean time we got the anchor
up, and made all ready to put to sea. But when the boat came back, the officer
reported that there was only thirteen feet water upon the bar, which was six
inches less than the ship drew. We were therefore obliged to come to, and the sea
breeze setting in again about eight o'clock, we gave up all hope of sailing that
day.
We had fresh gales at S.E. with hazy weather and rain,* till two in the
morning of the 31st, when the weather being something more moderate,
I had thoughts of trying to warp the ship out of the harbour; but upon going out
myself first in the boat, I found it still blow too fresh for the attempt. During
all this time the pinnace and yawl continued to ply the net and hook with
tolerable success; sometimes taking a turtle, and frequently bringing in from two
to three hundred weight of fish.
On the 1st of August, the carpenter examined the pumps,* and,
to our great mortification, found them all in a state of decay, owing, as he said,
to the sap's having been left in the wood; one of them was so rotten as, when
hoisted up, to drop to pieces, and the rest were little better; so that our chief
trust was now in the soundness of our vessel, which happily did not admit more
than one inch of water in an hour.
*At six o'clock in the morning of Friday the 3d, we made
another unsuccessful attempt to warp the ship out of the harbour; but at five
o'clock in the morning of the 4th, our efforts had a better effect,
and about seven, we got once more under sail, with a light air from the land,
which soon died away, and was followed by the sea-breezes from S. E. by S. with
which we stood off to sea, E. by N. having the pinnace ahead, which was ordered to
keep sounding continually. The yawl had been sent to the turtle bank, to take up
the net which had been left there; but as the wind freshened, we got out before
her. A little before noon we anchored in fifteen fathom water, with a sandy
bottom; for I did not think it safe to run in among the shoals, till I had well
viewed them, at low-water, from the mast-head, which might determine me which way
to steer: for as yet I was in doubt whether I should beat back to the southward,
round all the shoals, or seek a passage to the eastward or the northward, all
which at present appeared to be equally difficult and dangerous. When we were at
anchor the harbour from which we sailed bore S. 70 W. distant about five leagues;
the northermost point of the main in sight, which I named CAPE BEDFORD, and which
lies in latitude 15° 16′ S., longitude 214° 45′ W. bore N.
20 W. distant three leagues and a half; but to the N. E. of this Cape we could see
land which had the appearance of two high islands: the turtle banks bore east,
distant one mile: our latitude by observation was 15° 32′ S. and our
depth of water in standing off from the land was from three and an half to fifteen
fathom.
[illustration] CHART of Part of the COAST OF NEW SOUTH
WALES, FROM CAPE TRIBULATION to ENDEAVOUR STRAITS. By LIEUT. J.
COOK, 1770.
EXPLANATION. Rocks, some of which are dry at Low-water and others always
covered. Supposed direction of such part of the Coast and Shoals as were not seen.
Places where the Ship anchored The Figures denote the depth of Water in
Fathoms.
CHAP. VII.
Departure from Endeavour River; a particular Description
of the Harbour there, in which the Ship was refitted, the adjacent Country,
and several Islands near the Coast: the Range from Endeavour River to the
Northern Extremity of the Country, and the Dangers of that
Navigation.
TO the harbour which we had now left,* I gave the name of ENDEAVOUR
RIVER. It is only a small bar harbour, or creek, which runs in a winding channel
three or four leagues inland, and at the head of which there is a small brook of
fresh water: there is not depth of water for shipping above a mile within the bar,
and at this distance only on the north side, where the bank is so steep for near a
quarter of a mile, that a ship may lie afloat at low water, so near the shore as
to reach it with a stage, and the situation is extremely convenient for heaving
down; but at low water, the depth upon the bar is not more than nine or ten feet,
nor more than seventeen or eighteen at the height of the tide; the difference
between high and low water, at spring tides, being about nine feet. At the new and
full of the moon it is high water between nine and ten o'clock: it must also be
remembered, that this part of the coast is so barricaded with shoals, as to make
the harbour still more difficult of access; the safest approach is from the
southward, keeping the main land close upon the board all the way. Its situation
may always be found by the latitude, which has been very accurately
laid down.* Over the south point is some high land, but the north point is formed
by a low sandy beach, which extends about three miles to the northward, where the
land begins again to be high.
The chief refreshment that we procured here, was turtle, but as they were
not to be had without going five leagues out to sea, and the weather was
frequently tempestuous, we did not abound with this dainty: what we caught, as
well as the fish, was always equally divided among us all by weight, the meanest
person on board having the same share as myself; and I think every commander, in
such a voyage as this, will find it his interest to follow the same rule. In
several parts of the sandy beaches, and sand hills near the sea, we found
purslain, and a kind of bean that grows upon a stalk, which creeps along the
ground: the purslain we found very good when it was boiled, and the beans are not
to be despised, for we found them of great service to our sick: the best greens,
however, that could be procured here, were the tops of the coccos, which have been
mentioned already, as known in the West Indies by the name of Indian kale: these
were, in our opinion, not much inferior to spinnage, which in taste they somewhat
resemble; the roots indeed are not good, but they might probably be meliorated by
proper cultivation. They are found here chiefly in boggy ground. The few cabbage
palms that we met with, were in general small, and yielded so little cabbage that
they were not worth seeking.
Besides the kanguroo, and the opossum that have been already mentioned,
and a kind of polecat, there are wolves upon this part of the coast, if we were
not deceived by the tracks upon the ground, and several species of serpents; some
of the serpents are venomous, and some harmiless: there are no tame
animals here except dogs,* and of these we saw but two or three, which frequently
came about the tents, to pick up the scraps and bones that happened to lie
scattered near them. There does not indeed seem to be many of any animal, except
the kanguroo; we scarcely saw any other above once, but this we met with almost
every time we went into the woods. Of land fowls we saw crows, kites, hawks,
cockatoos of two sorts, one white and the other black, a very beautiful kind of
loriquets, some parrots, pigeons of two or three sorts, and several small birds
not known in Europe. The water fowls are herns, whistling
ducks, which perch, and, I believe, roost upon trees, wild geese, curlieus, and a
few others, but these do not abound. The face of the country, which has been
occasionally mentioned before, is agreeably diversified by hill and valley, lawn
and wood. The soil of the hills is hard, dry, and stony, yet it produces coarse
grass besides wood: the soil of the plains and vallies is in some places sand, and
in some clay; in some also it is rocky and stony, like the hills; in general,
however, it is well clothed, and has at least the appearance of fertility. The
whole country, both hill and valley, wood and plain, abounds with ant hills, some
of which are six or eight feet high, and twice as much in circumference. The trees
here are not of many sorts; the gum tree, which we found on the southern part of
the coast, is the most common, but here it is not so large: on each side of the
river, through its whole course, there are mangroves in great numbers, which in
some places extend a mile within the coast. The country is in all parts well
watered, there being several fine rivulets at a small distance from each other,
but none in the place where we lay, at least not during the time we were there,
which was the dry season; we were however well supplied with water by springs,
which were not far off.
*In the afternoon of the 4th, we had a gentle breeze at
S.E. and clear weather, but as I did not intend to sail till the morning, I sent
all the boats to the reef, to get what turtle and shell fish they could. At low
water, I went up to the mast-head, and took a view of the shoals, which made a
very threatening appearance: I could see several at a remote distance, and part of
many of them was above water. The sea appeared most open to the north east of the
turtle reef, and I came to a resolution to stretch out that way close upon a wind,
because if we should find no passage, we could always return the way we went. In
the evening, the boats brought in a turtle, a sting-ray, and as many large cockles
as came to about a pound and a half a man, for in each of them there was not less
than two pounds of meat: in the night also we caught several sharks, which, though
not a dainty, were an acceptable increase of our fresh provision.
*In the morning, I waited till half ebb before I weighed, because at that
time the shoals begin to appear, but the wind then blew so hard that I was obliged
to remain at anchor: in the afternoon, however, the gale becoming more moderate,
we got under sail, and stood out upon a wind N. E. by E. leaving the turtle reef
to windward, and having the pinnace sounding ahead: we had not kept this course
long, before we discovered shoals before us, and upon both the bows; and at half
an hour after four, having run about eight miles, the pinnace made the signal for
shoal water, where we little expected it: upon this we tacked, and stood on and
off, while the pinnace stretched farther to the eastward, and night approaching, I
came to an anchor in twenty fathom water, with a muddy bottom. Endeavour River
then bore S. 52 W. Cape Bedford W. by N. ½ N. distant five leagues, the
northermost land in sight, which had the appearance of an island, N.; and a shoal,
a small sandy part of which appeared above water,* bore N. E.
distant between two and three miles: in standing off from turtle reef to this
place, we had from fourteen to twenty fathom water, but when the pinnace was about
a mile farther to the E. N. E. there was no more than four or five feet water,
with rocky ground; and yet this did not appear to us in the ship. In the morning
of the 6th, we had a strong gale,* so that instead of weighing, we
were obliged to veer away more cable, and strike our top-gallant yards. At low
water, myself, with several of the officers, kept a look-out at the mast-head, to
see if any passage could be discovered between the shoals, but nothing was in view
except breakers, extending from the S. round by the E. as far as N. W. and out to
sea beyond the reach of our sight; these breakers, however, did not appear to be
caused by one continued shoal, but by several, which lay detached from each other:
on that which lay farthest to the eastward, the sea broke very high, which made me
think it was the outermost, for upon many of these within, the breakers were
inconsiderable, and from about half ebb to half flood, they were not to be seen at
all, which makes sailing among them still more dangerous, especially as the shoals
here consist principally of coral rocks, which are as steep as a wall; upon some
of them however, and generally at the north end, there are patches of sand, which
are covered only at high water, and which are to be discerned at some distance.
Being now convinced that there was no passage to sea, but through the labyrinth
formed by these shoals, I was altogether at a loss which way to steer, when the
weather should permit us to get under sail. It was the Master's opinion, that we
should beat back the way we came, but this would have been an endless labour, as
the wind blew strongly from that quarter▪ almost without intermission; on the
other hand, if no passage could be found to the northward,* we
should be compelled to take that measure at last. These anxious deliberations
engaged us till eleven o'clock at night, when the ship drove, and obliged us to
veer away to a cable and one third, which brought her up; but in the morning,* the
gale increasing, she drove again, and we therefore let go the small bower, and
veered away to a whole cable upon it, and two cables on the other anchors, yet she
still drove, though not so fast; we then got down top-gallant masts, and struck
the yards and top-masts close down, and at last had the satisfaction to find that
she rode. Cape Bedford now bore W. S. W. distant three leagues and an half, and in
this situation we had shoals to the eastward, extending from the S. E. by S. to
the N. N. W. the nearest of which was about two miles distant.* As the gale
continued, with little remission, we rode till seven o'clock in the morning of the
10th, when, it being more moderate, we weighed, and stood in for
the land, having at length determined to seek a passage along the shore to the
northward, still keeping the boat ahead: during our run in we had from nineteen to
twelve fathom: after standing in about an hour, we edged away for three small
islands that lay N. N. E. ½ E. three leagues from Cape Bedford, which the Master
had visited while we were in port. At nine o'clock, we were abreast of them, and
between them and the main: between us and the main there was another low island,
which lies N. N. W. four miles from the three islands; and in this channel we had
fourteen fathom water. The northermost point of land in sight now bore N. N. W. ½
W. distant about two leagues. Four or five leagues to the north of this head land,
we saw three islands, near which lay some that were still smaller, and we could
see the shoals and reefs without us, extending to the northward, as far as these
islands: between these reefs and the head land, we directed our course, leaving to the eastward a small island,* which lies N. by E. distant
four miles from the three islands. At noon, we were got between the head land and
the three islands: from the head land we were distant two leagues, and from the
islands four; our latitude, by observation, was 14° 51′. We now thought
we saw a clear opening before us, and hoped hat we were once more out of danger;
in this hope, however, we soon found ourselves disappointed, and for that reason I
called the head land CAPE FLATTERY. It lies in latitude 14° 56′ S.
longitude 214′ 43′ W. and is a lofty promontory, making next the sea in
two hills, which have a third behind them, with low sandy ground on each side: it
may however be still better known by the three islands out at sea: the northermost
and largest lies about five leagues from the Cape, in the direction of N. N. E.
From Cape Flattery the land trends away N. W. and N. W. by W. We steered along the
shore N. W. by W. till one o'clock, for what we thought the open channel, when the
petty officer at the mast-head cried out that he saw land ahead, extending quite
round to the islands that lay without us, and a large reef between us and them:
upon this I ran up to the mast-head myself, from whence I very plainly saw the
reef, which was now so far to windward, that we could not weather it, but the land
ahead, which he had supposed to be the main, appeared to me to be only a cluster
of small islands. As soon as I got down from the mast-head, the Master, and some
others went up, who all insisted that the land ahead was not islands, but the
main, and to make their report still more alarming, they said that they saw
breakers all round us. In this dilemma, we hauled upon a wind in for the land, and
made the signal for the boat that was sounding ahead to come on board, but as she
was far to leeward, we were obliged to edge away to take her up, and soon after we
came to an anchor, under a point of the main,* in somewhat less than
five fathom, and at about the distance of a mile from the shore. Cape Flattery now
bore S. E. distant three leagues and an half. As soon as the ship was at anchor, I
went ashore upon the point, which is high, and afforded me a good view of the sea
coast, trending away N. W. by W. eight or ten leagues, which, the weather not
being very clear, was as far as I could see. Nine or ten small low islands, and
some shoals, appeared off the coast; I saw also some large shoals between the main
and the three high islands, without which, I was clearly of opinion there were
more islands, and not any part of the main. Except the point I was now upon, which
I called POINT LOOKOUT, and Cape Flattery, the main land, to the northward of Cape
Bedford, is low, and chequered with white sand and green bushes, for ten or twelve
miles inland, beyond which it rises to a considerable height. To the northward of
Point Look-out, the coast appeared to be shoal and flat, for a considerable
distance, which did not encourage the hope that the channel we had hitherto found
in with the land would continue. Upon this point, which was narrow, and consisted
of the finest white sand we had ever seen, we discovered the footsteps of people,
and we saw also smoke and fire at a distance up the country.
In the evening, I returned to the ship, and resolved the next morning to
visit one of the high islands in the offing, from the top of which, as they lay
five leagues out to sea, I hoped to discover more distinctly the situation of the
shoals, and the channel between them.
*In the morning therefore, of the 11th, I set out in the
pinnace, accompanied by Mr. Banks, whose fortitude and
curiosity made him a party in every expedition, for the northermost and largest of
the three islands, and at the same time I sent the Master in the
yawl to leeward,* to found between the low islands and the main. In my way, I
passed over a reef of coral rock and sand, which lies about two leagues from the
island, and I left another to leeward, which lies about three miles from it: on
the north part of the reef, to the leeward, there is a low sandy island, with
trees upon it; and upon the reef which we passed over, we saw several turtle: we
chased one or two, but having little time to spare, and the wind blowing fresh, we
did not take any.
About one o'clock, we reached the island, and immediately ascended the
highest hill, with a mixture of hope and fear, proportioned to the importance of
our business, and the uncertainty of the event: when I looked round, I discovered
a reef of rocks, lying between two and three leagues without the islands, and
extending in a line N. W. and S. E. farther than I could see, upon which the sea
broke in a dreadful surf; this however made me think that there were no shoals
beyond them, and I conceived hopes of getting without these, as I perceived
several breaks or openings in the reef, and deep water between that and the
islands. I continued upon this hill till sunset, but the weather was so hazy
during the whole time that I came down much disappointed. After reflecting upon
what I had seen, and comparing the intelligence I had gained with what I expected,
I determined to stay upon the island all night, hoping that the morning might be
clearer, and afford me a more distinct and comprehensive view. We therefore took
up our lodging under the shelter of a bush which grew upon the beach, and at three
in the morning,* having sent the pinnace with one of the Mates whom I had brought
out with me, to sound between the island and the reefs, and examine what appeared
to be a channel through them, I climbed the hill a second time; but to my great
disappointment found the weather much more hazy than it had been the
day before.* About noon the pinnace returned, having been as far as the reef, and
found between fifteen and twenty-eight fathom of water; but it blew so hard that
the Mate did not dare to venture into one of the channels, which he said appeared
to him to be very narrow: this however did not discourage me, for I judged from
his description of the place he had been at, that he had seen it to disadvantage.
While I was busy in my survey, Mr. Banks was attentive to his
favourite pursuit, and picked up several plants which he had not before seen. We
found the island, which is visible at twelve leagues distance, to be about eight
leagues in circumference, and in general very rocky and barren. On the north west
side, however, there are some sandy bays, and some low land, which is covered with
long thin grass, and trees of the same kind with those upon the main: this part
also abounded with lizards of a very large size, some of which we took. We found
also fresh water in two places; one was a running stream, but that was a little
brackish where I tasted it, which was close to the sea; the other was a standing
pool, close behind the sandy beach, and this was perfectly sweet and good.
Notwithstanding the distance of this island from the main, we saw, to our great
surprize, that it was sometimes visited by the natives; for we found seven or
eight frames of their huts, and vast heaps of shells, the fish of which we
supposed had been their food. We observed that all these huts were built upon
eminences, and entirely exposed to the S. E. contrary to those which we had seen
upon the main; for they were all built either upon the side of a hill, or under
some bushes which afforded them shelter from the wind. From these huts, and their
situation, we concluded that at some seasons of the year the weather here is
invariably calm and fine; for the inhabitants have no boat which can navigate the
sea to so great a distance,* in such weather as we had from the time
of our first coming upon the coast. As we saw no animals upon this place but
lizards, I called it LIZARD ISLAND; the other two high islands, which lie at the
distance of four or five miles from it, are comparatively small; and near them lie
three others smaller still, and low, with several shoals or reefs, especially to
the S. E.: there is however a clear passage from Cape Flattery to these islands,
and even quite to the outward reefs, leaving Lizard Island to the north west, and
the others to the south east.
At two in the afternoon, there being no hope of clear weather, we set out
from Lizard Island to return to the ship, and in our way landed upon the low sandy
island with trees upon it, which we had remarked in our going out. Upon this
island we saw an incredible number of birds, chiefly sea-fowl: we found also the
nest of an eagle with young ones, which we killed; and the nest of some other
bird, we knew not what, of a most enormous size; it was built with sticks upon the
ground, and was no less than six and twenty feet in circumference, and two feet
eight inches high. We found also that this place had been visited by the Indians,
probably to eat turtle, many of which we saw upon the island, and a great number
of their shells, piled one upon another in different places.
To this spot we gave the name of EAGLE ISLAND, and after leaving it, we
steered S. W. directly for the ship, founding all the way, and we had never less
than eight fathom, nor more than fourteen; the same depth of water that I had
found between this and Lizard Island.
When I got on board, the Master informed me that he had been down to the
low islands, between which and the main I had directed him to found; that he
judged them to lie about three leagues from the main;* that without
them he found from ten to fourteen fathom, and between them and the main seven:
but that a flat which ran two leagues out from the main, made this channel narrow.
Upon one of these low islands he slept, and was ashore upon others; and he
reported, that he saw every where piles of turtle-shells, and fins hanging upon
the trees in many places, with the flesh upon them, so recent, that the boat's
crew eat of them: he saw also two spots, clear of grass, which appeared to have
been lately dug up, and from the shape and size of them he conjectured they were
graves.
After considering what I had seen myself, and the report of the Master, I
was of opinion that the passage to leeward would be dangerous, and that, by
keeping in with the main, we should run the risk of being locked in by the great
reef, and at last be compelled to return back in search of another passage, by
which, or any other accident that should cause the same delay, we should
infallibly lose our passage to the East Indies, and endanger the ruin of the
voyage, as we had now but little more than three months provisions on board at
short allowance.
Having stated this opinion, and the facts and appearances upon which it
was founded, to the officers, it was unanimously agreed, that the best thing we
could do would be to quit the coast altogether, till we could approach it with
less danger.
*In tne morning therefore, at break of day, we got under sail, and stood
out N. E. for the north west end of Lizard Island, leaving Eagle Island to
windward, and some other islands and shoals to the leeward, and having the pinnace
ahead to ascertain the depth of water in every part of our course. In this channel
we had from nine to fourteen fathom. At noon,* the north west end of
Lizard Island bore E. S. E. distant one mile; our latitude by observation was
14° 38′, and our depth of water fourteen fathom. We had a steady
gale at S. E. and by two o'clock we just fetched to windward of one of the
channels or openings in the outer reef, which I had seen from the island. We now
tacked, and made a short trip to the S. W. while the Master in the pinnace
examined the channel: he soon made the signal for the ship to follow, and in a
short time she got safe out. As soon as we had got without the breakers, we had no
ground with one hundred and fifty fathom, and found a large sea rolling in from
the S. E. a certain sign that neither land nor shoals were near us in that
direction.
Our change of situation was now visible in every countenance, for it was
most sensibly felt in every breast: we had been little less than three months
entangled among shoals and rocks, that every moment threatened us with
destruction; frequently passing our nights at anchor within hearing of the surge
that broke over them; sometimes driving towards them even while our anchors were
out, and knowing that if by any accident, to which an almost continual tempest
exposed us, they should not hold, we must in a few minutes inevitably perish. But
now, after having sailed no less than three hundred and sixty leagues, without
once having a man out of the chains heaving the lead, even for a minute, which
perhaps never happened to any other vessel, we found ourselves in an open sea,
with deep water; and enjoyed a flow of spirits which was equally owing to our late
dangers and our present security: yet the very waves, which by their swell
convinced us that we had no rocks or shoals to fear, convinced us also that we
could not safely put the same confidence in our vessel as before she had struck;
for the blows she received from them so widened her leaks,* that she
admitted no less than nine inches water in an hour, which, considering the state
of our pumps, and the navigation that was still before us, would have been a
subject of more serious consideration, to people whose danger had not so lately
been so much more imminent.
The passage or channel, through which we passed into the open sea beyond
the reef, lies in latitude 14° 32′ S. and may always be known by the
three high islands within it, which I have called the ISLANDS OF DIRECTION,
because by these a stranger may find a safe passage through the reef quite to the
main. The channel lies from Lizard Island N. E. ½ N. distant three leagues, and is
about one third of a mile broad, and not more in length. Lizard Island which is,
as I have before observed, the largest and the northermost of the three, affords
safe anchorage under the north west side, fresh water, and wood for fuel. The low
islands and shoals also which lie between it and the main abound with turtle and
fish, which may probably be caught in all seasons of the year, except when the
weather is very tempestuous; so that, all things considered, there is not perhaps
a better place for ships to refresh at upon the whole coast than this island. And
before I dismiss it, I must observe, that we found upon it, as well as upon the
beach in and about Endeavour River, bamboos, cocoa nuts, pumice stone, and the
seeds of plants which are not the produce of this country, and which it is
reasonable to suppose are brought from the eastward by the trade winds. The
islands which were discovered by Quiros, and called Australia
del Espiritu Santa, lie in this parallel; but how far to the eastward cannot now
be ascertained: in most charts they are placed in the same longitude with this
country, which, as appears by the account of his voyage that has
been published,* he never saw; for that places his discoveries no less than two
and twenty degrees to the eastward of it.
As soon as we were without the reef, we brought to, and having hoisted in
the boats, we stood off and on upon a wind all night; for I was not willing to run
to leeward till I had a whole day before me.* In the morning, at day-break, Lizard
Island bore S. 15 E. distant ten leagues; and we then made sail and stood away
N.N.W. ½ W. till nine o'clock, when we stood N.W. ½ N. having the advantage of a
fresh gale at S.E. At noon, our latitude by observation was 13° 46′ S.
and at this time we had no land in sight. At six in the evening we shortened sail
and brought the ship to, with her head to the N.E.; and at six in the morning made
sail and steered west,* in order to get within sight of the land, that I might be
sure not to overshoot the passage, if a passage there was, between this land and
New Guinea. At noon, our latitude by observation was
13° 2′ S., longitude 216° W.; which was 1° 23′
W. of Lizard Island: at this time we had no land in sight; but a little
before one o'clock, we saw high land from the mast-head, bearing W.S.W. At two, we
saw more land to the N. W. of that we had seen before: it appeared in hills, like
islands; but we judged it to be a continuation of the main land. About three, we
discovered breakers between the land and the ship, extending to the southward
farther than we could see; but to the north we thought we saw them terminate
abreast of us. What we took for the end of them in this direction, however, soon
appeared to be only an opening in the reef; for we presently saw them again,
extending northward beyond the reach of our sight. Upon this we hauled close upon
a wind, which was now at E. S. E. and we had scarcely trimmed our sails before it
came to E. by N. which was right upon the reef, and consequently made our clearing
it doubtful.* At sunset the northermost part of it that was in
sight bore from us N. by E. and was two or three leagues distant; this however
being the best tack to clear it, we kept standing to the northward with all the
sail we could set till midnight; when, being afraid of standing too far in this
direction, we tacked and stood to the southward, our run from sunset to this time
being six leagues N. and N. by E. When we had stood about two miles S. S. E. it
fell calm; we had sounded several times during the night, but had no bottom with
one hundred and forty fathom, neither had we any ground now with the same length
of line; yet, about four in the morning,* we plainly heard the roaring of the
surf, and at break of day saw it foaming to a vast height, at not more than a
mile's distance. Our distress now returned upon us with double force; the waves
which rolled in upon the reef, carried us towards it very fast; we could reach no
ground with an anchor, and had not a breath of wind for the sail. In this dreadful
situation, no resource was left us but the boats; and to aggravate our misfortune
the pinnace was under repair: the longboat and yawl however were put into the
water, and sent ahead to tow, which, by the help of our sweeps abaft, got the
ship's head round to the northward; which, if it could not prevent our
destruction, might at least delay it. But it was six o'clock before this was
effected, and we were not then a hundred yards from the rock upon which the same
billow which washed the side of the ship, broke to a tremendous height the very
next time it rose; so that between us and destruction there was only a dreary
valley, no wider than the base of one wave, and even now the sea under us was
unfathomable, at least no bottom was to be found with a hundred and twenty fathom.
During this scene of distress the carpenter had found means to patch up the
pinnace; so that she was hoisted out, and sent ahead, in aid of the
other boats, to tow;* but all our efforts would have been ineffectual, if, just at
this crisis of our fate, a light air of wind had not sprung up, so light, that at
any other time we should not have observed it, but which was enough to turn the
scale in our favour, and, in conjunction with the assistance which was afforded us
by the boats, to give the ship a perceptible motion obliquely from the reef. Our
hopes now revived; but in less than ten minutes it was again a dead calm, and the
ship was again driven towards the breakers, which were not now two hundred yards
distant. The same light breeze however returned before we had lost all the ground
it had enabled us to gain, and lasted about ten minutes more. During this time we
discovered a small opening in the reef, at about the distance of a quarter of a
mile: I immediately sent one of the Mates to examine it, who reported that its
breadth was not more than the length of the ship, but that within it there was
smooth water: this discovery seemed to render our escape possible, and that was
all, by pushing the ship through the opening, which was immediately attempted. It
was uncertain indeed whether we could reach it; but if we should succeed thus far,
we made no doubt of being able to get through: in this however we were
disappointed, for having reached it by the joint assistance of our boats and the
breeze, we found that in the mean time it had become high water, and to our great
surprize we met the tide of ebb rushing out of it like a mill-stream. We gained
however some advantage, though in a manner directly contrary to our expectations;
we found it impossible to go through the opening, but the stream that prevented
us, carried us out about a quarter of a mile: it was too narrow for us to keep in
it longer; yet this tide of ebb so much assisted the boats that by noon we had got
an offing of near two miles.* We had, however, reason to despair of
deliverance, even if the breeze, which had now died away, should revive, for we
were still embayed in the reef; and the tide of ebb being spent, the tide of
flood, notwithstanding our utmost efforts, again drove the ship into the bight.
About this time, however, we saw another opening, near a mile to the westward,
which I immediately sent the First Lieutenant, Mr. Hicks, in
the small boat to examine: in the mean time we struggled hard with the flood,
sometimes gaining a little, and sometimes losing; but every man still did his
duty, with as much calmness and regularity as if no danger had been near. About
two o'clock, Mr. Hicks returned with an account that the
opening was narrow and dangerous, but that it might be passed: the possibility of
passing it was sufficient encouragement to make the attempt, for all danger was
less imminent than that of our present situation. A light breeze now sprung up at
E. N. E. with which, by the help of our boats, and the very tide of flood that
without an opening would have been our destruction, we entered it, and were
hurried through with amazing rapidity, by a torrent that kept us from driving
against either side of the channel, which was not more than a quarter of a mile in
breadth. While we were shooting this gulph, our soundings were from thirty to
seven fathom, very irregular, and the ground at bottom very foul.
As soon as we had got within the reef we anchored in nineteen fathom,
over a bottom of coral and shells. And now, such is the vicissitude of life, we
thought ourselves happy in having regained a situation, which but two days before
it was the utmost object of our hope to quit. Rocks and shoals are always
dangerous to the mariner, even where their situation has been ascertained; they
are more dangerous in seas which have never before been navigated, and in this part of the globe they are more dangerous than in any other; for
here they are reefs of coral rock,* rising like a wall almost perpendicularly out
of the unfathomable deep, always overflowed at high-water, and at low-water dry in
many places; and here the enormous waves of the vast Southern Ocean, meeting with
so abrupt a resistance, break, with inconceivable violence, in a surf which no
rocks or storms in the northern hemisphere can produce. The danger of navigating
unknown parts of this ocean was now greatly increased by our having a crazy ship,
and being short of provisions and every other necessary; yet the distinction of a
first discoverer made us chearfully encounter every danger, and submit to every
inconvenience; and we chose rather to incur the censure of imprudence and
temerity, which the idle and voluptuous so liberally bestow upon unsuccessful
fortitude and perseverance, than leave a country which we had discovered
unexplored, and give colour to a charge of timidity and irresolution.
Having now congratulated ourselves upon getting within the reef,
notwithstanding we had so lately congratulated ourselves upon getting without it,
I resolved to keep the main land on board in my future route to the northward,
whatever the consequence might be; for if we had now gone without the reef again,
it might have carried us so far from the coast, as to prevent my being able to
determine, whether this country did, or did not, join to New
Guinea; a question which I was determined to resolve from my first
coming within sight of land. However, as I had experienced the disadvantage of
having a boat under repair, at a time when it was possible I might want to use
her, I determined to remain fast at anchor, till the pinnace was perfectly
refitted. As I had no employment for the other boats, I sent them out in the
morning to the reef,* to see what refreshments could be procured,*
and Mr. Banks, in his little boat, accompanied by
Dr. Solander, went with them. In this situation I found
the variation by amplitude and azimuth to be 4° 9′ E.; and at noon, our
latitude by observation was 12° 38′ S. and our longitude 216° 45′
W. The main land extended from N. 66 W. to S. W. by S. and the nearest
part of it was distant about nine leagues. The opening through which we had
passed, I called PROVIDENTIAL CHANNEL; and this bore E. N. E. distant ten or
twelve miles: on the main land within us was a lofty promontory which I called
CAPE WEYMOUTH; on the north side of which is a bay, which I called WEYMOOTH BAY:
they lie in latitude 12° 42′ S., longitude 127° 15′ W. At
four o'clock in the afternoon the boats returned with two hundred and forty pound
of the meat of shell-fish, chiefly of cockles, some of which were as much as two
men could move, and contained twenty pounds of good meat. Mr.
Banks also brought back many curious shells, and Mollusca; besides
many species of coral, among which was that called the Tubipora musica.
*At six o'clock in the morning, we got under sail and stood away to the
N.W. having two boats ahead to direct us; our soundings were very irregular,
varying five or six fathom every cast, between ten and twenty-seven. A little
before noon, we passed a low sandy island, which we left on our starboard side, at
the distance of two miles. At noon, our latitude was 12° 28′, and our
distance from the main about four leagues: it extended from S. by W. to N. 71 W.
and some small islands from N. 40 W. to 54 W. Between us and the main were several
shoals, and some without us, besides the main or outermost reef, which we could
see from the mast-head, stretching away to the N. E. At two in the afternoon, as
we were steering N. W. by N. we saw a large shoal right ahead, extending three or
four points upon each bow;* upon this we hauled up N. N. E. and N.
E. by N. to get round the north point of it, which we reached by four, and then
edged away to the westward, and ran between the north end of this shoal and
another, which lies two miles to the northward of it, having a boat all the way
ahead sounding; our depth of water was still very irregular, from twenty-two to
eight fathom. At half an hour after six, we anchored in thirteen fathom: the
northermost of the small islands seen at noon bore W. ½ S. distant three miles:
these islands are distinguished in the chart by the name of FORBES's ISLANDS, and
lie about five leagues from the main, which here forms a high point that we called
BOLT HEAD, from which the land trends more westerly, and is in that direction all
low and sandy; to the southward it is high and hilly even near the sea.
At six in the morning we got again under sail,* and steered for an island
which lay at a small distance from the main, and at this time bore from us N. 40
W. distant about five leagues: our course was soon interrupted by shoals; however,
by the help of the boats, and a good look-out from the top of the mast, we got
into a fair channel that led us down to the island, between a very large shoal on
our starboard side and several small ones towards the main: in this channel we had
from twenty to thirty fathom water. Between eleven and twelve o'clock we hauled
round the north east side of the island, leaving it between us and the main, from
which it is distant about seven or eight miles. This island is about a league in
circuit, and we saw upon it five of the natives, two of whom had lances in their
hands; they came down upon a point, and having looked a little while at the ship,
retired. To the N. W. of it are several low islands and quays, which lie not far
from the main; and to the northward and eastward are several other
islands and shoals;* so that we were now encompassed on every side: but having
lately been exposed to much greater danger, and rocks and shoals being grown
familiar, we looked at them comparatively with little concern. The main land
appeared to be low and barren, interspersed with large patches of the very fine
white sand, which we had found upon Lizard Island and different parts of the main.
The boats had seen many turtle upon the shoals which they passed, but it blew too
hard for them to take any. At noon, our latitude by observation was
12°, and our longitude 217° 25′: our depth of water was
fourteen fathom; and our course and distance, reduced to a strait line, was,
between this time and the preceding noon N. 29 W. thirty two miles.
The main land within the islands that have been just mentioned forms a
point, which I called CAPE GRENVILLE: it lies in latitude 11° 58′,
longitude 217° 38′; and between it and Bolt Head is a bay, which I
called TEMPLE BAY. At the distance of nine leagues from Cape Grenville, in the
direction of E. ½ N. lie some high islands, which I called SIR CHARLES HARDY's
ISLES; and those which lie off the Cape I called COCKBURN's ISLES. Having lain by
for the boats, which had got out of their station, till about one o'clock, we then
took the yawl in tow; and the pinnace having got ahead, we filled, and stood N. by
W. for some small islands which lay in that direction; such at least they were in
appearance, but upon approaching them we perceived that they were joined together
by a large reef: upon this we edged away N. W. and left them on our starboard
hand; we steered between them and the islands that lay off the main, having a
clear passage, and from fifteen to twenty-three fathom water. At four o'clock, we
discovered some low islands and rocks, bearing W. N. W. and stood
directly for them:* at half an hour after six, we anchored on the north east side
of the northermost of them, at one mile distance, and in sixteen fathom. These
islands lie N. W. four leagues from Cape Grenville, and from the number of birds
that I saw upon them, I called them BIRD ISLES. A little before sun-set, we were
in sight of the main land, which appeared all very low and sandy, extending as far
to the northward as N. W. by N. some shoals, quays, and low sandy isles stretching
away to the N. E.
At six o'clock in the morning, we got again under sail,* with a fresh
breeze at E. and stood away N. N. W. for some low islands in that direction, but
were soon obliged to haul close upon a wind to weather a shoal which we discovered
upon our larboard bow, having at the same time others to the eastward: by the time
we had weathered this shoal to leeward, we had brought the islands well upon our
lee bow, but seeing some shoals run off from them, and some rocks on our starboard
bow, which we did not discover till we were very near them, I was afraid to go to
windward of the islands, and therefore brought to, and having made the signal for
the pinnace, which was ahead, to come on board, I sent her to leeward of the
islands, with orders to keep along the edge of the shoal, which ran off from the
south side of the southermost island, sending the yawl at the same time, to run
over the shoal in search of turtle. As soon as the pinnace had got to a proper
distance, we wore, and stood after her: as we ran to leeward of this island, we
took the yawl in tow, she having seen only one small turtle, and therefore made
but little stay upon the shoal. The island we found to be a small spot of sand,
with some trees upon it, and we could discern many huts, or habitations of the
natives, whom we supposed occasionally to visit these islands from
the main,* they being only five leagues distant, to catch turtle, when they come
ashore to lay their eggs. We continued to stand after the pinnace N. N. E. and N.
by E. for two other low islands, having two shoals without us, and one between us
and the main. At noon, we were about four leagues from the main, which we saw
extending to the northward, as far as N. W. by N. all flat and sandy. Our
latitude, by observation, was 11° 23′ S. and our longitude 217°
46′ W. our soundings were from fourteen to twenty-three fathom; but
these, as well as the shoals and islands, which are too numerous to be
particularly mentioned, will be best seen upon the chart. By one o'clock, we had
run nearly the length of the southermost of the two islands in sight, and finding
that the going to windward of them would carry us too far from the main, we bore
up and ran to leeward, where finding a fair open passage, we steered N. by W. in a
direction parallel to the main, leaving a small island which lay between it and
the ship, and some low sandy isles and shoals without us, of all which we lost
sight by four o'clock, and saw no more before the sun went down: at this time the
farthest part of the land in sight bore N. N. W. ½ W. and soon after we anchored
in thirteen fathom, upon soft ground, at the distance of about five leagues from
the land, where we lay till day-light.
*Early in the morning, we made sail again, and steered N. N. W. by
compass, for the northermost land in sight; and at this time, we observed the
variation of the needle to be 3° 6′ E. At eight o'clock, we discovered
shoals ahead, and on our larboard bow, and saw that the northermost land, which we
had taken for the main, was detached from it, and that we might pass between them,
by running to leeward of the shoals on our larboard bow, which were now near us:
we therefore wore and brought to, sending away the pinnace and yawl
to direct us,* and then steered N. W. along the S. W. or inside of the shoals,
keeping a good look-out from the mast-head, and having another shoal on our
larboard side: we found however a good channel of a mile broad between them, in
which we had from ten to fourteen fathom. At eleven o'clock, we were nearly the
length of the land detached from the main, and there appeared to be no obstruction
in the passage between them, yet having the long-boat astern, and rigged, we sent
her away to keep in shore upon our larboard bow, and at the same time dispatched
the pinnace a-starboard; precautions which I thought necessary, as we had a strong
flood that carried us an end very fast, and it was near high water: as soon as the
boats were ahead, we stood after them, and by noon, got through the passage. Our
latitude, by observation, was then 10° 36′, and the nearest part of the
main, which we soon after found to be the northermost, bore W. 2 S. distant
between three or four miles: we found the land which was detached from the main,
to be a single island, extending from N. to N. 75 E. distant between two and three
miles; at the same time we saw other islands at a considerable distance, extending
from N. by W. to W. N. W. and behind them another chain of high land, which we
judged also to be islands: there were still other islands, extending as far as N.
71 W. which at this time we took for the main.
The point of the main which forms the side of the channel through which
we had passed, opposite to the island, is the northern promontory of the country,
and I called it YORK CAPE. Its longitude is 218° 24′ W. the latitude of
the north point is 10° 37′, and of the east point 10° 42′ S.
The land over the east point, and to the southward of it, is rather low, and as
far as the eye can reach, very flat, and of a barren appearance. To
the southward of the Cape the shore forms a large open bay,* which I called
NEWCASTLE BAY, and in which are some small low islands and shoals; the land
adjacent is also very low, flat, and sandy. The land of the northern part of the
Cape is more hilly, the vallies seem to be well clothed with wood, and the shore
forms some small bays, in which there appeared to be good anchorage. Close to the
eastern point of the Cape are three small islands, from one of which a small ledge
of rocks runs out into the sea: there is also an island close to the northern
point. The island that forms the streight or channel through which we had passed,
lies about four miles without these, which, except two, are very small: the
southermost is the largest, and much higher than any part of the main land. On the
north west side of this island there appeared to be good anchorage, and on shore,
vallies that promised both wood and water. These islands are distinguished in the
chart by the name of YORK ISLES. To the southward, and south east, and even to the
eastward and northward of them, there are several other low islands, rocks, and
shoals: our depth of water in sailing between them and the main, was twelve,
thirteen, and fourteen fathom.
We stood along the shore to the westward, with a gentle breeze at S. E.
by S. and when we had advanced between three and four miles, we discovered the
land ahead, which, when we first saw it, we took for the main, to be islands
detached from it by several channels: upon this we sent away the boats, with
proper instructions, to lead us through that channel which was next the main; but
soon after discovering rocks and shoals in this channel, I made a signal for the
boats to go through the next channel to the northward, which lay between these
islands, leaving some of them between us and the main: the ship
followed,* and had never less than five fathom water in the narrowest part of the
channel, where the distance from island to island was about one mile and an half.
At four o'clock in the afternoon, we anchored, being about a mile and a
half, or two miles, within the entrance, in six fathom and a half, with clear
ground: the channel here had begun to widen, and the islands on each side of us
were distant about a mile: the main land stretched away to the S. W. the farthest
point in view bore S. 48 W. and the southermost point of the islands, on the north
west side of the passage, bore S. 76 W. Between these two points we could see no
land, so that we conceived hopes of having, at last, found a passage into the
Indian sea; however, that I might be able to determine with more certainty, I
resolved to land upon the island which lies at the south east point of the
passage. Upon this island we had seen many of the inhabitants when we first came
to an anchor, and when I went into the boat, with a party of men, accompanied by
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in order
to go ashore, we saw ten of them upon a hill: nine of them were armed with such
lances as we had been used to see, and the tenth had a bow, and a bundle of
arrows, which we had never seen in the possession of the natives of this country
before: we also observed, that two of them had large ornaments of mother of pearl
hanging round their necks. Three of these, one of whom was the bowman, placed
themselves upon the beach abreast of us, and we expected that they would have
opposed our landing, but when we came within about a musket's shot of the beach,
they walked leisurely away. We immediately climbed the highest hill, which was not
more than three times as high as the mast-head, and the most barren of any we had seen.* From this hill, no land could be seen between the S. W. and
W. S. W. so that I had no doubt of finding a channel through. The land to the
north west of it consisted of a great number of islands of various extent, and
different heights, ranged one behind another, as far to the northward and westward
as I could see, which could not be less than thirteen leagues. As I was now about
to quit the eastern coast of New Holland, which I had
coasted from latitude 38 to this place, and which I am confident no
European had ever seen before, I once more hoisted
English colours, and though I had already taken possession of several particular
parts, I now took possession of the whole eastern coast, from latitude
38° to this place, latitude 10½ S. in right of his
Majesty King George the Third, by the name of NEW SOUTH WALES, with all the bays,
harbours, rivers, and islands situated upon it: we then fired three vollies of
small arms, which were answered by the same number from the ship. Having performed
this ceremony upon the island, which we called POSSESSION ISLAND, we reimbarked in
our boat, but a rapid ebb tide setting N. E. made our return to the vessel very
difficult and tedious. From the time of our last coming among the shoals, we
constantly found a moderate tide, the flood setting to the N. W. and the ebb to
the S. E. At this place, it is high water at the full and change of the moon,
about one or two o'clock, and the water rises and falls perpendicularly about
twelve feet. We saw smoke rising in many places from the adjacent lands and
islands, as we had done upon every part of the coast, after our last return to it
through the reef.
We continued at anchor all night, and between seven and eight o'clock in
the morning,* we saw three or four of the natives upon the beach gathering
shell-fish; we discovered, by the help of our glasses, that they
were women, and,* like all the other inhabitants of this country, stark naked. At
low water, which happened about ten o'clock, we got under sail, and stood to the
S. W. with a light breeze at E. which afterwards veered to N. by E.: our depth of
water was from six to ten fathom, except in one place, where we had but five. At
noon, Possession Island bore N. 53 E. distant four leagues, the western extremity
of the main land in sight bore S. 43 W. distant between four and five leagues, and
appeared to be extremely low, the south west point of the largest island on the
north west side of the passage bore N. 71 W. distant eight miles, and this point I
called CAPE CORNWALL. It lies in latitude 10° 43′ S., longitude
219° W.; and some low lands that lie about the middle of the
passage, which I called WALLIS's ISLES, bore W. by S. ½ S. distant about two
leagues: our latitude, by observation, was 10° 46′ S. We continued to
advance with the tide of flood W. N. W. having little wind, and from eight to five
fathom water. At half an hour after one, the pinnace, which was ahead, made the
signal for shoal water, upon which we tacked, and sent away the yawl to sound
also: we then tacked again, and stood after them: in about two hours, they both
made the signal for shoal water, and the tide being nearly at its greatest height,
I was afraid to stand on, as running aground at that time might be fatal; I
therefore came to an anchor in somewhat less than seven fathom, sandy ground.
Wallis's islands bore S. by W. ½ W. distant five or six miles, the islands to the
northward extended from S. 73 E. to N. 10 E. and a small island, which was just in
sight, bore N. W. ½ W. Here we found the flood tide set to the westward, and the
ebb to the eastward.
After we had come to an anchor, I sent away the Master in the long-boat
to sound, who, upon his return in the evening,* reported, that there
was a bank stretching north and south, upon which there were but three fathom, and
that beyond it there were seven. About this time it fell calm, and continued so
till nine the next morning, when we weighed, with a light breeze at S. S. E. and
steered N. W. by W. for the small island which was just in sight, having first
sent the boats ahead to sound: the depth of water was eight, seven, six, five, and
four fathom, and three fathom upon the bank, it being now the last quarter ebb. At
this time, the northermost island in sight bore N. 9 E. Cape Cornwall E. distant
three leagues, and Wallis's Isles S. 3 E. distant three leagues. This bank, at
least so much as we have sounded, extends nearly N. and S. but to what distance I
do not know: its breadth is not more than half a mile at the utmost. When we had
got over the bank, we deepened our water to six fathom three quarters, and had the
same depth all the way to the small island ahead, which we reached by noon, when
it bore S. distant about half a mile. Our depth of water was now five fathom, and
the northermost land in sight, which is part of the same chain of islands that we
had seen to the northward from the time of our first entering the streight, bore
N. 71 E. Our latitude, by observation, was 10° 33′ S. and our longitude
219° 22′ W.: in this situation, no part of the main was in sight. As
we were now near the island, and had but little wind, Mr.
Banks and I landed upon it, and found it, except a few patches of
wood, to be a barren rock, the haunt of birds, which had frequented it in such
numbers, as to make the surface almost uniformly white with their dung: of these
birds, the greater part seemed to be boobies, and I therefore called the place
BOOBY ISLAND. After a short stay, we returned to the ship, and in the mean time
the wind had got to the S. W.; it was but a gentle breeze, yet it was accompanied
by a swell from the same quarter, which, with other circumstances,*
confirmed my opinion that we were got to the westward of Carpentaria, or the
northern extremity of New Holland, and had now an open sea
to the westward, which gave me great satisfaction, not only because the dangers
and fatigues of the voyage were drawing to an end, but because it would no longer
be a doubt whether New Holland and New
Guinea were two separate islands, or different parts of the same.
The north east entrance of this passage, or streight, lies in the
latitude of 10° 39′ S, and in the longitude of 218° 36′ W.
It is formed by the main, or the northern extremity of New
Holland, on the S. E. and by a congeries of islands, which I called
the PRINCE OF WALES's ISLANDS, to the N. W. and it is probable that these islands
extend quite to New Guinea. They differ very much both in
height and circuit, and many of them seemed to be well clothed with herbage and
wood: upon most, if not all of them, we saw smoke, and therefore there can be no
doubt of their being inhabited; it is also probable, that among them there are at
least as good passages as that we came through, perhaps better, though better
would not need to be desired, if the access to it, from the eastward, were less
dangerous: that a less dangerous access may be discovered, I think there is little
reason to doubt, and to find it little more seems to be necessary, than to
determine how far the principal, or outer reef, which bounds the shoals to the
eastward, extends towards the north, which I would not have left to future
navigators if I had been less harassed by danger and fatigue, and had had a ship
in better condition for the purpose.
To this channel, or passage, I have given the name of the ship, and
called it ENDEAVOUR STREIGHTS. Its length from N. E. to S. W. is ten leagues, and
it is about five leagues broad,* except at the north east entrance,
where it is somewhat less than two miles, being contracted by the islands which
lie there. That which I called Possession Island is of a moderate height and
circuit, and this we left between us and the main, passing between it and two
small round islands, which lie about two miles to the N. W. of it. The two small
islands, which I called Wallis's Islands, lie in the middle of the south west
entrance, and these we left to the southward. Our depth of water in the streight,
was from four to nine fathom, with every where good anchorage, except upon the
bank, which lies two leagues to the northward of Wallis's Islands, where, at low
water, there are but three fathom: for a more particular knowlege of this
streight, and of the situations of the several islands and shoals on the eastern
coast of New Wales, I refer to the chart, where they are delineated with all the
accuracy that circumstances would admit; yet, with respect to the shoals, I cannot
pretend that one half of them are laid down, nor can it be supposed possible that
one half of them should be discovered in the course of a single navigation: many
islands also must have escaped my pencil, especially between latitude
20° and 22°, where we saw islands out at sea as far as an
island could be distinguished; it must not therefore be supposed, by future
navigators, that where no shoal or island is laid down in my chart, no shoal or
island will be found in these seas: it is enough that the situation of those that
appear in the chart is faithfully ascertained, and, in general, I have the
greatest reason to hope that it will be found as free from error as any that has
not been corrected by subsequent and successive observations. The latitudes and
longitudes of all, or most of the principal head lands and bays, may be confided
in, for we seldom failed of getting an observation once at least every day, by
which to correct the latitude of our reckoning,* and observations
for settling the longitude were equally numerous, no opportunity that was offered
by the sun and moon being suffered to escape. It would be injurious to the memory
of Mr. Green; not to take this opportunity of attesting that
he was indefatigable both in making observations and calculating upon them; and
that, by his instructions and assistance, many of the petty officers were enabled
both to observe and calculate with great exactness. This method of finding the
longitude at sea, may be put into universal practice, and may always be depended
upon within half a degree, which is sufficient for all nautical purposes. If,
therefore, observing and calculating were considered as necessary qualifications
for every sea officer, the labours of the speculative theorist to solve this
problem might be remitted, without much injury to mankind: neither will it be so
difficult to acquire this qualification, or put it in practice, as may at first
appear; for, with the assistance of the nautical almanack, and astronomical
ephemeris, the calculations for finding the longitude will take up little more
time than the calculation of an azimuth for finding the variation of the compass.
CHAP. VIII.
Departure from New South Wales; a
particular Description of the Country, its Products, and People: A Specimen
of the Language, and some Observations upon the Currents and Tides.
*OF this country, its products, and its people, many particulars have
already been related in the course of the narrative, being so interwoven with the
events, as not to admit of a separation. I shall now give a more full and
circumstantial description of each, in which, if some things should happen to be
repeated, the greater part will be found new.
New Holland, or, as I have now called the eastern coast,
New South Wales, is of a larger extent than any other
country in the known world that does not bear the name of a continent: the length
of coast along which we sailed, reduced to a strait line, is no less than
twenty-seven degrees of latitude, amounting to near 2000 miles, so that its square
surface must be much more than equal to all Europe. To the
southward of 33 or 34, the land in general is low and level; farther northward it
is hilly, but in no part can be called mountainous, and the hills and mountains,
taken together, make but a small part of the surface, in comparison with the
vallies and plains. It is upon the whole rather barren than fertile, yet the
rising ground is chequered by woods and lawns, and the plains and vallies are in
many places covered with herbage: the soil however is frequently sandy, and many of the lawns, or savannahs, are rocky and barren,*
especially to the northward, where, in the best spots, vegetation was less
vigorous than in the southern part of the country; the trees were not so tall, nor
was the herbage so rich. The grass in general is high, but thin, and the trees,
where they are largest, are seldom less than forty feet asunder; nor is the
country inland, as far as we could examine it, better clothed than the sea coast.
The banks of the bays are covered with mangroves, to the distance of a mile within
the beach, under which the soil is a rank mud, that is always overflowed by a
spring tide; farther in the country we sometimes met with a bog, upon which the
grass was very thick and luxuriant, and sometimes with a valley, that was clothed
with underwood: the soil in some parts seemed to be capable of improvement, but
the far greater part is such as can admit of no cultivation. The coast, at least
that part of it which lies to the northward of 25° S. abounds with fine
bays and harbours, where vessels may lie in perfect security from all winds.
If we may judge by the appearance of the country while we were there,
which was in the very height of the dry season, it is well watered: we sound
innumerable small brooks and springs, but no great rivers; these brooks, however,
probably become large in the rainy season. Thirsty Sound was the only place where
fresh water was not to be procured for the ship, and even there one or two small
pools were found in the woods, though the face of the country was every where
intersected by salt-creeks, and mangrove land.
Of trees there is no great variety. Of those that could be called timber,
there are but two sorts; the largest is the gum tree, which grows all over the
country, and has been mentioned already:* it has narrow leaves, not
much unlike a willow; and the gum, or rather resin, which it yields, is of a deep
red, and resembles the sanguis draconis; possibly it may be the same, for this
substance is known to be the produce of more than one plant. It is mentioned by
Dampier, and is perhaps the same that Tasman found upon
Diemen's Land, where he says he saw
Gum of the trees, and gum lac of the ground. The other timber tree is
that which grows somewhat like our pines, and has been particularly mentioned in
the account of Botany Bay. The wood of both these trees, as
I have before remarked, is extremely hard and heavy. Besides these, here are trees
covered with a soft bark that is easily peeled off, and is the same that in the
East Indies is used for the caulking of ships. We found here the palm of three
different sorts. The first, which grows in great plenty to the southward, has
leaves that are plaited like a fan: the cabbage of these is small, but exquisitely
sweet; and the nuts, which it bears in great abundance, are very good food for
hogs. The second sort bore a much greater resemblance to the true cabbage tree of
the West Indies; its leaves were large and pinnated, like those of the cocoa-nut;
and these also produced a cabbage, which though not so sweet as the other, was
much larger. The third sort, which, like the second, was found only in the
northern parts, was seldom more than ten feet high, with small pinnated leaves,
resembling those of some kind of fern: it bore no cabbage, but a plentiful crop of
nuts, about the size of a large chesnut, but rounder: as we found the hulls of
these scattered round the places where the Indians had made their •ires, we took
for granted that they were fit to eat; those however who made the experiment paid
dear for their knowlege of the contrary, for they operated both as
an emetic and cathartic with great violence. Still, however,* we made no doubt but
that they were eaten by the Indians; and judging that the constitution of the hogs
might be as strong as theirs, though our own had proved to be so much inferior, we
carried them to the stye; the hogs eat them, indeed, and for some time we thought
without suffering any inconvenience; but in about a week they were so much
disordered that two of them died, and the rest were recovered with great
difficulty. It is probable, however, that the poisonous quality of these nuts may
lie in the juice, like that of the cassada of the West Indies; and that the pulp,
when dried, may be not only wholesome, but nutricious. Besides these species of
the palm, and mangroves, there were several small trees and shrubs altogether
unknown in Europe; particularly one which produced a very
poor kind of fig; another that bore what we called a plum, which it resembled in
colour, but not in shape, being flat on the sides like a little cheese; and a
third that bore a kind of purple apple; which, after it had been kept a few days,
became eatable, and tasted somewhat like a damascene.
Here is a great variety of plants to enrich the collection of a botanist,
but very few of them are of the aesculent kind. A small plant, with long, narrow,
grassy leaves, resembling that kind of bulrush which in
England is called the Cat's-tail, yields a resin of a
bright yellow colour, exactly resembling gambouge, except that it does not stain;
it has a sweet smell, but its properties we had no opportunity to discover, any
more than those of many others with which the natives appear to be acquainted, as
they have distinguished them by names.
I have already mentioned the root and leaves of a plant resembling the
coccos of the West Indies, and a kind of bean;* to which may be
added, a sort of parsley and purselain, and two kinds of yams; one shaped like a
rhadish, and the other round, and covered with stringy fibres: both sorts are very
small, but sweet; and we never could find the plants that produced them, though we
often saw the places where they had been newly dug up; it is probable that the
drought had destroyed the leaves, and we could not, like the Indians, discover
them by the stalks.
Most of the fruits of this country, such as they are, have been mentioned
already. We found one in the southern part of the country resembling a cherry,
except that the stone was soft; and another not unlike a pine-apple in appearance,
but of a very disagreeable taste, which is well known in the East Indies, and is
called by the Dutch Pyn Appel Boomen.
Of the quadrupeds, I have already mentioned the dog, and particularly
described the kanguroo, and the animal of the opossum kind, resembling the
phalanger of Buffon; to which I can add only one more, resembling a polecat, which
the natives call Quoll; the back is brown, spotted with white, and the belly white
unmixed. Several of our people said they had seen wolves; but perhaps, if we had
not seen tracts that favoured the account, we might have thought them little more
worthy of credit than he who reported that he had seen the devil.
Of batts, which hold a middle place between the beasts and the birds, we
saw many kinds, particularly one which, as I have observed already, was larger
than a partridge; we were not fortunate enough to take one either alive or dead,
but it was supposed to be the same as Buffon has described by the name of Rouset
or Rouget.
The sea and other water-fowl of this country, are gulls,* shaggs,
soland geese, or gannets, of two sorts; boobies, noddies, curlieus, ducks,
pelicans of an enormous size, and many others. The land-birds, are crows, parrots,
paroquets, cockatoos, and other birds of the same kind, of exquisite beauty;
pigeons, doves, quails, bustards, herons, cranes, hawks, and eagles. The pigeons
flew in numerous flocks, so that, notwithstanding their extreme shyness, our
people frequently killed ten or twelve of them in a day: these birds are very
beautiful, and crested very differently from any we had seen before.
Among other reptiles, here are serpents of various kinds, some noxious,
and some harmless; scorpions, centipieds, and lizards. The insects are but few.
The principal are the musquito, and the ant. Of the ant there are several sorts;
some are as green as a leaf, and live upon trees, where they build their nests of
various sizes, between that of a man's head and his fist. These nests are of a
very curious structure: they are formed by bending down several of the leaves,
each of which is as broad as a man's hand, and gluing the points of them together,
so as to form a purse; the viscus used for this purpose, is an animal juice, which
Nature has enabled them to elaborate. Their method of first bending down the
leaves, we had not an opportunity to observe; but we saw thousands uniting all
their strength to hold them in this position, while other busy multitudes were
employed within, in applying the gluten that was to prevent their returning back.
To satisfy ourselves that the leaves were bent, and held down by the effort of
these diminutive artificers, we disturbed them in their work, and as soon as they
were driven from their station, the leaves on which they were employed sprung up
with a force much greater than we could have thought them able to
conquer by any combination of their strength.* But though we gratified our
curiosity at their expence, the injury did not go unrevenged; for thousands
immediately threw themselves upon us, and gave us intolerable pain with their
stings, especially those which took possession of our necks and our hair, from
whence they were not easily driven: the sting was scarcely less painful than that
of a bee; but, except it was repeated, the pain did not last more than a minute.
Another sort are quite black, and their operations and manner of life are
not less extraordinary. Their habitations are the inside of the branches of a
tree, which they contrive to excavate by working out the pith almost to the
extremity of the slenderest twig; the tree at the same time flourishing, as if it
had no such inmate. When we first found the tree, we gathered some of the
branches, and were scarcely less astonished than we should have been to find that
we had prophaned a consecrated grove, where every tree, upon being wounded, gave
signs of life; for we were instantly covered with legions of these animals,
swarming from every broken bough, and inflicting their stings with incessant
violence. They are mentioned by Rumphius in his Herbarium Amboinense, vol. ii. p.
257.; but the tree in which he saw their dwelling, is very different from that in
which we found them.
A third kind we found nested in the root of a plant, which grows on the
bark of trees in the manner of misletoe, and which they had perforated for that
use. This root is commonly as big as a large turnip, and sometimes much bigger:
when we cut it, we found it intersected by innumerable winding passages, all
filled with these animals, by which however the vegetation of the plant did not
appear to have suffered any injury.* We never cut one of these roots
that was not inhabited, though some were not bigger than a hazle-nut. The animals
themselves are very small, not more than half as big as the common red ant in
England. They had stings, but scarcely force enough to
make them felt; they had however a power of tormenting us in an equal, if not a
greater degree; for the moment we handled the root, they swarmed from innumerable
holes, and running about those parts of the body that were uncovered, produced a
titillation more intolerable than pain, except it is increased to great violence.
Rumphins has also given an account of this bulb and its inhabitants, vol. vi. p.
120. where he mentions another sort that are black.
We found a fourth kind, which are perfectly harmless, and almost exactly
resemble the white-ants of the East Indies; the architecture of these is still
more curious than that of the others. They have houses of two sorts, one is
suspended on the branches of trees, and the other erected upon the ground: those
upon the trees are about three or four times as big as a man's head, and are built
of a brittle substance, which seems to consist of small parts of vegetables
kneaded together with a glutinous matter, which their bodies probably supply; upon
breaking this crust, innumerable cells, swarming with inhabitants, appear in a
great variety of winding directions, all communicating with each other, and with
several apertures that lead to other nests upon the same tree: they have also one
large avenue, or covered way, leading to the ground, and carried on under it to
the other nest or house that is constructed there. This house is generally at the
root of a tree, but not of that upon which their other dwellings are constructed:
it is formed like an irregularly sided cone, and sometimes is more than six feet
high,* and nearly as much in diameter. Some are smaller, and
these are generally flat sided, and very much resemble in figure the stones which
are seen in many parts of England, and supposed to be the
remains of druidical antiquity. The outside of these is of well tempered clay,
about two inches thick; and within are the cells, which have no opening outwards,
but communicate only with the subterranean way to the houses on the tree, and to
the tree near which they are constructed, where they ascend up the root, and so up
the trunk and branches, under covered ways of the same kind as those by which they
descended from, their other dwellings. To these structures on the ground they
probably retire in the winter, or rainy seasons, as they are proof against any wet
that can fall; which those in the tree, though generally constructed under some
overhanging branch, from the nature and thinness of their crust or wall, cannot
be.
The sea in this country is much more liberal of food to the inhabitants
than the land; and though fish is not quite so plenty here as they generally are
in higher latitudes, yet we seldom hauled the seine without taking from fifty to
two hundred weight. They are of various sorts; but, except the mullet, and some of
the shell-fish, none of them are known in Europe: most of
them are palatable, and some are very delicious. Upon the shoals and reef there
are incredible numbers of the finest green turtle in the world, and oysters of
various kinds, particularly the rock-oyster and the pearl-oyster. The gigantic
cockles have been mentioned already; besides which there are sea-crayfish, or
lobsters, and crabs; of these however we saw only the shells. In the rivers and
salt crecks there are aligators.
The only person who has hitherto given any account of this country or
its inhabitants is Dampier, and though he is,* in general, a writer of credit, yet
in many particulars he is mistaken. The people whom he saw were indeed inhabitants
of a part of the coast very distant from that which we visited; but we also saw
inhabitants upon parts of the coast very distant from each other, and there being
a perfect uniformity in person and customs among them all, it is reasonable to
conclude, that distance in another direction has not considerably broken it.
The number of inhabitants in this country appears to be very small in
proportion to its extent. We never saw so many as thirty of them together but
once, and that was at Botany Bay, when men, women, and
children, assembled upon a rock to see the ship pass by: when they manifestly
formed a resolution to engage us, they never could muster above fourteen or
fifteen fighting men; and we never saw a number of their sheds or houses together
that could accommodate a larger party. It is true, indeed, that we saw only the
sea-coast on the eastern side; and that, between this and the western shore, there
is an immense tract of country wholly unexplored: but there is great reason to
believe that this immense tract is either wholly desolate, or at least still more
thinly inhabited than the parts we visited. It is impossible that the inland
country should subsist inhabitants at all seasons without cultivation; it is
extremely improbable that the inhabitants of the coast should be totally ignorant
of arts of cultivation, which were practised inland; and it is equally improbable
that, if they knew such arts, there should be no traces of them among them. It is
certain that we did not see one foot of ground in a state of cultivation in the
whole country; and therefore it may well be concluded that where the
sea does not contribute to feed the inhabitants,* the country is not inhabited.
The only tribe with which we had any intercourse, we found where the ship
was careened; it consisted of one and twenty persons; twelve men, seven women, one
boy, and one girl: the women we never saw but at a distance; for when the men came
over the river they were always left behind. The men here, and in other places,
were of a middle size, and in general well made, clean limbed, and remarkably
vigorous, active, and nimble: their countenances were not altogether without
expression, and their voices were remarkably soft and effeminate.
Their skins were so uniformly covered with dirt, that it was very
difficult to ascertain their true colour: we made several attempts, by wetting our
fingers and rubbing it, to remove the incrustations, but with very little effect.
With the dirt they appear nearly as black as a Negroe; and according to our best
discoveries, the skin itself is of the colour of wood soot, or what is commonly
called a chocolate colour. Their features are far from being disagreeable, their
noses are not flat, nor are their lips thick; their teeth are white and even, and
their hair naturally long and black, it is however universally cropped short; in
general it is strait, but sometimes it has a slight curl; we saw none that was not
matted and filthy, though without oil or grease, and to our great astonishment
free from lice. Their beards were of the same colour with their hair, and bushy
and thick: they are not however suffered to grow long. A man whom we had seen one
day with his beard somewhat longer than his companions, we saw the next, with it
somewhat shorter, and upon examination found the ends of the hairs burnt: from
this incident, and our having never seen any sharp instrument among
them,* we concluded that both the hair and the beard were kept short by singeing
them.
Both sexes, as I have already observed, go stark naked, and seem to have
no more sense of indecency in discovering the whole body, than we have in
discovering our hands and face. Their principal ornament is the bone which they
thrust through the cartilage that divides the nostrils from each other: what
perversion of taste could make them think this a decoration, or what could prompt
them, before they had worn it or seen it worn, to suffer the pain and
inconvenience that must of necessity attend it, is perhaps beyond the power of
human sagacity to determine: as this bone is as thick as a man's finger, and
between five and six inches long, it reaches quite across the face, and so
effectually stops up both the nostrils that they are forced to keep their mouths
wide open for breath, and snuffle so when they attempt to speak, that they are
scarcely intelligible even to each other. Our seamen, with some humour, called it
their spritsail-yard; and indeed it had so ludicrous an appearance, that till we
were used to it, we found it difficult to refrain from laughter. Beside this
nose-jewel, they had necklaces made of shells, very neatly cut and strung
together; bracelets of small cord, wound two or three times about the upper part
of their arm, and a string of plaited human hair about as thick as a thread of
yarn, tied round the waist. Besides these, some of them had gorgets of shells
hanging round the neck, so as to reach cross the breast. But though these people
wear no clothes, their bodies have a covering besides the dirt, for they paint
them both white and red: the red is commonly laid on in broad patches upon the
shoulders and breast; and the white in stripes, some narrow, and some broad: the
narrow were drawn over the limbs, and the broad over the body, not without some
degree of taste. The white was also laid on in small patches upon
the face,* and drawn in a circle round each eye. The red seemed to be ochre, but
what the white was we could not discover; it was close grained, saponaceous to the
touch, and almost as heavy as white lead; possibly it might be a kind of
Steatites, but to our great regret we could not procure a bit of it to examine.
They have holes in their ears, but we never saw any thing worn in them. Upon such
ornaments as they had, they set so great a value, that they would never part with
the least article for any thing we could offer; which was the more extraordinary
as our beads and ribbons were ornaments of the same kind, but of a more regular
form and more showy materials. They had indeed no idea of traffic, nor could we
communicate any to them: they received the things that we gave them; but never
appeared to understand our signs when we required a return. The same indifference
which prevented them from buying what we had, prevented them also from attempting
to steal: if they had coveted more, they would have been less honest; for when we
refused to give them a turtle, they were enraged, and attempted to take it by
force, and we had nothing else upon which they seemed to set the least value; for,
as I have before observed, many of the things that we had given them, we found
left negligently about in the woods, like the playthings of children, which please
only while they are new. Upon their bodies we saw no marks of disease or sores,
but large scars in irregular lines, which appeared to be the remains of wounds
which they had inflicted upon themselves with some blunt instrument, and which we
understood by signs to have been memorials of grief for the dead.
They appeared to have no fixed habitations, for we saw nothing like a
town or village in the whole country. Their houses, if houses they may be called,
seem to be formed with less art and industry than any we had seen,*
except the wretched hovels at Terra del Fuego, and in some
respects they are inferior even to them. At Botany Bay,
where they were best, they were just high enough for a man to sit upright in; but
not large enough for him to extend himself in his whole length in any direction:
they are built with pliable rods about as thick as a man's finger, in the form of
an oven, by sticking the two ends into the ground, and then covering them with
palm leaves, and broad pieces of bark: the door is nothing but a large hole at one
end, opposite to which the fire is made, as we perceived by the ashes. Under these
houses, or sheds, they sleep, coiled up with their heels to their head; and in
this position one of them will hold three or four persons. As we advanced
northward, and the climate became warmer, we found these sheds still more slight:
they were built, like the others, of twigs, and covered with bark; but none of
them were more than four feet deep, and one side was intirely open: the close side
was always opposed to the course of the prevailing wind, and opposite to the open
side was the fire, probably more as a defence from the musquitos than the cold.
Under these hovels it is probable, that they thrust only their heads and the upper
part of their bodies, extending their feet towards the fire. They were set up
occasionally by a wandering hord, in any place that would furnish them for a time
with subsistence, and left behind them when, after it was exhausted, they went
away: but in places where they remained only for a night or two, they slept
without any shelter, except the bushes or grass, which is here near two feet high.
We observed, however, that though the sleeping huts which we found upon the main,
were always turned from the prevailing wind, those upon the islands were turned
towards it; which seems to be a proof that they have a mild season here, during
which the sea is calm,* and that the same weather which enables them
to visit the islands, makes the air welcome even while they sleep.
The only furniture belonging to these houses that fell under our
observation, is a kind of oblong vessel made of bark, by the simple contrivance of
tying up the two ends with a withy, which not being cut off serves for a handle;
these we imagined were used as buckets to fetch water from the spring, which may
be supposed sometimes to be at a considerable distance. They have however a small
bag, about the size of a moderate cabbage-net, which is made by laying threads
loop within loop, somewhat in the manner of knitting used by our ladies to make
purses. This bag the man carries loose upon his back by a small string which
passes over his head; it generally contains a lump or two of paint and resin, some
fish-hooks and lines, a shell or two, out of which their hooks are made, a few
points of darts, and their usual ornaments, which includes the whole worldly
treasure of the richest man among them.
Their fish-hooks are very neatly made, and some of them are exceedingly
small. For striking turtle they have a peg of wood which is about a foot long, and
very well bearded; this fits into a socket at the end of a staff of light wood,
about as thick as a man's wrist, and about seven or eight feet long: to the staff
is tied one end of a loose line about three or four fathom long, the other end of
which is fastened to the peg. To strike the turtle, the peg is fixed into the
socket, and when it has entered his body, and is retained there by the barb, the
staff flies off and serves for a float to trace their victim in the water; it
assists also to tire him, till they can overtake him with their canoes, and haul
him ashore. One of these pegs, as I have mentioned already, we found buried in the
body of a turtle, which had healed up over it.* Their lines are
from the thickness of a half inch rope to the fineness of a hair, and are made of
some vegetable substance, but what in particular we had no opportunity to learn.
Their food is chiefly fish, though they sometimes contrive to kill the
kanguroo, and even birds of various kinds; notwithstanding they are so shy that we
found it difficult to get within reach of them with a fowling-piece. The only
vegetable that can be considered as an article of food is the yam; yet doubtless
they eat the several fruits which have been mentioned among other productions of
the country; and indeed we saw the shells and hulls of several of them lying about
the places where they had kindled their fire.
They do not appear to eat any animal food raw; but having no vessel in
which water can be boiled, they either broil it upon the coals, or bake it in a
hole by the help of hot stones, in the same manner as is practised by the
inhabitants of the islands in the South Seas.
Whether they are acquainted with any plant that has an intoxicating
quality, we do not know; but we observed that several of them held leaves of some
sort constantly in their mouths, as an European does
tobacco, and an East Indian betele: we never saw the plant, but when they took it
from their mouths at our request; possibly it might be a species of the betele,
but whatever it was, it had no effect upon the teeth or the lips.
As they have no nets, they catch fish only by striking, or with a hook
and line, except such as they find in the hollows of the rocks and shoals, which
are dry at half ebb.
Their manner of hunting we had no opportunity to see; but we conjectured
by the notches which they had every where cut in large trees in
order to climb them,* that they took their station near the tops of them, and
there watched for such animals as might happen to pass near enough to be reached
by their lances: it is possible also, that in this situation they might take birds
when they came to roost.
I have observed that when they went from our tents upon the banks of
Endeavour river, we could trace them by the fires which they kindled in their way;
and we imagined that these fires were intended some way for the taking the
kanguroo, which we observed to be so much afraid of fire, that our dogs could
scarcely force it over places which had been newly burnt, though the fire was
extinguished.
They produce fire with great facility, and spread it in a wonderful
manner. To produce it they take two pieces of dry soft wood, one is a stick about
eight or nine inches long, the other piece is flat: the stick they shape into an
obtuse point at one end, and pressing it upon the other, turn it nimbly by holding
it between both their hands as we do a chocolate mill, often shifting their hands
up, and then moving them down upon it, to increase the pressure as much as
possible. By this method they get fire in less than two minutes, and from the
smallest spark they increase it with great speed and dexterity. We have often seen
one of them run along the shore, to all appearance with nothing in his hand, who
stooping down for a moment, at the distance of every fifty or a hundred yards,
left fire behind him, as we could see first by the smoke, and then by the flame
among the drift wood, and other litter which was scattered along the place. We had
the curiosity to examine one of these planters of fire, when he set off, and we
saw him wrap up a small spark in dry grass, which, when he had run a little way,
having been fanned by the air that his motion produced, began to
blaze;* he then laid it down in a place convenient for his purpose, inclosing a
spark of it in another quantity of grass, and so continued his course.
There are perhaps few things in the history of mankind more extraordinary
than the discovery and application of fire: it will scarcely be disputed that the
manner of producing it, whether by collision or attrition, was discovered by
chance: but its first effects would naturally strike those to whom it was a new
object, with consternation and terror: it would appear to be an enemy to life and
nature, and to torment and destroy whatever was capable of being destroyed or
tormented; and therefore it seems not easy to conceive what should incline those
who first saw it receive a transient existence from chance, to reproduce it by
design. It is by no means probable that those who first saw fire, approached it
with the same caution, as those who are familiar with its effects, so as to be
warmed only and not burnt; and it is reasonable to think that the intolerable pain
which, at its first appearance, it must produce upon ignorant curiosity, would sow
perpetual enmity between this element and mankind; and that the same principle
which incites them to crush a serpent, would incite them to destroy fire, and
avoid all means by which it would be produced, as soon as they were known. These
circumstances considered, how men became sufficiently familiar with it to render
it useful, seems to be a problem very difficult to solve: nor is it easy to
account for the first application of it to culinary purposes, as the eating both
animal and vegetable food raw, must have become a habit, before there was fire to
dress it, and those who have considered the force of habit will readily believe,
that to men who had always eaten the flesh of animals raw, it would be as
disagreeable dressed, as to those who have always eaten it dressed, it would be
raw. It is remarkable that the inhabitants of Terra del
Fuego produce fire from a spark by collision,* and that the happier
natives of this country, New Zealand, and
Otaheite, produce it by the attrition of one combustible
substance against another: is there not then some reason to suppose that these
different operations correspond with the manner in which chance produced fire in
the neighbourhood of the torrid and frigid zones? Among the rude inhabitants of a
cold country, neither any operation of art, or occurrence of accident, could be
supposed so easily to produce fire by attrition, as in a climate where every thing
is hot, dry, and adust, teeming with a latent fire which a slight degree of motion
was sufficient to call forth; in a cold country therefore, it is natural to
suppose that fire was produced by the accidental collision of two metallic
substances, and in a cold country, for that reason, the same expedient was used to
produce it by design: but in hot countries, where two combustible substances
easily kindle by attrition, it is probable that the attrition of such substances
first produced fire, and here it was therefore natural for art to adopt the same
operation, with a view to produce the same effect. It may indeed be true that fire
is now produced in many cold countries by attrition, and in many hot by a stroke;
but perhaps upon enquiry there may appear reason to conclude that this has arisen
from the communication of one country with another, and that with respect to the
original production of fire in hot and cold countries, the distinction is well
founded.
There may perhaps be some reason to suppose that men became gradually
acquainted with the nature and effects of fire, by its permanent existence in a
volcano, there being remains of volcanoes, or vestiges of their effects, in almost
every part of the world: by a volcano, however, no method of producing fire,
otherwise than by contact, could be learnt▪ the production and
application of fire therefore,* still seem to afford abundant subject of
speculation to the curious.
The weapons of these people are spears or lances, and these are of
different kinds: some that we saw upon the southern part of the coast had four
prongs, pointed with bone, and barbed; the points were also smeared with a hard
resin, which gave them a polish, and made them enter deeper into what they struck.
To the northward, the lance has but one point: the shaft is made of cane, or the
stalk of a plant somewhat resembling a bulrush, very strait and light, and from
eight to fourteen feet long, consisting of several joints, where the pieces are
let into each other, and bound together; to this are fitted points of different
kinds; some are of hard heavy wood, and some are the bones of fish: we saw several
that were pointed with the stings of the sting-ray, the largest that they could
procure, and barbed with several that were smaller, fastened on in a contrary
direction; the points of wood were also sometimes armed with sharp pieces of
broken shells, which were stuck in, and at the junctures covered with resin: the
lances that are thus barbed, are indeed dreadful weapons, for when once they have
taken place, they can never be drawn back without tearing away the flesh, or
leaving the sharp ragged splinters of the bone or shell which forms the beard,
behind them in the wound. These weapons are thrown with great force and dexterity;
if intended to wound at a short distance, between ten and twenty yards, simply
with the hand, but if at the distance of forty or fifty, with an instrument which
we called a throwing stick. This is a plain smooth piece of a hard reddish wood,
very highly polished, about two inches broad, half an inch thick, and three feet
long, with a small knob, or hook at one end, and a cross piece about three or four
•nches long at the other: the knob at one end is received in a small
dent or hollow,* which is made for that purpose in the shaft of the lance near the
point, but from which it easily slips, upon being impelled, forward: when the
lance is laid along upon this machine, and secured in a proper position by the
knob, the person that is to throw it holds it over his shoulder, and after shaking
it, delivers both the throwing stick and lance with all his force, but the stick
being stopped by the cross piece which comes against the shoulder, with a sudden
jerk, the lance flies forward with incredible swiftness, and with so good an aim,
that at the distance of fifty yards these Indians were more sure of their mark
than we could be with a single bullet. Besides these lances, we saw no offensive
weapon upon this coast, except when we took our last view of it with our glasses,
and then we thought we saw a man with a bow and arrows, in which it is possible we
might be mistaken. We saw, however, at Botany Bay, a shield
or target, of an oblong shape, about three feet long, and eighteen inches broad,
which was made of the bark of a tree: this was fetched out of a hut by one of the
men that opposed our landing, who, when he ran away, left it behind him, and upon
taking it up, we found that it had been pierced through with a single pointed
lance near the center. These shields are certainly in frequent use among the
people here, for though this was the only one that we saw in their possession, we
frequently found trees from which they appeared manifestly to have been cut, the
marks being easily distinguished from those that were made by cutting buckets:
sometimes also we found the shields cut out, but not yet taken off from the tree,
the edges of the bark only being a little raised by wedges, so that these people
appear to have discovered that the bark of a tree becomes thicker and stronger by
being suffered to remain upon the trunk after it has been cut round.
The canoes of New Holland are as mean and rude
as the houses.* Those on the southern part of the coast are nothing more than a
piece of bark, about twelve feet long, tied together at the ends, and kept open in
the middle by small bows of wood: yet in a vessel of this construction we once saw
three people. In shallow water they are set forward by a pole, and in deeper by
paddles, about eighteen inches long, one of which the boatman holds in each hand;
mean as they are, they have many conveniences, they draw but little water, and
they are very light, so that they go upon mud banks to pick up shell fish, the
most important use to which they can be applied, better perhaps than vessels of
any other construction. We observed, that in the middle of these canoes there was
a heap of sea-weed, and upon that a small fire; probably that the fish may be
broiled and eaten the moment it is caught.
The canoes that we saw when we advanced farther to the northward, are not
made of bark, but of the trunk of a tree hollowed, perhaps by fire. They are about
fourteen feet long, and, being very narrow, are fitted with an outrigger to
prevent their oversetting. These are worked with paddles, that are so large as to
require both hands to manage one of them: the outside is wholly unmarked by any
tool, but at each end the wood is left longer at the top than at the bottom, so
that there is a projection beyond the hollow part resembling the end of a plank;
the sides are tolerably thin, but how the tree is felled and fashioned, we had no
opportunity to learn. The only tools that we saw among them are an adze,
wretchedly made of stone, some small pieces of the same substance in form of a
wedge, a wooden mallet, and some shells and fragments of coral. For polishing
their throwing sticks, and the points of their lances, they use the leaves of a
kind of wild fig-tree, which bites upon wood almost as keenly as the
shave-grass of Europe,* which is used by our joiners: with
such tools, the making even such a canoe as I have described, must be a most
difficult and tedious labour: to those who have been accustomed to the use of
metal, it appears altogether impracticable; but there are few difficulties that
will not yield to patient perseverance, and he who does all he can, will certainly
produce effects that greatly exceed his apparent power.
The utmost freight of these canoes is four people, and if more at any
time wanted to come over the river, one of those who came first was obliged to go
back for the rest: from this circumstance, we conjectured that the boat we saw,
when we were lying in Endeavour River, was the only one in the neighbourhood: we
have however some reason to believe that the bark canoes are also used where the
wooden ones are constructed, for upon one of the small islands where the natives
had been fishing for turtle, we found one of the little paddles which had belonged
to such a boat, and would have been useless on board any other.
By what means the inhabitants of this country are reduced to such a
number as it can subsist, is not perhaps very easy to guess; whether, like the
inhabitants of New Zealand, they are destroyed by the hands
of each other in contests for food; whether they are swept off by accidental
famine, or whether there is any cause which prevents the increase of the species,
must be left for future adventurers to determine. That they have wars, appears by
their weapons; for supposing the lances to serve merely for the striking of fish,
the shield could be intended for nothing but a defence against men; the only mark
of hostility, however, which we saw among them, was the perforation of the shield
by a spear which has been just mentioned, for none of them appeared to have been
wounded by an enemy. Neither can we determine whether they are
pusilanimous or brave;* the resolution with which two of them attempted to prevent
our landing, when we had two boats full of men, in Botany
Bay, even after one of them was wounded with small shot, gave us
reason to conclude that they were not only naturally courageous, but that they had
acquired a familiarity with the dangers of hostility, and were, by habit as well
as nature, a daring and warlike people; but their precipitate flight from every
other place that we approached, without even a menace, while they were out of our
reach, was an indication of uncommon tameness and timidity, such as those who had
only been occasionally warriors must be supposed to have shaken off, whatever
might have been their natural disposition. I have faithfully related facts, the
reader must judge of the people for himself.
From the account that has been given of our commerce with them, it cannot
be supposed that we should know much of their language; yet as this is an object
of great curiosity, especially to the learned, and of great importance in their
researches into the origin of the various nations that have been discovered, we
took some pains to bring away such a specimen of it as might, in a certain degree,
answer the purpose, and I shall now give an account how it was procured. If we
wanted to know the name of a stone, we took a stone up into our hands, and as well
as we could, intimated by signs that we wished they should name it: the word that
they pronounced upon the occasion, we immediately wrote down. This method, though
it was the best we could contrive, might certainly lead us into many mistakes; for
if an Indian was to take up a stone, and ask us the name of it, we might answer a
pebble or a flint; so when we took up a stone, and asked an Indian the name of it,
he might pronounce a word that distinguished the species and not the
genus,* or that, instead of signifying stone simply, might signify a rough stone,
or a smooth stone; however, as much as possible to avoid mistakes of this kind,
several of us contrived, at different times, to get from them as many words as we
could, and having noted them down, compared our lists: those which were the same
in all, and which, according to every one's account, signified the same thing, we
ventured to record, with a very few others, which, from the simplicity of the
subject, and the ease of expressing our question with plainness and precision by a
sign, have acquired equal authority.
English. New Holland. The head, Wageegee. Hair,
Morye. Eyes, Meul. Ears, Melea. Lips, Yembe. Nose, Bonjoo. Tongue, Unjar. Beard,
Wallar. Neck, Doomboo. Nipples, Cayo. Hands, Marigal. Thighs, Coman. Navel,
Toolpoor. Knees, Pongo. Feet, Edamal. Heel. Kniorror. Cockatoo, Wanda. The soal of
the foot, Chumal. Ankle, Chongurn. Nails, Kulke. Sun, Gallan. Fire, Meanang. A
stone, Walba. Sand, Yowall. A rope, Gurka. A man, Bama. A male turtle, Poinga. A
female, Mameingo. A canoe, Marigan. To paddle, Pelenyo. Sit down, Takai. Smooth,
Mier Carrar. A dog, Cotta, or Kota. A loriquet, Perpere, or pier-pier. Blood,
Garmbe. Wood, Yocou. The bone in the nose, Tapool. A bag, Charngala. Arms, Aco, or Acol. Thumb, Eboorbalga. The fore, middle, and ring fingers,
Egalbaiga. The little finger, Nakil, or Eboornakil. The sky, Kere, or Kearre. A
father, Dunjo. A son, Jumurre. A great cockle, Moingo.* Cocos, yams, Maracotu.
Expressions, as we supposed, of admiration, which they continually used when they
were in company with us. Cherr, Cherco, Yarcaw, Tut, tut, tut, tut, I shall now
quit this country, with a few observations relative to the currents and tides upon
the coast. From latitude 32°, and somewhat higher, down to Sandy Cape,
in latitude 24° 46′, we constantly sound a current setting to the
southward, at the rate of about ten or fifteen miles a day, being more or less,
according to our distance from the land, for it always ran with more force in
shore than in the offing; but I could never satisfy myself whether the flood-tide
came from the southward, the eastward, or the northward: I inclined to the opinion
that it came from the south-east, but the first time we anchored off the coast,
which was in latitude 24° 30′, about ten leagues to the south east of
Bustard Bay, I found it come from the north west; on the contrary, thirty leagues
farther to the north west, on the south side of Keppel Bay, I found that it came
from the east, and at the northern part of that Bay it came from the northward,
but with a much slower motion than it had come from the east: on the east side of
the Bay of Inlets, it set strongly to the westward, as far as the opening of Broad
Sound; but on the north side of that Sound, it came with a very slow motion from
the north west; and when we lay at anchor before 〈◊〉 Bay, it came
from the northward:* to account for its course in all this variety of directions,
we need only admit that the flood-tide comes from the east or south east. It is
well known, that where there are deep inlets, and large creeks into low lands,
running up from the sea, and not occasioned by rivers of fresh water, there will
always be a great indraught of the flood-tide, the direction of which will be
determined by the position or direction of the coast which forms the entrance of
such inlet, whatever be its course at sea; and where the tides are weak, which
upon this coast is generally the case, a large inlet will, if I may be allowed the
expression, attract the flood-tide for many leagues.
A view of the chart will at once illustrate this position. To the
northward of Whitsunday's Passage there is no large inlet, consequently the flood
sets to the northward, or north westward, according to the direction of the coast,
and the ebb to the south, or south eastward, at least such is their course at a
little distance from the land, for very near it they will be influenced by small
inlets. I also observed, that we had only one high tide in twenty-four hours,
which happened in the night. The difference between the perpendicular rise of the
water in the day and the night, when there is a spring-tide, is no less than three
feet, which, where the tides are so inconsiderable as they are here, is a great
proportion of the whole difference between high and low water. This irregularity
of the tides, which is worthy of notice, we did not discover till we were run
ashore, and perhaps farther to the northward it is still greater: after we got
within the reef the second time, we found the tides more considerable than we had
ever done before, except in the Bay of Inlets, and possibly this may be owing to
the water being more confined between the shoals; here also the flood sets to the north west,* and continues in the same direction to the extremity
of New Wales, from whence its direction is west and south west into the Indian
sea.
CHAP. IX.
The Passage from New South Wales to
New Guinea, with an Account of what happened upon
landing there.
IN the afternoon of Thursday August the 23d,* after leaving
Booby Island, we steered W. N. W. with light airs from the S. S. W. till five
o'clock, when it fell calm, and the tide of ebb soon after setting to the N. E. we
came to an anchor in eight fathom water, with a soft sandy bottom. Booby Island
bore S. 50 E. distant five miles, and the Prince of Wales's Isles extended from N.
E. by N. to S. 55 E.; between these there appeared to be a clear open passage,
extending from N. 46 E. to E. by N.
At half an hour after five, in the morning of the 24th,* as
we were purchasing the anchor, the cable parted at about eight or ten fathom from
the ring: the ship then began to drive, but I immediately dropped another anchor,
which brought her up before she got more than a cable's length from the buoy; the
boats were then sent to sweep for the anchor, but could not succeed. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 10° 30′ S. As I was resolved not to leave
the anchor behind, while there remained a possibility of recovering it, I sent the
boats again after dinner, with a small line, to discover where it lay; this being
happily effected, we swept for it with a hawser, and by the same hawser hove the
ship up to it: we proceeded to weigh it, but just as we were about
to ship it,* the hawser slipped, and we had all our labour to repeat: by this time
it was dark, and we were obliged to suspend our operations till the morning.
*As soon as it was light, we sweeped it again, and heaved it to the bows:
by eight o'clock, we weighed the other anchor, got under sail, and, with a fine
breeze at E. N. E. stood to the north west. At noon, our latitude, by observation,
was 10° 18′ S. longitude 219° 39′ W. At this time, we had no
land in sight, but about two miles to the southward of us lay a large shoal, upon
which the sea broke with great violence, and part of which, I believe, is dry at
low water. It extends N. W. and S. E. and is about five leagues in circuit. Our
depth of water, from the time we weighed till now, was nine fathom, but it soon
shallowed to seven fathom; and at half an hour after one, having run eleven miles
between noon and that time, the boat which was a-head made the signal for shoal
water; we immediately let go an anchor, and brought the ship up with all the sails
standing, for the boat having just been relieved, was at but a little distance:
upon looking out from the ship, we saw shoal water almost all round us, both wind
and tide at the same time setting upon it. The ship was in six fathom, but upon
sounding round her, at the distance of half a cable's length, we found scarcely
two. This shoal reached from the east, round by the north and west, as far as the
south west, so that there was no way for us to get clear but that which we came.
This was another hair's-breadth escape, for it was near high water, and there run
a short cockling sea, which must very soon have bulged the ship if she had struck;
and if her direction had been half a cable's length more either to the right or
left, she must have struck before the signal for the shoal was made. The shoals
which, like these, lie a fathom or two under water, are the most dangerous of any,
for they do not discover themselves till the vessel is just upon
them,* and then indeed the water looks brown, as if it reflected a dark cloud.
Between three and four o'clock the tide of ebb began to make, and I sent the
Master to sound to the southward and south westward, and in the mean time, as the
ship tended, I weighed anchor, and with a little sail stood first to the
southward, and afterwards edging away to the westward, got once more out of
danger. At sunset, we anchored in ten fathom, with a sandy bottom, having a fresh
gale at E. S. E.
At six in the morning, we weighed again and stood west,* having, as
usual, first sent a boat ahead to sound. I had intended to steer N. W. till I had
made the south coast of New Guinea, designing, if possible,
to touch upon it; but upon meeting with these shoals, I altered my course, in
hopes of finding a clearer channel, and deeper water. In this I succeeded, for by
noon our depth of water was gradually increased to seventeen fathom. Our latitude
was now by observation 10° 10′ S.; and our longitude 220° 12′
W. No land was in sight. We continued to steer west till sunset, our
depth of water being from twenty-seven to twenty-three fathom: we then shortened
sail, and kept upon a wind all night; four hours on one tack, and four on another.
At day-light, we made all the sail we could,* and steered W. N. W. till eight
o'clock, and then N. W. At noon, our latitude by observation was 9° 56′
S.; longitude 221° W.; variation 2° 30′ E. We
continued our N. W. course till sunset, when we again shortened sail, and hauled
close upon a wind to the northward: our depth of water was twenty-one fathom. At
eight, we tacked and stood to the southward till twelve; then stood to the
northward with little sail till day-light:* our soundings were from twenty-five to
seventeen fathom, the water growing gradually shallow as we stood to the
northward. At this time we made sail and stood to the north,* in
order to make the land of New Guinea: from the time of
making sail till noon, the depth of water gradually decreased from seventeen to
twelve fathom, with a stoney and shelly bottom. Our latitude by observation was
now 8° 52′ S. which is in the same parallel as that in which the
southern parts of New Guinea are laid down in the charts;
but there are only two points so far to the south, and I reckoned that we were a
degree to the westward of them both, and therefore did not see the land, which
trends more to the northward. We found the sea here to be in many parts covered
with a brown scum, such as sailors generally call spawn. When I first saw it, I
was alarmed, fearing that we were among shoals; but upon sounding, we found the
same depth of water as in other places. This scum was examined both by
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, but they could not determine
what it was: it was formed of innumerable small particles, not more than half a
line in length, each of which in the microscope appeared to consist of thirty or
forty tubes; and each tube was divided through its whole length by small
partitions into many cells, like the tubes of the conferva: they were supposed to
belong to the vegetable kingdom, because upon burning them they produced no smell
like that of an animal substance. The same appearance had been observed upon the
coast of Brazil and New Holland, but
never at any considerable distance from the shore. In the evening a small bird
hovered about the ship, and at night, settling among the rigging, was taken. It
proved to be exactly the same bird which Dampier has described, and of which he
has given a rude figure, by the name of a Noddy from New
Holland. [See his Voyages, vol. iii. p. 98. Tab. of Birds, Fig. 5.]
We continued standing to the northward with a fresh gale at E. by E.
and S.E. till six in the evening,* having very irregular soundings, the depth
changing at once from twenty-four fathom to seven. At four, we had seen the land
from the mast-head, bearing N.W. by N.; it appeared to be very low, and to stretch
from W.N.W. to N.N.E. distant four or five leagues. We now hauled close upon a
wind till seven, then tacked and stood to the southward till twelve, at which time
we wore and stood to the northward till four in the morning, then laid the head of
the vessel off till day-light,* when we again saw the land, and stood in N.N.W.
directly for it, with a fresh gale at E. by S. Our soundings during the night were
very irregular from seven to five fathom, suddenly changing from deep to shallow,
and from shallow to deep, without in the least corresponding with our distance
from the land. At half an hour after six in the morning a small low island, which
lay at the distance of about a league from the main, bore N. by W. distant five
miles: this island lies in latitude 8° 13′ S., longitude 221° 25′
W.; and I find it laid down in the charts by the names of Bartholomew and
Whermoysen. We now steered N.W. by W. W.N.W. W. by N. W. by S. and S.W. by W. as
we found the land lie, with from five to nine fathom; and though we reckoned we
were not more than four leagues from it, yet it was so low and level that we could
but just see it from the deck. It appeared however to be well covered with wood,
and among other trees, we thought we could distinguish the cocoa-nut. We saw smoke
in several places, and therefore knew there were inhabitants. At noon we were
about three leagues from the land; the westermost part of which that was in sight
bore S. 79° W. Our latitude by observation was 8° 19′ S. and
longitude 221° 44′ W. The island of St. Bartholomew bore N. 74 E.
distant 20 miles.
*After steering S.W. by W. six miles, we had shoal water on our
starboard bow, which I sent the yawl to sound, and at the same time hauled off
upon a wind till four o'clock, and though during that time we had run six miles,
we had not deepened our water an inch. I then edged away S.W. four miles more; but
finding it still shoal water, I brought to and called the boats aboard. At this
time, being between three and four leagues from the shore, and the yawl having
found only three fathom water in the place to which I had sent her to sound, I
hauled off close upon a wind, and weathered the shoal about half a mile.
Between one and two o'clock, we passed a bay or inlet before which lies a
small island that seems to shelter it from the southerly winds; but I very much
doubt whether there is sufficient depth of water behind it for shipping. I could
not attempt to determine the question, because the S.E. trade wind blows right
into the bay, and we had not as yet had any breeze from the land.
We stretched off to sea till twelve o'clock, when we were about eleven
leagues from the land, and had deepened our water to twenty-nine fathom. We now
tacked and stood in till five in the morning;* when, being in six fathom and an
half, we tacked and laid the head of the vessel off till day-light, when we saw
the land, bearing N.W. by W. at about the distance of four leagues. We now made
sail, and steered first W.S.W. then W. by S.; but coming into five fathom and an
half, we hauled off S. W. till we deepened our water to eight fathom, and then
kept away W. by S. and W. having nine fathom, and the land just in sight from the
deck; we judged it to be about four leagues distant, and it was still very low and
woody. Great quantities of the brown scum continued to appear upon the water, and
the sailors, having given up the notion of its being spawn,* found a
new name for it, and called it Sea-saw-dust. At noon, our latitude by observation
was 8° 30′ S.; our longitude 222° 34′ W.; and Saint
Bartholomew's isle bore N. 69 E. distant seventy-four miles.
As all this coast appears to have been very minutely examined by the
Dutch, and as our track with the soundings will appear by the chart, it is
sufficient to say, that we continued our course to the northward with very shallow
water, upon a bank of mud, at such a distance from the shore as that it could
scarcely be seen from the ship, till the 3d of September. During this
time we made many attempts to get near enough to go on shore, but without success;
and having now lost six days of fair wind, at a time when we knew the south east
monsoon to be nearly at an end, we began to be impatient of farther delay, and
determined to run the ship in as near to the shore as possible, and then land with
the pinnace, while she kept plying off and on, to examine the produce of the
country, and the disposition of the inhabitants. For the two last days we had
early in the morning a light breeze from the shore, which was strongly impregnated
with the fragrance of the trees, shrubs, and herbage that covered it, the smell
being something like that of Gum Benjamin. On the 3d of September, at
day-break,* we saw the land extending from N. by E. to S.E. at about four leagues
distance, and we then kept standing in for it with a fresh gale at E.S.E. and E.
by S. till nine o'clock, when being within about three or four miles of it, and in
three fathom water, we brought to. The pinnace being hoisted out, I set off from
the ship with the boat's crew, accompanied by Mr. Banks, who
also took his servants, and Dr. Solander, being in all twelve
persons well armed; we rowed directly towards the shore,* but the
water was so shallow that we could not reach it by about two hundred yards: we
waded however the rest of the way, having left two of the seamen to take care of
the boat. Hitherto we had seen no signs of inhabitants at this place; but as soon
as we got ashore we discovered the prints of human feet, which could not long have
been impressed upon the sand, as they were below high-water mark: we therefore
concluded that the people were at no great distance, and, as a thick wood came
down within a hundred yards of the water, we thought it necessary to proceed with
caution, lest we should fall into an ambuscade and our retreat to the boat be cut
off. We walked along the skirts of the wood, and at the distance of about two
hundred yards from the place where we landed, we came to a grove of cocoa-nut
trees, which stood upon the banks of a little brook of brackish water. The trees
were of a small growth, but well hung with fruit; and near them was a shed or hut,
which had been covered with their leaves, though most of them were now fallen off:
about the hut lay a great number of the shells of the fruit, some of which
appeared to be just fresh from the tree. We looked at the fruit very wishfully,
but not thinking it safe to climb, we were obliged to leave it without tasting a
single nut. At a little distance from this place we found plantains, and a
breadfruit tree, but it had nothing upon it; and having now advanced about a
quarter of a mile from the boat, three Indians rushed out of the wood with a
hideous shout, at about the distance of a hundred yards; and as they ran towards
us, the foremost threw something out of his hand, which slew on one side of him,
and burnt exactly like gunpowder, but made no report: the other two instantly
threw their lances at us; and, as no time was now to be lost, we discharged our
pieces, which were loaded with small shot.* It is probable that
they did not feel the shot, for though they halted a moment, they did not retreat;
and a third dart was thrown at us. As we thought their farther approach might be
prevented with less risk of life, than it would cost to defend ourselves against
their attack if they should come nearer, we loaded our pieces with ball, and fired
a second time: by this discharge it is probable that some of them were wounded;
yet we had the satisfaction to see that they all ran away with great agility. As I
was not disposed forcibly to invade this country, either to gratify our appetites
or our curiosity, and perceived that nothing was to be done upon friendly terms,
we improved this interval, in which the destruction of the natives was no longer
necessary to our own defence, and with all expedition returned towards our boat.
As we were advancing along the shore, we perceived that the two men on board made
signals that more Indians were coming down; and before we got into the water we
saw several of them coming round a point at the distance of about five hundred
yards: it is probable that they had met with the three who first attacked us; for
as soon as they saw us they halted, and seemed to wait till their main body should
come up. We entered the water, and waded towards the boat; and they remained at
their station, without giving us any interruption. As soon as we were aboard we
rowed abreast of them, and their number then appeared to be between sixty and a
hundred. We now took a view of them at our leisure; they made much the same
appearance as the New Hollanders, being nearly of the same
stature, and having their hair short cropped: like them also they were all stark
naked, but we thought the colour of their skin was not quite so dark; this however
might perhaps be merely the effect of their not being quite so dirty. All this
while they were shouting defiance, and letting off their fires by
four or five at a time.* What these fires were, or for what purpose intended, we
could not imagine: those who discharged them had in their hands a short piece of
stick, possibly a hollow cane, which they swung sideways from them, and we
immediately saw fire and smoke, exactly resembling those of a musquet, and of no
longer duration. This wonderful phaenomenon was observed from the ship, and the
deception was so great that the people on board thought they had fire-arms; and in
the boat, if we had not been so near as that we must have heard the report, we
should have thought they had been firing volleys. After we had looked at them
attentively some time, without taking any notice of their flashing and
vociferation, we fired some musquets over their heads: upon hearing the balls
rattle among the trees, they walked leisurely away, and we returned to the ship.
Upon examining the weapons they had thrown at us, we found them to be light darts,
about four feet long, very ill made, of a reed or bamboo cane, and pointed with
hard wood, in which there were many barbs. They were discharged with great force;
for though we were at sixty yards distance, they went beyond us, but in what
manner we could not exactly see: possibly they might be shot with a bow; but we
saw no bows among them when we surveyed them from the boat, and we were in general
of opinion that they were thrown with a stick, in the manner practised by the
New Hollanders.
This place lies in the latitude of 6° 15′ S. and about
sixty-five leagues to the N. E. of Port Saint Augustine, or Walche Caep, and is
near what is called in the charts C. de la Colta de St. Bonaventura. The land
here, like that in every other part of the coast is very low, but covered with a
luxuriance of wood and herbage that can scarcely be conceived. We saw the cocoa-nut, the bread-fruit, and the plantain tree,* all flourishing in a
state of the highest perfection, though the cocoa-nuts were green, and the
bread-fruit not in season; besides most of the trees, shrubs, and plants that are
common to the South Sea islands, New Zealand, and
New Holland.
Soon after our return to the ship, we hoisted in the boat and made sail
to the westward, being resolved to spend no more time upon this coast, to the
great satisfaction of a very considerable majority of the ship's company. But I am
sorry to say that I was strongly urged by some of the officers to send a party of
men ashore, and cut down the cocoa-nut trees for the sake of the fruit. This I
peremptorily refused, as equally unjust and cruel. The natives had attacked us
merely for landing upon their coast, when we attempted to take nothing away, and
it was therefore morally certain that they would have made a vigorous effort to
defend their property if it had been invaded, in which case many of them must have
fallen a sacrifice to our attempt, and perhaps also some of our own people. I
should have regretted the necessity of such a measure, if I had been in want of
the necessaries of life; and certainly it would have been highly criminal when
nothing was to be obtained but two or three hundred of green cocoa-nuts, which
would at most have procured us a mere transient gratification. I might indeed have
proceeded farther along the coast to the northward and westward, in search of a
place where the ship might have lain so near the shore as to cover the people with
her guns when they landed; but this would have obviated only part of the mischief,
and though it might have secured us, it would probably in the very act have been
fatal to the natives. Besides, we had reason to think that before such a place would have been found,* we should have been carried so far to
the westward as to have been obliged to go to Batavia, on
the north side of Java; which I did not think so safe a passage as to the south of
Java, through the Streights of Sunday: the ship also was so leaky that I doubted
whether it would not be necessary to heave her down at
Batavia, which was another reason for making the best of
our way to that place; especially as no discovery could be expected in seas which
had already been navigated, and where every coast had been laid down by the Dutch
geographers. The Spaniards indeed, as well as the Dutch, seem to have
circumnavigated all the islands in New Guinea, as almost
every place that is distinguished in the chart has a name in both languages. The
charts with which I compared such part of this coast as I visited, are bound up
with a French work, intitled, "Histoire des Navigationes aux Terres Australes,"
which was published in 1756, and I found them tolerably exact; yet I know not by
whom, nor when they were taken: and though New Holland and
New Guinea are in them represented as two distinct
countries, the very history in which they are bound up, leaves it in doubt. I
pretend however to no more merit in this part of the voyage, than to have
established the fact beyond all controversy.
As the two countries lie very near each other, and the intermediate space
is full of islands, it is reasonable to suppose that they were both peopled from
one common stock: yet no intercourse appears to have been kept up between them;
for if there had, the cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and other fruits of New
Guinea, which are equally necessary for the support of life, would certainly have
been transplanted to New Holland, where no traces of them
are to be found. The Author of the "Histoire des Navigationes aux Terres
Australes," in his account of La Maire's voyage,* has given a
vocabulary of the language that is spoken in an island near New
Britain, and we find, by comparing that vocabulary with the words
which we learnt in New Holland, that the languages are not
the same. If therefore it should appear, that the languages of New
Britain and New Guinea are the same, there will be reason to
suppose that New Britain and New Guinea were peopled from a
common stock; but that the inhabitants of New Holland had a
different origin, notwithstanding the proximity of the countries.
CHAP. X.
The Passage from New Guinea to the
Island of Savu, and the Transactions there.
*WE made sail, from noon on Monday the 3d to noon on Tuesday
the 4th, standing to the westward, and all the time kept in
soundings, having from fourteen to thirty fathom; not regular, but sometimes more,
sometimes less. At noon on the 4th, we were in fourteen fathom, and
latitude 6° 44′ S., longitude 223° 51′ W.; our course and
distance since the 3d at noon, were S. 76 W. one hundred and twenty
miles to the westward.* At noon on the 5th of September, we were in
latitude 7° 25′ S., longitude 225° 41′ W.; having been in
soundings the whole time from ten to twenty fathom.
*At half an hour after one in the morning of the next day, we passed a
small island which bore from us N. N. W. distant between three and four miles; and
at day-light we discovered another low island, extending from N.N.W. to N.N.E.
distant about two or three leagues. Upon this island, which did not appear to be
very small, I believe I should have landed to examine its produce, if the wind had
not blown too fresh to admit of it. When we passed this island we had only ten
fathom water, with a rocky bottom; and therefore I was afraid of running down to
leeward, lest I should meet with shoal water and foul ground. These islands have
no place in the charts except they are the Arrou islands; and if
these, they are laid down much too far from New Guinea.* I
found the south part of them to lie in latitude 7° 6′ S., longitude
225° W.
We continued to steer W. S. W. at the rate of four miles and an half an
hour, till ten o'clock at night, when we had forty-two fathom, at eleven we had
thirty-seven, at twelve forty-five, at one in the morning forty-nine, and at three
120, after which we had no ground. At day-light, we made all the sail we could,
and at ten o'clock, saw land, extending from N. N. W. to W. by N. distant between
five and six leagues: at noon, it bore from N. to W. and at about the same
distance: it appeared to be level, and of a moderate height: by our distance from
New Guinea, it ought to have been part of the Arrou
Islands, but it lies a degree farther to the south than any of these islands are
laid down in the charts; and by the latitude should be Timor Laoet: we sounded,
but had no ground with fifty fathom.
As I was not able to satisfy myself from any chart, what land it was that
I saw to leeward, and fearing that it might trend away more southerly, the weather
also being so hazy that we could not see far, I steered S. W. and by four had lost
sight of the island. I was now sure that no part of it lay to the southward of
8° 15′ S. and continued standing to the S. W. with an easy sail, and
a fresh breeze at S. E. by E. and E. S. E.: we sounded every hour, but had no
bottom with 120 fathom.
At day-break in the morning,* we steered W. S. W. and afterwards W. by S.
which by noon brought us into the latitude of 9° 30′ S. longitude
229° 34′ W. and by our run from New Guinea,
we ought to have been within sight of Weasel Isles, which in the charts are laid
down at the distance of twenty or twenty-five leagues from the coast of
New Holland; we however saw nothing,* and
therefore they must have been placed erroneously; nor can this be thought strange,
when it is considered that not only these islands, but the coast which bounds this
sea, have been discovered and explored by different people, and at different
times, and the charts upon which they are delineated, put together by others,
perhaps at the distance of more than a century after the discoveries had been
made; not to mention that the discoverers themselves had not all the requisites
for keeping an accurate journal, of which those of the present age are possessed.
*We continued our course, steering W. till the evening of the
8th, when the variation of the compass, by several azimuths, was
12′ W. and by the amplitude 5′ W. At noon, on the 9th,* our latitude,
by observation, was 9° 46′ S., longitude 232° 7′ W. For the
last two days we had steered due W. yet, by observation, we made sixteen miles
southing, six miles from noon on the 6th to noon on the
7th, and ten miles from noon on the 7th to noon on
the 8th, by which it appeared that there was a current setting to the
southward. At sunset, we found the variation to be 2 W. and at the same time, saw
an appearance of very high land bearing N. W.
*In the morning of the 10th, we saw clearly that what had
appeared to be land the night before, was Timor. At noon, our latitude, by
observation, was 10° 1′ S. which was fifteen miles to the southward of
that given by the log; our longitude, by observation, was 233° 27′ W.
We steered N. W. in order to obtain a more distinct view of the land in sight,
till four o'clock in the morning of the 11th,* when the wind came to
the N. W. and W. with which we stood to the southward till nine, when we tacked
and stood N. W. having the wind now at W. S. W. At sun-rise, the land had appeared
to extend from W. N. W. to N. E. and at noon, we could see it extend
to the westward as far as W. by S. ½ S. but no farther to the eastward than N. by
E. We were now well assured,* that as the first land we had seen was Timor, the
last island we had passed was Timor Laoet, or Laut. Laoet, is a word in the
language of Malaca, signifying Sea, and this island was named by the inhabitants
of that country. The south part of it lies in latitude 8°
15° S. longitude 228° 10′ W. but in the charts the south
point is laid down in various latitudes, from 8° 30′ to 9°
30′: it is indeed possible that the land we saw might be some other
island, but the presumption to the contrary is very strong, for if Timor Laut had
lain where it is placed in the charts, we must have seen it there. We were now in
latitude 9° 37′ S.; longitude, by an observation of the sun and moon,
233° 54′ W. we were the day before in 233° 27′; the
difference is 27′, exactly the same that was given by the log: this, however, is a
degree of accuracy in observation that is seldom to be expected. In the afternoon,
we stood in shore till eight in the evening, when we tacked and stood off, being
at the distance of about three leagues from the land, which at sun-set extended
from S. W. ½ W. to N. E.: at this time we sounded, and had no ground with 140
fathom. At midnight, having but little wind,* we tacked and stood in, and at noon
the next day, our latitude, by observation, was 9° 36′ S. This day, we
saw smoke on shore in several places, and had seen many fires during the night.
The land appeared to be very high, rising in gradual slopes one above another: the
hills were in general covered with thick woods, but among them we could
distinguish naked spots of a considerable extent, which had the appearance of
having been cleared by art. At five o'clock in the afternoon, we were within a
mile and a half of the shore, in sixteen fathom water, and abreast of a small
inlet into the low land, which lies in latitude 9° 34′S. and probably
is the same that Dampier entered with his boat,* for it did not seem
to have sufficient depth of water for a ship. The land here answered well to the
description that he has given of it: close to the beach it was covered with high
spiry trees, which he mentions as having the appearance of pines; behind these
there seemed to be salt water creeks, and many mangroves, interspersed however
with cocoa-nut trees: the flat land at the beach appeared in some places to extend
inward two or three miles before the rise of the first hill; in this part,
however, we saw no appearance of plantations or houses, but great fertility, and
from the number of fires, we judged that the place must be well peopled.
When we had approached within a mile and an half of the shore, we tacked
and stood off, and the extreams of the coast then extended from N. E. by E. to W.
by S. ½ S. The south westerly extremity was a low point, distant from us about
three leagues. While we were standing in for the shore, we sounded several times,
but had no ground till we came within about two miles and a half, and then we had
five and twenty fathom, with a soft bottom. After we had tacked, we stood off till
midnight, with the wind at S.; we then tacked and stood two hours to the westward,
when the wind veered to S. W. and W. S. W. and we then stood to the southward
again.* In the morning, we found the variation to be 1° 10′ W. by the
amplitude, and by the azimuth 1° 27′. At noon, our latitude was, by
observation, 9° 45′ S. our longitude 234° 12′W.; we were
then about seven leagues distant from the land, which extended from N. 31 E. to W.
S. W. ½ W.
With light land breezes from W. by N. for a few hours in a morning, and
sea breezes from S. S. W. and S. we advanced to the westward but slowly.* At noon
on the 14th, we were between six and seven leagues from the land,
which extended from N. by E. to S. 78 W.;* we still saw smoke in
many places by day, and sire by night, both upon the low land and the mountains
beyond it. We continued steering along the shore, till the morning of the
15th,* the land still appearing hilly, but not so high as it had
been: the hills in general came quite down to the sea, and where they did not, we
saw instead of flats and mangrove land, immense groves of cocoa-nut trees,
reaching about a mile up from the beach: there the plantations and houses
commenced, and appeared to be innumerable. The houses were shaded by groves of the
fan palm, or borassus, and the plantations, which were inclosed by a fence,
reached almost to the tops of the highest hills. We saw however neither people nor
cattle, though our glasses were continually employed, at which we were not a
little surprised.
We continued our course, with little variation, till nine o'clock in the
morning of the 16th,* when we saw the small island called ROTTE; and
at noon, the island SEMAU, lying off the south end of Timor, bore N. W.
Dampier, who has given a large description of the island of Timor, says,
that it is seventy leagues long, and sixteen broad, and that it lies nearly N. E.
and S. W. I found the east side of it to lie nearest N. E. by E. and S. W. by W.
and the south end to lie in latitude 10° 23′ S. longitude 236° 5′
W. We ran about forty-five leagues along the east side, and found the
navigation altogether free from danger. The land which is bounded by the sea,
except near the south end, is low for two or three miles within the beach, and in
general intersected by salt creeks: behind the low land are mountains, which rise
one above another to a considerable height. We steered W. N. W. till two in the
afternoon, when, being within a small distance of the north end of Rotte, we
hauled up N. N. W. in order to go between it and Semau:* after
steering three leagues upon this course, we edged away N. W. and W. and by six, we
were clear of all the islands. At this time, the south part of Semau, which lies
in latitude 10° 15′ S. bore N. E. distant four leagues, and the island
of Rotte extended as far to the southward as S. 36 W. The north end of this
island, and the south end of Timor, lie N. ½ E. and S. ½ W. and are about three or
four leagues distant from each other. At the west end of the passage between Rotte
and Semau, are two small islands, one of which lies near the Rotte shore, and the
other off the south west point of Semau: there is a good channel between them,
about six miles broad, through which we passed. The isle of Rotte has not so lofty
and mountainous an appearance as Timor, though it is agreeably diversified by hill
and valley: on the north side, there are many sandy beaches, near which grew some
trees of the fan palm, but the far greater part was covered with a kind of brushy
wood, that was without leaves. The appearance of Semau was nearly the same with
that of Timor, but not quite so high. About ten o'clock at night, we observed a
phaenomenon in the heavens, which in many particulars resembled the aurora
borealis, and in others, was very different: it consisted of a dull reddish light,
and reached about twenty degrees above the horizon: its extent was very different
at different times, but it was never less than eight or ten points of the compass:
through, and out of this, passed rays of light of a brighter colour, which
vanished, and were renewed nearly in the same time as those of the aurora
borealis, but had no degree of the tremulous or vibratory motion which is observed
in that phaenomenon: the body of it bore S. S. E. from the ship, and it continued,
without any diminution of its brightness, till twelve o'clock, when
we retired to sleep, but how long afterwards,* I cannot tell.
Being clear of all the islands,* which are laid down in the maps we had
on board, between Timor and Java, we steered a west course till six o'clock the
next morning, when we unexpectedly saw an island bearing W. S. W. and at first I
thought we had made a new discovery. We steered directly for it, and by ten
o'clock were close in with the north side of it, where we saw houses, cocoa-nut
trees, and, to our very agreeable surprise, numerous flocks of sheep. This was a
temptation not to be resisted by people in our situation, especially as many of us
were in a bad state of health, and many still repining at my not having touched at
Timor: it was therefore soon determined to attempt a commerce with people who
appeared to be so well able to supply our many necessities, and remove at once the
sickness and discontent that had got footing among us. The pinnace was hoisted
out, and Mr. Gore, the Second Lieutenant, sent to see if there was any convenient
place to land, taking with him some trifles, as presents to the natives, if any of
them should appear. While he was gone, we saw from the ship two men on horseback,
who seemed to be riding upon the hills for their amusement, and often stopped to
look at the ship. By this we knew that the place had been settled by
Europeans, and hoped, that the many disagreeable
circumstances which always attend the first establishment of commerce with
savages, would be avoided. In the mean time, Mr. Gore landed in a small sandy cove
near some houses, and was met by eight or ten of the natives, who, as well in
their dress as their persons, very much resembled the Malays: they were without
arms, except the knives which it is their custom to wear in their girdles, and one
of them had a jack ass with him: they courteously invited him ashore, and
conversed with him by signs,* but very little of the meaning of
either party could be understood by the other. In a short time he returned with
this report, and, to our great mortification, added, that there was no anchorage
for the ship. I sent him however a second time, with both money and goods, that he
might, if possible, purchase some refreshments, at least for the sick; and
Dr. Solander went in the boat with him. In the mean time I
kept standing on and off with the ship, which at this time was within about a mile
of the shore. Before the boat could land, we saw two other horsemen, one of whom
was in a complete European dress, consisting of a blue
coat, a white waistcoat, and a laced hat: these people, when the boat came to the
shore, took little notice of her, but sauntered about, and seemed to look with
great curiosity at the ship. We saw however other horsemen, and a great number of
persons on foot, gather round our people, and, to our great satisfaction,
perceived several cocoa-nuts carried into the boat, from which we concluded that
peace and commerce were established between us.
After the boat had been ashore about an hour and a half, she made the
signal for having intelligence that there was a bay to leeward, where we might
anchor: we stood away directly for it, and the boat following, soon came on board.
The Lieutenant told us, that he had seen some of the principal people, who were
dressed in fine linen, and had chains of gold round their necks: he said, that he
had not been able to trade, because the owner of the cocoa-nuts was absent, but
that about two dozen had been sent to the boat as a present, and that some linen
had been accepted in return. The people, to give him the information that he
wanted, drew a map upon the sand, in which they made a rude representation of a
harbour to leeward, and a town near it: they also gave him to understand, that
sheep, hogs, fowls, and fruit might there be procured in great
plenty.* Some of them frequently pronounced the word Portuguese, and said
something of Larntuca, upon the island of Ende: from this circumstance, we
conjectured that there were Portuguese somewhere upon the island, and a
Portuguese, who was in our boat, attempted to converse with the Indians in that
language, but soon found that they knew only a word or two of it by rote: one of
them however, when they were giving our people to understand that there was a town
near the harbour to which they had directed us, intimated, that as a token of
going right, we should see somewhat, which he expressed by crossing his fingers,
and the Portuguese instantly conceived that he meant to express a cross. Just as
our people were putting off, the horseman in the European
dress came up, but the officer not having his commission about him, thought it
best to decline a conference.
At seven o'clock in the evening, we came to an anchor in the bay to which
we had been directed, at about the distance of a mile from the shore, in
thirty-eight fathom water, with a clear sandy bottom. The north point of the bay
bore N. 30 E. distant two miles and an half, and the south point, or west end of
the island, bore S. 63 W. Just as we got round the north point, and entered the
bay, we discovered a large Indian town or village, upon which we stood on,
hoisting a jack on the fore top-mast head: soon after, to our great surprize,
Dutch colours were hoisted in the town, and three guns fired; we stood on,
however, till we had soundings, and then anchored.
As soon as it was light in the morning,* we saw the same colours hoisted
upon the beach, abreast of the ship; supposing therefore that the Dutch had a
settlement here, I sent Lieutenant Gore ashore, to wait upon the Governor, or the
chief person residing upon the spot,* and acquaint him who we
were, and for what purpose we had touched upon the coast. As soon as he came
ashore, he was received by a guard of between twenty and thirty Indians, armed
with muskets, who conducted him to the town, where the colours had been hoisted
the night before, carrying with them those that had been hoisted upon the beach,
and marching without any military regularity. As soon as he arrived, he was
introduced to the Raja, or King of the island, and by a Portuguese interpreter,
told him, that the ship was a man of war belonging to the King of Great
Britain, and that she had many sick on board, for whom he wanted to
purchase such refreshments as the island afforded. His Majesty replied, that he
was willing to supply us with whatever we wanted, but, that being in alliance with
the Dutch East India Company, he was not at liberty to trade with any other
people, without having first procured their consent, for which, however, he said
he would immediately apply to a Dutchman who belonged to the company, and who was
the only white man upon the island. To this man, who resided at some distance, a
letter was immediately dispatched, acquainting him with our arrival and request:
in the mean time, Mr. Gore dispatched a messenger to me, with an account of his
situation, and the state of the treaty. In about three hours, the Dutch resident
answered the letter that had been sent him, in person: he proved to be a native of
Saxony, and his name is Johan Christopher Lange, and the same person whom we had
seen on horseback in a European dress: he behaved with
great civility to Mr. Gore, and assured him, that we were at liberty to purchase
of the natives whatever we pleased. After a short time, he expressed a desire of
coming on board, so did the king also, and several of his attendants: Mr. Gore
intimated that he was ready to attend them, but they desired that
two of our people might be left ashore as hostages, and in this also they were
indulged.*
About two o'clock, they all came aboard the ship, and our dinner being
ready, they accepted our invitation to partake of it: I expected them immediately
to sit down, but the King seemed to hesitate, and at last, with some confusion,
said he did not imagine that we, who were white men, would suffer him, who was of
a different colour, to sit down in our company; a compliment soon removed his
scruples, and we all sat down together with great cheerfulness and cordiality:
happily we were at no loss for interpreters, both Dr.
Solander and understanding Dutch enough to keep up a
conversation with Mr. Lange, and several of the seamen were able to converse with
such of the natives as spoke Portuguese. Our dinner happened to be mutton, and the
King expressed a desire of having an English sheep; we had but one left, however
that was presented to him: the facility with which this was procured, encouraged
him to ask for an English dog, and Mr. Banks politely gave up
his greyhound: Mr. Lange then intimated that a spying-glass would be acceptable,
and one was immediately put into his hand. Our guests then told us that the island
abounded with buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and fowls, plenty of which should be driven
down to the beach the next day, that we might purchase as many of them as we
should think fit: this put us all into high spirits, and the liquor circulated
rather faster than either the Indians or the Saxon could bear; they intimated
their desire to go away, however, before they were quite drunk, and were received
upon deck, as they had been when they came aboard, by the marines under arms. The
King expressed a curiosity to see them exercise, in which he was gratified, and
they sired three rounds: he looked at them with great attention, and was much
surprised at their regularity and expedition,* especially in cocking
their pieces; the first time they did it, he struck the side of the ship with a
stick that he had in his hand, and cried out with great vehemence, that all the
locks made but one click. They were dismissed with many presents, and when they
went away saluted with nine guns: Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander went ashore with them; and as soon as they put off they
gave us three cheers.
Our Gentlemen, when they came ashore, walked up with them to the town,
which consists of many houses, and some of them are large; they are however
nothing more than a thatched roof, supported over a boarded floor, by pillars
about four feet high. They produced some of their palm-wine, which was the fresh
unfermented juice of the tree; it had a sweet, but not a disagreeable taste; and
hopes were conceived that it might contribute to recover our sick from the scurvy.
Soon after it was dark, Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander returned on board.
*In the morning of the 19th, I went ashore with
Mr. Banks, and several of the officers and Gentlemen, to
return the King's visit; but my chief business was to procure some of the
buffaloes, sheep and fowls, which we had been told should be driven down to the
beach. We were greatly mortified to find that no steps had been taken to fulfil
this promise; however, we proceeded to the house of assembly, which with two or
three more had been erected by the Dutch East India company, and are distinguished
from the rest by two pieces of wood resembling a pair of cow's horns, one of which
is set up at each end of the ridge that terminates the roof; and these were
certainly what the Indian intended to represent by crossing his fingers, though
our Portuguese, who was a good Catholic, construed the sign into a
cross,* which had persuaded us that the settlement belonged to his countrymen. In
this place we met Mr. Lange, and the King, whose name was A Madocho Lomi Djara,
attended by many of the principal people. We told them that we had in the boat
goods of various kinds, which we proposed to barter for such refreshments as they
would give us in exchange, and desired leave to bring them on shore; which being
granted, they were brought ashore accordingly. We then attempted to settle the
price of the buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and other commodities which we proposed to
purchase, and for which we were to pay in money; but as soon as this was mentioned
Mr. Lange left us, telling us that these preliminaries must be settled with the
natives: he said, however, that he had received a letter from the Governor of
Concordia in Timor, the purport of which he would communicate to us when he
returned.
As the morning was now far advanced, and we were very unwilling to return
on board and eat salt provisions, when so many delicacies surrounded us ashore, we
petitioned his Majesty for liberty to purchase a small hog and some rice, and to
employ his subjects to dress them for us. He answered very graciously, that if we
could eat victuals dressed by his subjects, which he could scarcely suppose, he
would do himself the honour of entertaining us. We expressed our gratitude, and
immediately sent on board for liquors.
About five o'clock, dinner was ready; it was served in six and thirty
dishes, or rather baskets, containing alternately rice and pork; and three bowls
of earthen ware, filled with the liquor in which the pork had been boiled: these
were ranged upon the floor, and mats laid round them for us to sit upon. We were
then conducted by turns to a hole in the floor, near which stood a man with water
in a vessel, made of the leaves of the fan-palm,* who assisted us in
washing our hands. When this was done, we placed ourselves round the victuals, and
waited for the king. As he did not come, we enquired for him, and were told that
the custom of the country did not permit the person who gave the entertainment to
sit down with his guests; but that, if we suspected the victuals to be poisoned,
he would come and taste it. We immediately declared that we had no such suspicion,
and desired that none of the rituals of hospitality might be violated on our
account. The prime minister and Mr. Lange were of our party, and we made a most
luxurious meal: we thought the pork and rice excellent, and the broth not to be
despised; but the spoons, which were made of leaves, were so small that few of us
had patience to use them. After dinner, our wine passed briskly about, and we
again enquired for our royal host, thinking that though the custom of his country
would not allow him to eat with us, he might at least share in the jollity of our
bottle; but he again excused himself, saying, that the master of a feast should
never be drunk, which there was no certain way to avoid but by not tasting the
liquor. We did not however drink our wine where we had eaten our victuals; but as
soon as we had dined made room for the seamen and servants, who immediately took
our places: they could not dispatch all that we had left, but the women who came
to clear away the bowls and baskets, obliged them to carry away with them what
they had not eaten. As wine generally warms and opens the heart, we took an
opportunity, when we thought its influence began to be felt, to revive the subject
of the buffaloes and sheep, of which we had not in all this time heard a syllable,
though they were to have been brought down early in the morning. But our Saxon
Dutchman, with great phlegm, began to communicate to us the contents of the letter
which he pretended to have received from the Governor of Concordia.
He said,* that after acquainting him that a vessel had steered from thence towards
the island where we were now ashore, it required him, if such ship should apply
for provisions in distress, to relieve her; but not to suffer her to stay longer
than was absolutely necessary, nor to make any large presents to the inferior
people, or to leave any with those of superior rank to be afterwards distributed
among them: but he was graciously pleased to add, that we were at liberty to give
beads and other trifles in exchange for petty civilities, and palm-wine.
It was the general opinion that this letter was a fiction; that the
prohibitory orders were feigned with a view to get money from us for breaking
them; and that by precluding our liberality to the natives, this man hoped more
easily to turn it into another channel.
In the evening, we received intelligence from our trading-place that no
buffaloes or hogs had been brought down, and only a few sheep, which had been
taken away before our people, who had sent for money, could procure it. Some fowls
however had been bought, and a large quantity of a kind of syrup made of the juice
of the palm tree, which, though infinitely superior to molasses or treacle, sold
at a very low price. We complained of our disappointment to Mr. Lange, who had now
another subterfuge; he said, that if we had gone down to the beach ourselves, we
might have purchased what we pleased; but that the natives were afraid to take
money of our people, lest it should be counterfeit. We could not but feel some
indignation against a man who had concealed this, being true; or alleged it, being
false. I started up, however, and went immediately to the beach, but no cattle or
sheep were to be seen, nor were any at hand to be produced.* While I
was gone, Lange, who knew well enough that I should succeed no better than my
people, told Mr. Banks that the natives were displeased at
our not having offered them gold for their stock; and that if gold was not
offered, nothing would be bought. Mr. Banks did not think it
worth his while to reply, but soon after rose up, and we all returned on board,
very much dissatisfied with the issue of our negociations. During the course of
the day, the King had promised that some cattle and sheep should be brought down
in the morning, and had given a reason for our disappointment somewhat more
plausible; he said that the buffaloes were far up the country, and that there had
not been time to bring them down to the beach.
*The next morning we went ashore again: Dr. Solander
went up to the town to speak to Lange, and I remained upon the beach, to see what
could be done in the purchase of provisions. I found here an old Indian, who, as
he appeared to have some authority, we had among ourselves called the Prime
Minister; to engage this man in our interest I presented him with a spying-glass,
but I saw nothing at market except one small buffalo. I enquired the price of it,
and was told five guineas: this was twice as much as it was worth; however, I
offered three, which I could perceive the man who treated with me thought a good
price; but he said that he must acquaint the King with what I had offered before
he could take it. A messenger was immediately dispatched to his Majesty, who soon
returned, and said, that the buffalo would not be sold for any thing less than
five guineas. This price I absolutely refused to give; and another messenger was
sent away with an account of my refusal: this messenger was longer absent than the
other, and while I was waiting for his return I saw, to my great astonishment, Dr.
Solander coming from the town,* followed by above a hundred men,
some armed with musquets and some with lances. When I enquired the meaning of this
hostile appearance, the Doctor told me, that Mr. Lange had interpreted to him a
message from the King, purporting that the people would not trade with us, because
we had refused to give them more than half the value of what they had to sell; and
that we should not be permitted to trade upon any terms longer than this day.
Besides the officers who commanded the party, there came with it a man who was
born at Timor, of Portuguese parents, and who, as we afterwards discovered, was a
kind of colleague to the Dutch factor; by this man what they pretended to be the
King's order was delivered to me, of the same purport with that which
Dr. Solander had received from Lange. We were all clearly
of opinion that this was a mere artifice of the factors to extort money from us,
for which we had been prepared by the account of a letter from Concordia; and
while we were hesitating what step to take, the Portuguese, that he might the
sooner accomplish his purpose, began to drive away the people who had brought down
poultry and syrup, and others that were now coming in with buffaloes and sheep. At
this time, I glanced my eye upon the old man whom I had complimented in the
morning with the spying-glass, and I thought, by his looks, that he did not
heartily approve of what was doing; I therefore took him by the hand, and
presented him with an old broad sword. This instantly turned the scale in our
favour; he received the sword with a transport of joy, and flourishing it over the
busy Portuguese, who crouched like a fox to a lion, he made him, and the officer
who commanded the party, sit down upon the ground behind him: the people, who,
whatever were the crafty pretences of these iniquitous factors for a Dutch
company, were eager to supply us with whatever we wanted,* and
seemed also to be more desirous of goods than money, instantly improved the
advantage that had been procured them, and the market was stocked almost in an
instant. To establish a trade for buffaloes, however, which I most wanted, I found
it necessary to give ten guineas for two, one of which weighed no more than a
hundred and sixty pounds; but I bought seven more much cheaper, and might
afterwards have purchased as many as I pleased almost upon my own terms, for they
were now driven down to the waterside in herds. In the first two that I bought so
dear, Lange had certainly a share, and it was in hopes to obtain part of the price
of others, that he had pretended we must pay for them in gold. The natives however
sold what they afterwards brought down much to their satisfaction, without paying
part of the price to him as a reward for exacting money from us. Most of the
buffaloes that we bought, after our friend, the Prime Minister, had procured us a
fair market, were sold for a musquet apiece, and at this price we might have
bought as many as would have freighted our ship.
The refreshments which we procured here, consisted of nine buffaloes, six
sheep, three hogs, thirty dozen of fowls, a few limes, and some cocoa-nuts; many
dozen of eggs, half of which however proved to be rotten; a little garlic, and
several hundred gallons of palm-syrup.
CHAP. XI.
A particular Description of the Island of Savu, its
Produce and Inhabitants, with a Specimen of their Language.
THIS island is called by the natives SAVU;* the middle of it lies in
about the latitude 10° 35′ S., longitude 237° 30′ W.; and
has in general been so little known that I never saw a map or chart in which it is
clearly or accurately laid down. I have seen a very old one, in which it is called
Sou, and confounded with Sandel Bosch. Rumphius mentions an island by the name of
Saow; and he also says that it is the same which the Dutch call Sandel Bosch: but
neither is this island, nor Timor, nor Rotte, nor indeed any one of the islands
that we have seen in these seas, placed within a reasonable distance of its true
situation. It is about eight leagues long from east to west; but what is its
breadth, I do not know, as I saw only the north side. The harbour in which we lay
is called Seba, from the district in which it lies: it is on the north west side
of the island, and well sheltered from the south west trade wind, but it lies open
to the north west. We were told, that there were two other bays where ships might
anchor; that the best, called Timo, was on the south west side of the south east
point: of the third we learnt neither the name nor situation. The sea-coast, in
general, is low; but in the middle of the island there are hills of a considerable
height. We were upon the coast at the latter end of the dry season, when there had
been no rain for seven months; and we were told that when the dry season continues
so long,* there is no running stream of fresh water upon the
whole island, but only small springs, which are at a considerable distance from
the sea-side: yet nothing can be imagined so beautiful as the prospect of the
country from the ship. The level ground next to the sea-side was covered with
cocoa-nut trees, and a kind of palm called Arecas; and beyond them the hills,
which rose in a gentle and regular ascent, were richly clothed, quite to the
summit, with plantations of the fan-palm, forming an almost impenetrable grove.
How much even this prospect must be improved, when every foot of ground between
the trees is covered with verdure, by maize, and millet and indico, can scarcely
be conceived but by a powerful imagination, not unacquainted with the stateliness
and beauty of the trees that adorn this part of the earth. The dry season
commences in March or April, and ends in October or November.
The principal trees of this island, are the fan-palm, the cocoa-nut,
tamarind, limes, oranges, and mangoes; the other vegetable productions are maize,
Guinea corn, rice, millet, callevances, and water-melons. We saw also one
sugar-cane, and a few kinds of European garden-stuff;
particularly cellery, marjoram, fennel, and garlic. For the supply of luxury, it
has betele, areca, tobacco, cotton, indico, and a small quantity of cinnamon,
which seems to be planted here only for curiosity; and indeed we doubted whether
it was the genuine plant, knowing that the Dutch are very careful not to trust the
spices out of their proper islands. There are however several kinds of fruit,
besides those which have been already mentioned; particularly the sweet sop, which
is well known to the West Indians, and a small oval fruit, called the Blimbi, both
of which grow upon trees. The blimbi is about three or four inches long, and in the middle about as thick as a man's finger,* tapering towards
each end: it is covered with a very thin skin of a light green colour, and in the
inside are a few feeds disposed in the form of a star: its flavour is a light,
clean, pleasant acid, but it cannot be eaten raw; it is said to be excellent as a
pickle; and stewed, it made a most agreeable sour sauce to our boiled dishes.
The tame animals are buffaloes, sheep, goats, hogs, fowls, pigeons,
horses, asses, dogs and cats; and of all these there is great plenty. The
buffaloes differ very considerably from the horned cattle of
Europe in several particulars; their ears are much
larger, their skins are almost without hair, their horns are curved towards each
other, but together bend directly backwards, and they have no dewlaps. We saw
several that were as big as a well grown European ox, and
there must be some much larger; for Mr. Banks saw a pair of
horns which measured from tip to tip three feet nine inches and an half, across
their widest diameter four feet one inch and an half, and in the whole sweep of
their semicircle in front seven feet six inches and a half. It must however be
observed, that a buffalo here of any given size, does not weigh above half as much
as an ox of the same size in England: those that we guessed
to weigh four hundred weight did not weigh more than two hundred and fifty; the
reason is, that so late in the dry season the bones are very thinly covered with
flesh: there is not an ounce of fat in a whole carcass, and the flanks are
literally nothing but skin and bone: the flesh however is well tasted and juicy,
and I suppose better than the flesh of an English ox would be if he was to starve
in this sun-burnt country.
The horses are from eleven to twelve hands high, but though they are
small, they are spirited and nimble, especially in pacing,* which is
their common step: the inhabitants generally ride them without a saddle, and with
no better bridle than a halter. The sheep are of the kind which in
England are called Bengal sheep, and differ from ours in
many particulars. They are covered with hair instead of wool, their ears are very
large, and hang down under their horns, and their noses are arched; they are
thought to have a general resemblance to a goat, and for that reason are
frequently called cabritos: their flesh we thought the worst mutton we had ever
eaten, being as lean as that of the buffalo's, and without flavour. The hogs,
however, were some of the fattest we had ever seen, though, as we were told, their
principal food is the outside husks of rice, and the palm syrup dissolved in
water. The fowls are chiefly of the game breed, and large, but the eggs are
remarkably small.
Of the fish which the sea produces here, we know but little: turtles are
sometimes found upon the coast, and are by these people, as well as all others,
considered as a dainty.
The people are rather under, than over the middling size; the women
especially are remarkably short and squat built: their complexion is a dark brown,
and their hair universally black and lank. We saw no difference in the colour of
rich and poor, though in the South Sea islands those that were exposed to the
weather were almost as brown as the New Hollanders, and the
better sort nearly as fair as the natives of Europe. The
men are in general well-made, vigorous, and active, and have a greater variety in
the make and disposition of their features than usual; the countenances of the
women, on the contrary, are all alike.
The men fasten their hair up to the top of their heads with a comb, the
women tie it behind in a club, which is very far from becoming.*
Both sexes eradicate the hair from under the arm, and the men do the same by their
beards, for which purpose, the better sort always carry a pair of silver pincers
hanging by a string round their necks; some however suffer a very little hair to
remain upon their upper lips, but this is always kept short.
The dress of both sexes consists of cotton cloth, which being died blue
in the yarn, and not uniformly of the same shade, is in clouds or waves of that
colour, and even in our eye had not an inelegant appearance. This cloth they
manufacture themselves, and two pieces, each about two yards long, and a yard and
a half wide, make a dress: one of them is worn round the middle, and the other
covers the upper part of the body: the lower edge of the piece that goes round the
middle, the men draw pretty tight just below the fork, the upper edge of it is
left loose, so as to form a kind of hollow belt, which serves them as a pocket to
carry their knives, and other little implements which it is convenient to have
about them. The other piece of cloth is passed through this girdle behind, and one
end of it being brought over the left shoulder, and the other over the right, they
fall down over the breast, and are tucked into the girdle before, so that by
opening or closing the plaits, they can cover more or less of their bodies as they
please; the arms, legs, and feet are always naked. The difference between the
dress of the two sexes consists principally in the manner of wearing the
waist-piece, for the women, instead of drawing the lower edge tight, and leaving
the upper edge loose for a pocket, draw the upper edge tight, and let the lower
edge fall as low as the knees, so as to form a petticoat; the body-piece, instead
of being passed through the girdle, is fastened under the arms, and cross the
breast, with the utmost decency. I have already observed, that the men fasten the
hair upon the top of the head,* and the women tie it in a club
behind, but there is another difference in the headdress, by which the sexes are
distinguished: the women wear nothing as a succedaneum for a cap, but the men
constantly wrap something round their heads in the manner of a fillet; it is
small, but generally of the finest materials that can be procured: we saw some who
applied silk handkerchiefs to this purpose, and others that wore fine cotton, or
muslin, in the manner of a small turban.
These people bore their testimony that the love of finery is a universal
passion, for their ornaments were very numerous. Some of the better sort wore
chains of gold round their necks, but they were made of plaited wire, and
consequently were light and of little value; others had rings, which were so much
worn that they seemed to have descended through many generations; and one person
had a silver-headed cane, marked with a kind of cypher, consisting of the Roman
letters V, O, C, and therefore probably a present from the Dutch East India
Company, whose mark it is: they have also ornaments made of beads, which some wear
round their necks as a solitaire, and others, as bracelets, upon their wrists:
these are common to both sexes, but the women have besides, strings or girdles of
beads, which they wear round their waists, and which serve to keep up their
petticoat. Both sexes had their ears bored, nor was there a single exception that
fell under our notice, yet we never saw an ornament in any of them; we never
indeed saw either man or woman in any thing but what appeared to be their ordinary
dress, except the King and his minister, who in general wore a kind of night-gown
of coarse chintz, and one of whom once received us in a black robe, which appeared
to be made of what is called prince's stuff. We saw some boys, about twelve or
fourteen years old, who had spiral circles of thick brass wire
passed three or four times round their arms, above the elbow,* and some men wore
rings of ivory, two inches in breadth, and above an inch in thickness, upon the
same part of the arm: these, we were told, were the sons of the Rajas, or Chiefs,
who wore these cumbrous ornaments as badges of their high birth.
Almost all the men had their names traced upon their arms, in indelible
characters of a black colour, and the women had a square ornament of flourished
lines, impressed in the same manner, just under the bend of the elbow. We were
struck with the similitude between these marks, and those made by tattowing in the
South Sea islands, and upon enquiring into its origin, we learnt that it had been
practised by the natives long before any Europeans came
among them; and that in the neighbouring islands the inhabitants were marked with
circles upon their necks and breasts. The universality of this practice, which
prevails among savages in all parts of the world, from the remotest limits of
North America, to the islands in the South
Seas, and which probably differs but little from the method of
staining the body that was in use among the ancient inhabitants of Britain, is a
curious subject of speculation†.
The houses of Savu are all built upon the same plan, and differ only in
size, being large in proportion to the rank and riches of the
proprietor.* Some are four hundred feet long, and some are not more than twenty:
they are all raised upon posts, or piles, about four feet high, one end of which
is driven into the ground, and upon the other end is laid a substantial floor of
wood, so that there is a vacant space of four feet between the floor of the house
and the ground. Upon this floor are placed other posts or pillars, that support a
roof of sloping sides, which meet in a ridge at the top, like those of our barns:
the eaves of this roof, which is thatched with palm leaves, reach within two feet
of the floor, and over-hang it as much: the space within is generally divided
lengthwise into three equal parts; the middle part, or center, is inclosed by a
partition of four sides, reaching about six feet above the floor, and one or two
small rooms are also sometimes taken off from the sides, the rest of the space
under the roof is open, so as freely to admit the air and the light: the
particular uses of these different apartments, our short stay would not permit us
to learn, except that the close room in the center was appropriated to the women.
The food of these people consists of every tame animal in the country, of
which the hog holds the first place in their estimation, and the horse the second;
next to the horse is the buffalo, next to the buffalo their poultry, and they
prefer dogs and cats to sheep and goats. They are not fond of fish, and, I
believe, it is never eaten but by the poor people, nor by them, except when their
duty or business requires them to be upon the beach, and then every man is
furnished with a light casting net, which is girt round him, and makes part of his
dress; and with this he takes any small fish which happen to come in his way.
The aesculent vegetables and fruits have been mentioned already, but the
fan-palm requires more particular notice, for at certain times it is
a succedaneum for all other food both to man and beast. A kind of wine, called
toddy,* is procured from this tree, by cutting the buds which are to produce
flowers, soon after their appearance, and tying under them small baskets, made of
the leaves, which are so close as to hold liquids without leaking. The juice which
trickles into these vessels, is collected by persons who climb the trees for that
purpose, morning and evening, and is the common drink of every individual upon the
island; yet a much greater quantity is drawn off than is consumed in this use, and
of the surplus they make both a syrup and coarse sugar. The liquor is called dua,
or duac, and both the syrup and sugar, gula. The syrup is prepared by boiling the
liquor down in pots of earthen ware, till it is sufficiently inspissated; it is
not unlike treacle in appearance, but is somewhat thicker, and has a much more
agreeable taste: the sugar is of a reddish brown, perhaps the same with the Jugata
sugar upon the continent of India, and it was more agreeable to our palates than
any cane sugar, unrefined, that we had ever tasted. We were at first afraid that
the syrup, of which some of our people eat very great quantities, would have
brought on fluxes, but its aperient quality was so very slight, that what effect
it produced was rather salutary than hurtful. I have already observed, that it is
given with the husks of rice to the hogs, and that they grow enormously fat
without taking any other food: we were told also, that this syrup is used to
fatten their dogs and their fowls, and that the inhabitants themselves have
subsisted upon this alone for several months, when other crops have failed, and
animal food has been scarce. The leaves of this tree are also put to various uses,
they thatch houses, and make baskets, cups, umbrellas, and tobacco-pipes. The
fruit is least esteemed, and as the blossoms are wounded for the tuac or toddy,
there is not much of it:* it is about as big as a large turnip, and
covered, like the cocoa-nut, with a fibrous coat, under which are three kernels,
that must be eaten before they are ripe, for afterwards they become so hard that
they cannot be chewed; in their eatable state they taste not unlike a green
cocoa-nut, and, like them, probably they yield a nutriment that is watry and
unsubstantial.
The common method of dressing food here is by boiling, and as fire-wood
is very scarce, and the inhabitants have no other fuel, they make use of a
contrivance to save it, that is not wholly unknown in
Europe, but is seldom practised except in camps. They
dig a hollow under ground, in a horizontal direction, like a rabbit burrow, about
two yards long, and opening into a hole at each end, one of which is large and the
other small: by the large hole the fire is put in, and the small one serves for a
draught. The earth over this burrow is perforated by circular holes, which
communicate with the cavity below; and in these holes are set earthen pots,
generally about three to each fire, which are large in the middle, and taper
towards the bottom, so that the fire acts upon a large part of their surface. Each
of these pots generally contains about eight or ten gallons, and it is surprising
to see with how small a quantity of sire they may be kept boiling; a palm leaf, or
a dry stalk, thrust in now and then, is sufficient: in this manner they boil all
their victuals, and make all their syrup and sugar. It appears by Frazier's
account of his voyage to the South Sea, that the Peruvian
Indians have a contrivance of the same kind, and perhaps it might be adopted with
advantage by the poor people even of this country, where fuel is very dear.
Both sexes are enslaved by the hateful and pernicious habit of chewing
beetle and areca, which they contract even while they are children,*
and practise incessantly from morning till night. With these they always mix a
kind of white lime, made of coral stone and shells, and frequently a small
quantity of tobacco, so that their mouths are disgustful in the highest degree
both to the smell and the fight: the tobacco taints their breath, and the beetle
and lime make the teeth not only as black as charcoal, but as rotten too. I have
seen men between twenty and thirty, whose fore teeth have been consumed almost
down to the gums, though no two of them were exactly of the same length or
thickness, but irregularly corroded like iron by rust. This loss of teeth is, I
think, by all who have written upon the subject, imputed to the tough and stringy
coat of the areca nut; but I impute it wholly to the lime: they are not loosened,
or broken, or forced out, as might be expected if they were injured by the
continual chewing of hard and rough substances, but they are gradually wasted like
metals that are exposed to the action of powerful acids; the stumps always
adhering firmly to the socket in the jaw, when there is no part of the tooth above
the gums: and possibly those who suppose that sugar has a bad effect upon the
teeth of Europeans, may not be mistaken, for it is well
known that refined loaf sugar contains a considerable quantity of lime; and he
that doubts whether lime will destroy bone of any kind, may easily ascertain the
fact by experiment.
If the people here are at any time without this odious mouthful, they are
smoking. This operation they perform by rolling up a small quantity of tobacco,
and putting it into one end of a tube about six inches long, and as thick as a
goose quill, which they make of a palm leaf. As the quantity of tobacco in these
pipes is very small, the effect of it is increased, especially among the women, by
swallowing the smoke.
*When the natives of this island were first formed into a civil
society, is not certainly known, but at present it is divided into five
principalities or nigrees: LAAI, SEBA, REGEEUA, TIMO, and MASSARA, each of which
is governed by its respective Raja or King. The Raja of Seba, the principality in
which we were ashore, seemed to have great authority, without much external parade
or show, or much appearance of personal respect. He was about five and thirty
years of age, and the fattest man we saw upon the whole island: he appeared to be
of a dull phlegmatic disposition, and to be directed almost implicitly by the old
man who, upon my presenting him with a sword, had procured us a fair market, in
spight of the craft and avarice of the Dutch factors. The name of this person was
MANNU DJARME, and it may reasonably be supposed that he was a man of uncommon
integrity and abilities, as, notwithstanding his possession of power in the
character of a favourite, he was beloved by the whole principality. If any
difference arises among the people, it is settled by the Raja and his counsellors,
without delay or appeal, and, as we were told, with the most solemn deliberation
and impartial justice.
We were informed by Mr. Lange, that the chiefs who had successively
presided over the five principalities of this island, had lived for time
immemorial in the strictest alliance and most cordial friendship with each other;
yet he said the people were of a warlike disposition, and had always courageously
defended themselves against foreign invaders. We were told also, that the island
was able to raise, upon very short notice, 7300 fighting men, armed with muskets,
spears, lances, and targets. Of this force, Laai was said to furnish 2600, Seba
2000, Regeeua 1500, Timo 800, and Massārā 400. Besides the arms that have been
already mentioned, each man is furnished with a large pole-ax, resembling a wood-bill, except that it has a strait edge,* and is much heavier:
this, in the hands of people who have courage to come to close quarters with an
enemy, must be a dreadful weapon; and we were told that they were so dexterous
with their lances, that at the distance of sixty feet they would throw them with
such exactness as to pierce a man's heart, and such force as to go quite through
his body.
How far this account of the martial prowess of the inhabitants of Savu
may be true, we cannot take upon us to determine, but during our stay, we saw no
appearance of it. We saw indeed in the town-house, or house of assembly, about one
hundred spears and targets, which served to arm the people who were sent down to
intimidate us at the trading place; but they seemed to be the refuse of old
armories, no two being of the same make or length, for some were six, and some
sixteen feet long: we saw no lance among them, and as to the muskets, though they
were clean on the outside, they were eaten into holes by the rust within; and the
people themselves appeared to be so little acquainted with military discipline,
that they marched like a disorderly rabble, every one having, instead of his
target, a cock, some tobacco, or other merchandise of the like kind, which he took
that opportunity to bring down to sell, and few or none of their cartridge boxes
were furnished with either powder or ball, though a piece of paper was thrust into
the hole to save appearances. We saw a few swivel guns, and pateraros at the
town-house, and a great gun before it; but the swivels and pateraros lay out of
their carriages, and the great gun lay upon a heap of stones, almost consumed with
rust, with the touch-hole downwards, possibly to conceal its size, which might
perhaps be little less than that of the bore.
*We could not discover that among these people there was any rank of
distinction between the Raja and the land-owners: the land-owners were respectable
in proportion to their possessions; the inferior ranks consist of manufacturers,
labouring poor, and slaves. The slaves, like the peasants in some parts of
Europe, are connected with the estate, and both descend
together: but though the land-owner can sell his slave, he has no other power over
his person, not even to correct him, without the privity and approbation of the
Raja. Some have five hundred of these slaves, and some not half a dozen: the
common price of them is a fat hog. When a great man goes out, he is constantly
attended by two or more of them: one of them carries a sword or hanger, the hilt
of which is commonly of silver, and adorned with large tassels of horse hair; and
another carries a bag which contains betel, areca, lime, and tobacco. In these
attendants consists all their magnificence, for the Raja himself has no other mark
of distinction.
The chief object of pride among these people, like that of a Welchman, is
a long pedigree of respectable ancestors, and indeed a veneration for antiquity
seems to be carried farther here than in any other country: even a house that has
been well inhabited for many generations, becomes almost sacred, and few articles
either of use or luxury bear so high a price as stones, which having been long sat
upon, are become even and smooth: those who can purchase such stones, or are
possessed of them by inheritance, place them round their houses, where they serve
as seats for their dependants.
Every Raja sets up in the principal town of his province, or nigree, a
large stone, which serves as a memorial of his reign. In the principal town of
Seba, where we lay, there are thirteen such stones, besides many fragments of
others, which had been set up in earlier times,* and are now
mouldering away: these monuments seem to prove that some kind of civil
establishment here is of considerable antiquity. The last thirteen reigns in
England make something more than 276 years.
Many of these stones are so large, that it is difficult to conceive by
what means they were brought to their present station, especially as it is the
summit of a hill; but the world is full of memorials of human strength, in which
the mechanical powers that have been since added by mathematical science, seem to
be surpassed; and of such monuments there are not a few among the remains of
barbarous antiquity in our own country, besides those upon Salisbury plain.
These stones not only record the reigns of successive princes, but serve
for a purpose much more extraordinary, and probably altogether peculiar to this
country. When a Raja dies, a general feast is proclaimed throughout his dominions,
and all his subjects assemble round these stones; almost every living creature
that can be caught is then killed, and the feast lasts for a less or greater
number of weeks or months, as the kingdom happens to be more or less furnished
with live stock at the time; the stones serve for tables. When this madness is
over, a fast must necessarily ensue, and the whole kingdom is obliged to subsist
upon syrup and water, if it happens in the dry season, when no vegetables can be
procured, till a new stock of animals can be raised from the few that have escaped
by chance, or been preserved by policy from the general massacre, or can be
procured from the neighbouring kingdoms. Such, however, is the account that we
received from Mr. Lange.
*We had no opportunity to examine any of their manufactures, except
that of their cloth, which they spin, weave, and dye; we did not indeed see them
employed, but many of the instruments which they use fell in our way. We saw their
machine for clearing cotton of its seeds, which is made upon the same principles
as those in Europe, but is so small that it might be taken
for a model, or a toy: it consists of two cylinders, like our round rulers,
somewhat less than an inch in diameter, one of which, being turned round by a
plain winch, turns the other by means of an endless worm; and the whole machine is
not more than fourteen inches long, and seven high: that which we saw had been
much used, and many pieces of cotton were hanging about it, so that there is no
reason to doubt its being a fair specimen of the rest. We also once saw their
apparatus for spinning; it consisted of a bobbin, on which was wound a small
quantity of thread, and a kind of distaff filled with cotton; we conjectured
therefore that they spin by hand, as the women of Europe
did before the introduction of wheels; and I am told that they have not yet found
their way into some parts of it. Their loom seemed to be in one respect preferable
to ours, for the web was not stretched upon a frame, but extended by a piece of
wood at each end, round one of which the cloth was rolled, and round the other the
threads: the web was about half a yard broad, and the length of the shuttle was
equal to the breadth of the web, so that probably their work goes on but slowly.
That they dyed this cloth we first guessed from its colour, and from the indigo
which we saw in their plantations; and our conjecture was afterwards confirmed by
Mr. Lange's account. I have already observed, that it is dyed in the yarn, and we
once law them dying what was said to be girdles for the women, of a dirty red, but
with what drug we did not think it worth while to enquire.
The religion of these people,* according to Mr. Lange's information,
is an absurd kind of paganism, every man chusing his own god, and determining for
himself how he should be worshipped; so that there are almost as many gods and
modes of worship as people. In their morals, however, they are said to be
irreproachable, even upon the principles of Christianity: no man is allowed more
than one wife; yet an illicit commerce between the sexes is in a manner unknown
among them: instances of theft are very rare; and they are so far from revenging a
supposed injury by murder, that if any difference arises between them, they will
not so much as make it the subject of debate, lest they should be provoked to
resentment and ill-will, but immediately and implicity refer it to the
determination of their King.
They appeared to be a healthy and long-lived people; yet some of them
were marked with the small-pox, which Mr. Lange told us had several times made its
appearance among them, and was treated with the same precautions as the plague. As
soon as a person was seized with the distemper, he was removed to some solitary
place, very remote from any habitation, where the disease was left to take its
course, and the patient supplied with daily food by reaching it to him at the end
of a long pole.
Of their domestic oeconomy we could learn but little: in one instance
however their delicacy and cleanliness are very remarkable. Many of us were ashore
here three successive days, from a very early hour in the morning till it was
dark; yet we never saw the least trace of an offering to Cloacina, nor could we so
much as guess where they were made. In a country so populous this is very
difficult to be accounted for,* and perhaps there is no other
country in the world where the secret is so effectually kept.
The boats in use here are a kind of proa.
This island was settled by the Portuguese almost as soon as they first
found their way into this part of the ocean; but they were in a short time
supplanted by the Dutch. The Dutch however did not take possession of it, but only
sent sloops to trade with the natives, probably for provisions to support the
inhabitants of their spice islands, who applying themselves wholly to the
cultivation of that important article of trade, and laying out all their ground in
plantations, can breed few animals: possibly their supplies by this occasional
traffic were precarious; possibly they were jealous of being supplanted in their
turn; but however that be, their East India Company, about ten years ago, entered
into a treaty with the Rajas, by which the Company stipulated to furnish each of
them with a certain quantity of silk, fine linen, cutlery ware, arrack and other
articles, every year; and the Rajas engaged that neither they nor their subjects
should trade with any person except the company, without having first obtained
their consent, and that they would admit a resident on behalf of the Company, to
reside upon the island, and see that their part of the treaty was fulfilled: they
also engaged to supply annually a certain quantity of rice, maize, and calevances.
The maize and calevances are sent to Timor in sloops, which are kept there for
that purpose, each of which is navigated by ten Indians; and the rice is fetched
away annually by a ship which brings the Company's returns, and anchors
alternately in each of the three bays. These returns are delivered to the Rajas in
the form of a present, and the cask of arrack they and their principal people never cease to drink,* as long as a drop of it remains.
In consequence of this treaty, the Dutch placed three persons upon the
island: Mr. Lange, his colleague, the native of Timor, the son of an Indian woman
by a Portuguese, and one Frederick Craig, the son of an Indian woman by a
Dutchman. Lange visits each of the Rajas once in two months, when he makes the
tour of the island, attended by fifty slaves on horseback. He exhorts these Chiefs
to plant, if it appears that they have been remiss, and observes where the crops
are got in, that he may order sloops to fetch it; so that it passes immediately
from the ground to the Dutch storehouses at Timor. In these excursions he always
carries with him some bottles of arrack, which he finds of great use in opening
the hearts of the Rajas with whom he is to deal.
During the ten years that he had resided upon this island he had never
seen a European besides ourselves, except at the arrival of
the Dutch ship, which had sailed about two months before we arrived; and he is now
to be distinguished from the natives only by his colour and his dress, for he sits
upon the ground, chews his betele, and in every respect has adopted their
character and manners: he has married an Indian woman of the island of Timor, who
keeps his house after the fashion of her country; and he gave that as a reason for
not inviting us to visit him, saying, that he could entertain us in no other
manner than the Indians had done, and he spoke no language readily but that of the
country.
The office of Mr. Frederic Craig is to instruct the youth of the country
in reading and writing, and the principles of the Christian religion; the Dutch
having printed versions of the New Testament, a catechism, and several other
tracts, in the language of this and the neighbouring islands.* Dr.
Solander, who was at his house, saw the books, and the copybooks also, of his
scholars, many of whom wrote a very fair hand. He boasted that there were no less
than six hundred Christians in the township of Seba; but what the Dutch
Christianity of these Indians may be, it is not perhaps very easy to guess, for
there is not a church, nor even a priest, in the whole island.
While we were at this place, we made several enquiries concerning the
neighbouring islands, and the intelligence which we received, is to the following
effect:
A small island to the westward of Savu, the name of which we did not
learn, produces nothing of any consequence but areca-nuts, of which the Dutch
receive annually the freight of two sloops, in return for presents that they make
to the islanders.
Timor is the chief, and the Dutch residents on the other islands go
thither once a year to pass their accounts. The place is nearly in the same state
as in Dampier's time, the Dutch having there a fort and storehouses; and by
Lange's account we might there have been supplied with every necessary that we
expected to procure at Batavia, salt provisions and arrack
not excepted. But the Portuguese are still in possession of several towns on the
north side of the island, particularly Laphao and Sesial.
About two years before our arrival, a French ship was wrecked upon the
east coast of Timor; and after she had lain some days upon the shoal, a sudden
gale broke her up at once, and drowned the Captain, with the greatest part of the
crew: those who got ashore, among whom was one of the Lieutenants, made the best
of their way to Concordia; they were four days upon the road, where they were
obliged to leave part of their company through fatigue,* and the
rest, to the number of about eighty, arrived at the town. They were supplied with
every necessary, and sent back to the wreck, with proper assistance, for
recovering what could be fished up: they fortunately got up all their bullion,
which was in chests, and several of their guns, which were very large. They then
returned to the town, but their companions who had been left upon the road were
missing, having, as it was supposed, been kept among the Indians, either by
persuasion or force; for they are very desirous of having
Europeans among them, to instruct them in the art of
war. After a stay of more than two months at Concordia, their number was
diminished nearly one half by sickness, in consequence of the fatigue and hardship
which they had suffered by the shipwreck, and the survivors were sent in a small
vessel to Europe.
Rotte is in much the same situation as Savu; a Dutch factor resides upon
it to manage the natives, and look after its produce, which consists, among other
articles, of sugar. Formerly it was made only by bruising the canes, and boiling
the juice to a syrup, in the same manner as Toddy; but great improvements have
lately been made in preparing this valuable commodity. The three little islands
called the Solars are also under the influence of the Dutch settlement at
Concordia: they are flat and low, but abound with provisions of every kind, and
the middlemost is said to have a good harbour for shipping. Ende, another little
island to the westward of the Solars, is still in the hands of the Portuguese, who
have a good town and harbour on the north east corner of it called Larntuca: they
had formerly an harbour on the south side of it, but that, being much inferior to
Larntuca, has for some time been altogether neglected.
*The inhabitants of each of these little islands speak a language
peculiar to themselves, and it is an object of Dutch policy to prevent, as much as
possible, their learning the language of each other. If they spoke a common
language, they would learn, by a mutual intercourse with each other, to plant such
things as would be of more value to themselves than their present produce, though
of less advantage to the Dutch; but their languages being different, they can
communicate no such knowlege to each other, and the Dutch secure to themselves the
benefit of supplying their several necessities upon their own terms, which it is
reasonable to suppose are not very moderate. It is probably with a view to this
advantage that the Dutch never teach their own language to the natives of these
islands, and have been at the expence of translating the Testament and catechisms
into the different languages of each; for in proportion as Dutch had become the
language of their religion, it would have become the common language of them all.
To this account of Savu, I shall only add a small specimen of its
language, by which it will appear to have some affinity with that of the South Sea
islands, many of the words being exactly the same, and the numbers manifestly
derived from the same source.
A man, Momonne. A woman, Mobunnee. The head, Catoo. The hair, Row catoo.
The eyes, Matta. The eye-lashes, Rowna matta. The nose, Swanga. The checks,
Cavaranga. The ears, Wodeeloo. The tongue, Vaio. The neck, Lacoco. The breasts,
Soofoo. The nipples, Caboo soosoo, The belly, Dulloo. The navel, Assoo. The
thighs, Tooga. The knees, Rootoo. The legs, Baibo. The feet,
Dunceala. The toes, Kissovei yilla. The arms, Camacoo. The hand, Wulaba. A
buffalo, Cabaou. A horse, Djara. A hog, Vavee. A sheep, Doomba. A goat, Kesavoo. A
dog, Guaca. A cat, Maio. A fowl, Mannu. The tail, Carow. The beak, Pangoutoo. A
fish, Ica. A turtle, Unjoo. A cocoa-nut, Nieu. Fan-palm, Boaceree. Areca, Calella.
Betele, Canana. Lime, Aou. A fish-hook, Maänadoo. Tattow, the marks on the skin,
Tata. The sun, Lodo.* The moon, Wurroo. The sea, Aidassec. Water, Ailea. Fire,
Aee. To die, Maate. To sleep, Tabudge. To rise, Tateetoo. One, Usse. Two, Lhua.
Three, Tullu. Four, Uppah. Five, Lumme. Six, Unna. Seven, Pedu. Eight, Arru. Nine,
Saou. Ten, Singooroo. Eleven, Singurung usse. 20, Lhuangooroo. 100, Sing assu.
1000, Setuppah. 10,000, Selacussa, 100,000, Serata. 1,000,000 Sereboo. In this
account of the island of Savu it must be remembered, that except the facts in
which we were parties, and the account of the objects which we had an opportunity
to examine, the whole is founded merely upon the report of Mr. Lange, upon whose
authority alone therefore it must rest.
CHAP. XII.
The Run from the Island of Savu to
Batavia, and an Account of the Transactions there
while the Ship was refitting.
*IN the morning of Friday the 21st of September, 1770, we
got under sail, and stood away to the westward, along the north side of the island
of Savu, and of the smaller that lies to the westward of it, which at noon bore
from us S.S.E. distant two leagues. At four o'clock in the afternoon, we
discovered a small low island, bearing S. S. W. distant three leagues, which has
no place in any chart now extant, at least in none that I have been able to
procure: it lies in latitude 10° 47′ S., longitude 238° 28′
W.
*At noon on the 22d, we were in latitude 11° 10′
S., longitude 240° 38′ W.* In the evening of the
23d, we found the variation of the needle to be 2° 44′
W.; as soon as we got clear of the islands we had constantly a swell from
the southward, which I imagined was not caused by a wind blowing from that
quarter, but by the sea being so determined by the position of the coast of
New Holland.
*At noon on the 26th, being in latitude 10° 47′
S., longitude 249° 52′ W. we found the variation to be 3°
10′ W. and our situation to be twenty-five miles to the northward of the
log; for which I know not how to account. At noon on the 27th,* our
latitude by observation was 10° 51′ S. which was agreeable to the log;
and our longitude was 252° 11′ W. We steered N. W. all day on the
28th,* in order to make the land of Java; and at
noon on the 29th,* our latitude by observation was 9° 31′
S., longitude 254° 10′ W.; and in the morning of the
30th, I took into my possession the log-book an journals, at least
all I could find, of the officers, petty officers, and seamen, and enjoined them
secrecy with respect to where they had been.
At seven in the evening, being in the latitude of Java Head, and not
seeing any land, I concluded that we were too far to the westward: I therefore
hauled up E. N. E. having before steered N. by E. In the night, we had thunder and
lightning; and about twelve o'clock, by the light of the flashes, we saw the land
bearing east. I then tacked and stood to the S. W. till four o'clock in the
morning of the 1st of October; and at six, Java Head, or the west end
of Java,* bore S. E. by E. distant five leagues: soon after we saw Prince's
Island, bearing E. ½ S.; and at ten, the island of Cracatoa, bearing N.E. Cracatoa
is a remarkably high-peaked island, and at noon it bore N. 40 E. distant seven
leagues.
I must now observe that, during our run from Savu, I allowed twenty
minutes a-day for the westerly current, which I concluded must run strong at this
time, especially off the coast of Java, and I found that this allowance was just
equivalent to the effect of the current upon the ship.
At four o'clock in the morning of the 2d,* we fetched close
in with the coast of Java, in fifteen fathom; we then stood along the coast, and
early in the forenoon, I sent the boat ashore to try if she could procure some
fruit for Tupia, who was very ill, and some grass for the
buffaloes that were still alive. In an hour or two she returned with four
cocoa-nuts, and a small bunch of plantains, which had been purchased for a
shilling, and some herbage for the cattle, which the Indians not only gave us, but
assisted our people to cut. The country looked like one continued
wood,* and had a very pleasant appearance.
About eleven o'clock, we saw two Dutch ships lying off Anger point, and I
sent Mr. Hicks on board of one of them to enquire news of our
country, from which we had been absent so long. In the mean time it fell calm, and
about noon I anchored in eighteen fathom with a muddy bottom. When Mr.
Hicks returned, he reported that the ships were Dutch East Indiamen
from Batavia, one of which was bound to Ceylon, and the
other to the coast of Malabar; and that there was also a flyboat or packet, which
was said to be stationed here to carry letters from the Dutch ships that came
hither to Batavia, but which I rather think was appointed
to examine all ships that pass the streight: from these ships we heard, with great
pleasure, that the Swallow had been at Batavia about two
years before.
At seven o'clock a breeze sprung up at S. S. W. with which having
weighed, we stood to the N. E. between Thwart-the-way-Island and the Cap, sounding
from eighteen to twenty-eight fathom: we had but little wind all night, and having
a strong current against us, we got no further by eight in the morning than Bantam
Point.* At this time the wind came to the N. E. and obliged us to anchor in two
and twenty fathom, at about the distance of two miles from the shore; the point
bore N. E. by E. distant one league, and here we found a strong current setting to
the N. W. In the morning we had seen the Dutch packet standing after us, but when
the wind shifted to the N. E. she bore away.
At six o'clock in the evening, the wind having obliged us to continue at
anchor, one of the country boats came along side of us, on board of which was the
Master of the packet. He seemed to have two motives for his visit, one to take an
account of the ship, and the other to sell us refreshments;* for
in the boat were turtle, fowls, ducks, parrots, paroquets, rice-birds, monkies,
and other articles, which they held at a very high price, and brought to a bad
market, for our Savu stock was not yet expended: however, I gave a Spanish dollar
for a small turtle, which weighed about six and thirty pounds; I gave also a
dollar for ten large fowls, and afterwards bought fifteen more at the same price;
for a dollar we might also have bought two monkies, or a whole cage of rice-birds.
The Master of the sloop brought with him two books, in one of which he desired
that any of our officers would write down the name of the ship and its Commander,
with that of the place from which she sailed, and of the port to which she was
bound, with such other particulars relating to themselves, as they might think
proper, for the information of any of our friends that should come after us: and
in the other he entered the names of the ship and the Commander, himself, in order
to transmit them to the Governor and Council of the Indies.
We perceived that in the first book many ships, particularly Portuguese, had made
entries of the same kind with that for which it was presented to us. Mr.
Hicks, however, having written the name of the ship, only added
"from Europe." He took notice of this, but said, that he
was satisfied with any thing we thought fit to write, it being intended merely for
the information of those who should enquire after us from motives of friendship.
Having made several attempts to sail with a wind that would not stem the
current, and as often come to an anchor, a proa came alongside of us in the
morning of the 5th,* in which was a Dutch officer, who sent me down a
printed paper in English, duplicates of which he had in other languages, particularly in French and Dutch,* all regularly signed, in the name
of the Governor and Council of the Indies, by their
secretary: it contained nine questions, very ill expressed, in the following
terms:
1. To what nation the ship belongs, and its name?
2. If it comes from Europe, or any other place?
3. From what place it lastly departed from?
4. Whereunto designed to go?
5. What and how many ships of the Dutch Company by departure from the
last shore there layed, and their names?
6. If one or more of these ships in company with this, is departed for
this, or any other place?
7. If during the voyage any particularities is happened or seen?
8. If not any ships in sea, or the Streights of Sunda, have seen or
hailed in, and which?
9. If any other news worth of attention, at the place from whence the
ship lastly departed, or during the voyage, is happened.
BATAVIA, in the Castle.
By order of the Governor General, and the Counsellors of India, J.
BRANDER BUNGL, SEC.
Of these questions I answered only the first and the fourth; which when
the officer saw, he said answers to the rest were of no consequence: yet he
immediately added, that he must send that very paper away to
Batavia, and that it would be there the next day at
noon. I have particularly related this incident,* because I have
been credibly informed that it is but of late years that the Dutch have taken upon
them to examine ships that pass through this Streight.
At ten o'clock the same morning, we weighed, with a light breeze at S.
W.; but did little more than stem the current, and about two o'clock anchored
again under Bantam Point, where we lay till nine; a light breeze then springing up
at S.E. we weighed and stood to the eastward till ten o'clock the next morning,*
when the current obliged us again to anchor in twenty-two fathom, Pulababi bearing
E. by S. ½ S. distant between three and four miles. Having alternately weighed and
anchored several times, till four in the afternoon of the 7th, we
then stood to the eastward,* with a very faint breeze at N. E. and passed Wapping
Island, and the first island to the eastward of it; when the wind dying away, we
were carried by the current between the first and second of the islands that lie
to the eastward of Wapping Island, were we were obliged to anchor in thirty
fathom, being very near a ledge of rocks that run out from one of the islands. At
two the next morning we weighed with the land wind at south,* and stood out clear
of the shoal; but before noon were obliged to come to again in twenty-eight
fathom, near a small island among those that are called the Thousand Islands,
which we did not find laid down in any chart. Pulo Pare at this time bore E. N. E.
distance between six and seven miles.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went ashore
upon the island, which they found not to be more than five hundred yards long, and
one hundred broad; yet there was a house upon it, and a small plantation, where
among other things was the Palma Christi, from which the castor oil is made in the
West Indies: they made a small addition to their collection of plants, and shot a
bat, whose wings when extended measured three feet from point to
point:* they shot also four plovers, which exactly resembled the golden plover of
England. Soon after they returned, a small Indian boat
came alongside with two Malays on board, who brought three turtles, some dried
fish, and a few pumpkins: we bought the turtle, which altogether weighed a hundred
and forty-six pounds, for a dollar, and considering that we had lately paid the
Dutchman a dollar for one that weighed only six and thirty pounds, we thought we
had a good bargain. The seller appeared equally satisfied, and we then treated
with him for his pumpkins, for which he was very unwilling to take any money but a
dollar; we laid that a whole dollar was greatly too much; to which he readily
assented, but desired that we would cut one and give him a part: at last, however,
a fine shining Portuguese petacka tempted him, and for that he sold us his whole
stock of pumpkins, being in number twenty-six. At parting, he made signs that we
should not tell at Batavia that any boat had been aboard
us.
We were not able to weather Pulo Pare this day, but getting the land wind
at south about ten o'clock at night, we weighed and stood to the E. S. E. all
night. At ten in the morning,* we anchored again, to wait for the sea breeze; and
at noon it sprung up at N.N.E. with which we stood in for
Batavia road, where at four o'clock in the afternoon we
came to an anchor.
We found here the Harcourt Indiaman from England,
two English private traders of that country, thirteen sail of large Dutch ships,
and a considerable number of small vessels. A boat came immediately on board, from
a ship which had a broad pendant flying, and the officer who commanded having
enquired who we were, and whence we came, immediately returned with such answers
as we thought fit to give him: both he and his people were as pale
as spectres,* a sad presage of our sufferings in so unhealthy a country; but our
people, who, except Tupia, were all rosy and plump, seemed to
think themselves so seasoned by various climates that nothing could hurt them. In
the mean time, I sent a Lieutenant ashore to acquaint the Governor of our arrival,
and to make an excuse for our not saluting; for as I could salute with only three
guns, except the swivels, which I was of opinion would not be heard, I thought it
was better to let it alone. As soon as the boat was dispatched the carpenter
delivered me an account of the defects of the ship, of which the following is a
copy:
The defects of his Majesty's bark Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook
Commander.
The ship very leaky, as she makes from twelve to six inches water an
hour, occasioned by her main keel being wounded in many places, and the scarfs of
her stern being very open: the false keel gone beyond the midships from forward,
and perhaps farther, as I had no opportunity of seeing for the water when hauled
ashore for repairing: wounded on the larboard side under the main channel, where I
imagine the greatest leak is, but could not come at it for the water: one pump on
the larboard side useless; the others decayed within an inch and an half of the
bore. Otherwise masts, yards, boats, and hull, in pretty good condition.
As it was the universal opinion that the ship could not safely proceed to
Europe without an examination of her bottom, I
determined to apply for leave to heave her down at this place; and as I understood
that it would be necessary to make this application in writing, I drew up a
request, and the next morning,* having got it translated into Dutch,
we all went ashore.
We repaired immediately to the house of Mr. Leith, the only Englishman of
any credit who is resident at this place; he received us with great politeness,
and engaged us to dinner: to this gentleman we applied for instructions how to
provide ourselves with lodgings and necessaries while we should stay ashore, and
he told us, that there was a hotel, or kind of inn, kept by the order of
government, where all merchants and strangers were obliged to reside, paying half
per cent upon the value of their goods for warehouse room, which the master of the
house was obliged to provide; but that as we came in a King's ship, we should be
at liberty to live where we pleased, upon asking the Governor's permission, which
would be granted of course. He said, that it would be cheaper for us to take a
house in the town, and bring our own servants ashore, if we had any body upon whom
we could depend to buy in our provisions; but as this was not the case, having no
person among us who could speak the Malay language, our gentlemen determined to go
to the hotel. At the hotel, therefore, beds were immediately hired, and word was
sent that we should sleep there at night.
At five o'clock in the afternoon, I was introduced to the
Governor-General, who received me very courteously; he told me, that I should have
every thing I wanted, and that in the morning my request should be laid before the
council, which I was desired to attend.
About nine o'clock, we had a dreadful storm of thunder, lightning, and
rain, during which the main-mast of one of the Dutch East Indiamen was split, and
carried away by the deck; the main-top-mast and top-gallant-mast were shivered all to pieces;* she had an iron spindle at the
main-top-gallant-mast-head, which probably directed the stroke. This ship lay not
more than the distance of two cables' length from ours, and in all probability we
should have shared the same fate, but for the electrical chain which we had but
just got up, and which conducted the lightning over the side of the ship; but
though we escaped the lightning, the explosion shook us like an earthquake, the
chain at the same time appearing like a line of fire: a centinel was in the action
of charging his piece, and the shock forced the musket out of his hand, and broke
the rammer rod. Upon this occasion, I cannot but earnestly recommend chains of the
same kind to every ship, whatever be her destination, and I hope that the fate of
the Dutchman will be a warning to all who shall read this narrative, against
having an iron spindle at the mast-head.
The next morning, I attended at the council-chamber,* and was told that I
should have every thing I wanted. In the mean time, the gentlemen ashore agreed
with the keeper of the hotel for their lodging and board, at the rate of two
rix-dollars, or nine shillings sterling a day for each; and as there were five of
them, and they would probably have many visitors from the ship, he agreed to keep
them a separate table, upon condition that they should pay one rix-dollar for the
dinner of every stranger, and another for his supper and bed, if he should sleep
ashore. Under this stipulation they were to be furnished with tea, coffee, punch,
pipes and tobacco, for themselves and their friends, as much as they could
consume; they were also to pay half a rupee, or one shilling and three pence a day
for each of their servants.
They soon learnt that these rates were more than double the common
charges of board and lodging in the town, and their table,* though
it had the appearance of magnificence, was wretchedly served. Their dinner
consisted of one course of fifteen dishes, and their supper of one course of
thirteen, but nine or ten of them consisted of bad poultry, variously dressed, and
often served up the second, third, and even the fourth time: the same duck having
appeared more than once roasted, found his way again to the table as a fricasee,
and a fourth time in the form of forced meat. It was not long, however, before
they learnt that this treatment was only by way of essay, and that it was the
invariable custom of the house, to supply all strangers, at their first coming,
with such fare as could be procured for the least money, and consequently would
produce the most gain: that if either through indolence or good-nature they were
content, it was continued for the benefit of the host, but that if they
complained, it was gradually amended till they were satisfied, which sometimes
happened before they had the worth of their money. After this discovery, they
remonstrated, and their fare became better; however, after a few days,
Mr. Banks hired a little house, the next door on the left
hand to the hotel, for himself and his party, for which he paid after the rate of
ten rix-dollars, or two pounds five shillings sterling a month; but here they were
very far from having either the convenience or the privacy which they expected; no
person was permitted to sleep in this private house occasionally, as a guest to
the person who hired it, under a penalty, but •amost every Dutchman that went by
ran in without any ceremony, to ask what they sold, there having been very seldom
any private persons at Batavia who had not something to
sell. Every body here hires a carriage, and Mr. Banks hired
two. They are open chaises, made to hold two people, and driven by a man sitting
on a coach-box; for each of these he paid two rix-dollars a day.
As soon as he was settled in his new habitation,* he sent for
Tupia, who till now had continued on board upon account of
his illness, which was of the bilious kind, and for which he had obstinately
refused to take any medicine. He soon came ashore, with his boy Tayeto, and though
while he was on board, and after he came into the boat, he was exceedingly
listless and dejected, he no sooner entered the town than he seemed to be animated
with a new soul. The houses, carriages, streets, people, and a multiplicity of
other objects, all new, which rushed upon him at once, produced an effect like the
sudden and secret power that is imagined of fascination. Tayeto expressed his
wonder and delight with still less restraint, and danced along the street in a
kind of extasy, examining every object with a restless and eager curiosity, which
was every moment excited and gratified. One of the first things that
Tupia remarked, was the various dresses of the passing
multitude, concerning which he made many enquiries; and when he was told that in
this place, where people of many different nations were assembled, every one wore
the habit of his country, he desired that he might conform to the custom, and
appear in that of Otaheite. South Sea cloth was therefore
sent for from the ship, and he equipped himself with great expedition and
dexterity. The people who had seen Otourou, the Indian who had been brought hither
by M. Bougainville, enquired whether Tupia was not the same
person: from these enquiries, we learnt who it was that we had supposed to be
Spaniards, from the accounts that had been given of two ships by the Islanders.
In the mean time, I procured an order to the superintendant of the island
of Ourust, where the ship was to be repaired, to receive her there; and sent by
one of the ships that sailed for Holland, an account of our arrival here, to Mr.
Stephens, the Secretary to the Admiralty.
*The expences that would be incurred by repairing and refitting the
ship, rendered it necessary for me to take up money in this place, which I
imagined might be done without difficulty, but I found myself mistaken; for after
the most diligent enquiry, I could not find any private person that had ability
and inclination to advance the sum that I wanted. In this difficulty I applied to
the Governor himself, by a written request, in consequence of which, the Shebander
had orders to supply me with what money I should require out of the Company's
Treasury.
*On the 18th, as soon as it was light, having by several
accidents and mistakes suffered a delay of many days, I took up the anchor, and
ran down to Ourust: a few days afterwards, we went along-side of the wharf, on
Cooper's Island, which lies close to Ourust, in order to take out our stores.
By this time, having been here only nine days, we began to feel the fatal
effects of the climate and situation. Tupia, after the flow
of spirits which the novelties of the place produced upon his first landing, sunk
on a sudden, and grew every day worse and worse. Tayeto was seized with an
inflammation upon his lungs, Mr. Banks's two servants became
very ill, and himself and Dr. Solander were attacked by
fevers: in a few days, almost every person both on board and ashore was sick;
affected, no doubt, by the low swampy situation of the place, and the numberless
dirty canals which intersect the town in all directions. On the 26th,
I set up the tent for the reception of the ship's company, of whom there was but a
small number able to do duty. Poor Tupia, of whose life we
now began to despair, and who till this time had continued ashore with
Mr. Banks, desired to be removed to the ship, where, he
said, he should breathe a freer air than among the numerous houses which
obstructed it ashore: on board the ship, however, he could not go,*
for she was unrigged, and preparing to be laid down at the careening place; but on
the 28th,* Mr. Banks went with him to Cooper's
Island, or, as it is called here, Kuypor, where she lay, and as he seemed pleased
with the spot, a tent was there pitched for him: at this place, both the sea
breeze and the land breeze blew directly over him, and he expressed great
satisfaction in his situation. Mr. Banks, whose humanity kept
him two days with this poor Indian, returned to the town on the 30th,
and the fits of his intermittent,* which was now become a regular tertian, were so
violent as to deprive him of his senses while they lasted, and leave him so weak
that he was scarcely able to crawl down stairs: at this time, Dr.
Solander's disorder also increased, and Mr. Monkhouse, the Surgeon,
was confined to his bed.
On the fifth of November,* after many delays in consequence of the Dutch
ships coming along-side the wharfs to load pepper, the ship was laid down, and the
same day, Mr. Monkhouse, our Surgeon, a sensible, skilful man, fell the first
sacrifice to this fatal country, a loss which was greatly aggravated by our
situation. Dr. Solander was just able to attend his funeral,
but Mr. Banks was confined to his bed. Our distress was now
very great, and the prospect before us discouraging in the highest degree: our
danger was not such as we could surmount by any efforts of our own; courage,
skill, and diligence were all equally ineffectual, and death was every day making
advances upon us, where we could neither resist nor fly. Malay servants were hired
to attend the sick, but they had so little sense either of duty or humanity, that
they could not be kept within call, and the patient was frequently obliged to get
out of bed to seek them. On the 9th, we lost our poor Indian boy
Tayeto,* and Tupia was so much affected,* that
it was doubted whether he would survive till the next day.
In the mean time, the bottom of the ship being examined, was found to be
in a worse condition than we apprehended: the false keel was all gone to within
twenty feet of the stern post; the main keel was considerably injured in many
places; a great quantity of the sheathing was torn off, and several planks were
much damaged; two of them, and the half of a third, under the main channel near
the keel, were, for the length of six feet, so worn, that they were not above an
eighth part of an inch thick, and here the worms had made their way quite into the
timbers; yet in this condition she had sailed many hundred leagues, where
navigation is as dangerous as in any part of the world: how much misery did we
escape, by being ignorant that so considerable a part of the bottom of the vessel
was thinner than the sole of a shoe, and that every life on board depended upon so
slight and fragile a barrier between us and the unfathomable ocean! It seemed,
however, that we had been preserved only to perish here; Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander were so bad that the physician declared they
had no chance for recovery but by removing into the country; a house was therefore
hired for them, at the distance of about two miles from the town, which belonged
to the master of the hotel, who engaged to furnish them with provisions, and the
use of slaves. As they had already experienced their want of influence over slaves
that had other masters, and the unfeeling inattention of these fellows to the
sick, they bought each of them a Mallay woman, which removed both the causes of
their being so ill served; the women were their own property, and the tenderness
of the sex, even here, made them good nurses. While these preparations were
making, they received an account of the death of
Tupia,* who sunk at once after the loss of the boy, whom
he loved with the tenderness of a parent.
By the 14th,* the bottom of the ship was thoroughly
repaired, and very much to my satisfaction: it would, indeed, be injustice to the
officers and workmen of this yard, not to declare that, in my opinion, there is
not a marine yard in the world, where a ship can be laid down with more
convenience, safety, and dispatch, nor repaired with more diligence and skill. At
this place they heave down by two masts, a method which we do not now practise; it
is, however, unquestionably more safe and expeditious to heave down with two masts
than one, and he must have a good share of bigotry to old customs, and an equal
want of common sense, who will not allow this, after seeing with what facility the
Dutch heave down their largest ships at this place.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander recovered
slowly at their country-house, which was not only open to the sea breeze, but
situated upon a running stream, which greatly contributed to the circulation of
the air: but I was now taken ill myself; , and a seaman who had
attended Mr. Banks, were also seized with intermittents; and
indeed there was not more than ten of the whole ship's company that were able to
do duty.
We proceeded however in rigging the ship, and getting water and stores
aboard: the water we were obliged to procure from Batavia,
at the rate of six shillings and eight pence a leager, or one hundred and fifty
gallons.
About the 26th, the westerly monsoon set in,* which
generally blows here in the night from the S. W. and in the day from the N. W. or
N. For some nights before this, we had very heavy rain, with much thunder; and in
the night between the 25th and 26th,* such
rain as we had seldom seen, for near four hours without intermission.
Mr. Banks's house admitted the water in every part like a
sieve, and it ran through the lower rooms in a stream that would have turned a
mill: he was by this time sufficiently recovered to go out, and upon his entering
Batavia the next morning, he was much surprised to see
the bedding every where hung out to dry.
The wet season was now set in, though we had some intervals of fair
weather. The frogs in the ditches, which croak ten times louder than any frogs in
Europe, gave notice of rain by an incessant noise that
was almost intolerable, and the gnats and musquitos, which had been very
troublesome even during the dry weather, were now become innumerable, swarming
from every plash of water like bees from a hive; they did not, however, much
incommode us in the clay, and the stings, however troublesome at first, never
continued to itch above half an hour, so that none of us felt in the day, the
effects of the wounds they had received in the night.
*On the 8th of December, the ship being perfectly refitted,
and having taken in most of her water and stores, and received her sick on board,
we ran up to Batavia Road, and anchored in four fathom and
an half of water.
*From this time, to the 24th, we were employed in getting on
board the remainder of our water and provisions, with some new pumps, and in
several other operations that were necessary to fit the ship for the sea, all
which would have been effected much sooner, if sickness and death had not disabled
or carried off a great number of our men.
While we lay here, the Earl of Elgin, Captain Cook,
a ship belonging to the English East India Company, came to an
anchor in the Road. She was bound from Madrass to China,*
but having lost her passage, put in here to wait for the next season. The Phoenix,
Captain Black, an English country ship, from Bencoolen, also came to an anchor at
this place.
In the afternoon of Christmas eve, the 24th, I took leave of
the Governor, and several of the principal gentlemen of the place, with whom I had
formed connections, and from whom I received every possible civility and
assistance; but in the mean time an accident happened, which might have produced
disagreeable consequences. A seaman had run away from one of the Dutch ships in
the Road, and entered on board of mine: the Captain had applied to the Governor,
to reclaim him as a subject of Holland, and an order for that purpose was
procured: this order was brought to me soon after I returned from my last visit,
and I said, that if the man appeared to be a Dutchman, he should certainly be
delivered up. Mr. Hicks commanded on board, and I gave the
Dutch officer an order to him, to deliver the man up under that condition. I slept
myself this night on shore, and in the morning,* the Captain of the Dutch
Commodore came and told me that he had carried my order on board, but that the
officer had refused to deliver up the man, alleging, not only that he was not a
Dutchman, but that he was a subject of Great Britain, born
in Ireland; I replied, that the officer had perfectly executed my orders, and that
if the man was an English subject, it could not be expected that I should deliver
him up. The Captain then said, that he was just come from the Governor, to demand
the man of me in his name, as a subject of Denmark, alleging, that he stood in the
ship's books as born at Elsineur. The claim of this man as a subject of Holland,
being now given up, I observed to the Captain, that there appeared to be some mistake in the General's message,* for that he would certainly never
demand a Danish seaman from me, who had committed no other crime than preferring
the service of the English to that of the Dutch. I added, however, to convince him
of my sincere desire to avoid disputes, that if the man was a Dane he should be
delivered up as a courtesy, though he could not be demanded as a right; but that
if I found he was an English subject, I would keep him at all events. Upon these
terms we parted, and soon after I received a letter from Mr.
Hicks, containing indubitable proof that the seaman in question was
a subject of his Britannic Majesty. This letter I immediately carried to the
Shebander, with a request that it might be shewn to the Governor, and that his
Excellency might at the same time be told, I would not upon any terms part with
the man. This had the desired effect, and I heard no more of the affair.
In the evening, I went on board, accompanied by Mr.
Banks, and the rest of the gentlemen who had constantly resided on
shore, and who, though better, were not yet perfectly recovered.
*At six in the morning, of the 26th, we weighed and set
sail, with a light breeze at S. W. The Elgin Indiaman saluted us with three cheers
and thirteen guns, and the garrison with fourteen, both which, with the help of
our swivels, we returned, and soon after the sea breeze set in at N. by W. which
obliged us to anchor just without the ships in the Road.
At this time, the number of sick on board amounted to forty, and the rest
of the ship's company were in a very feeble condition. Every individual had been
sick except the sail-maker, an old man between seventy and eighty years of age, and it is very remarkable that this old man,* during our stay at
this place, was constantly drunk every day: we had buried seven, the Surgeon,
three seamen, Mr. Green's servant,
Tupia, and Tayeto his boy. All but Tupia
fell a sacrifice to the unwholesome, stagnant, putrid air of the country, and he
who from his birth had been used to subsist chiefly upon vegetable food,
particularly ripe fruit, soon contracted all the disorders that are incident to a
sea life, and would probably have sunk under them before we could have completed
our voyage, if we had not been obliged to go to Batavia to
refit.
CHAP. XIII.
Some Account of Batavia, and the
adjacent Country; with their Fruits, Flowers, and other Productions.
*BATAVIA, the capital of the Dutch dominions in India, and generally
supposed to have no equal among all the possessions of the
Europeans in Asia, is situated on the north side of the
island of Java, in a low fenny plain, where several small rivers, which take their
rise in the mountains called Blaeuwen Berg, about forty miles up the country,
empty themselves into the sea, and where the coast forms a large bay, called the
Bay of Batavia, at the distance of about eight leagues from
the streight of Sunda. It lies in latitude 6° 10′ S. and longitude
106° 50′ E. from the meridian of Greenwich,
as appears from astronomical observations made upon the spot, by the Reverend Mr.
Mohr, who has built an elegant observatory, which is as well furnished with
instruments as most in Europe.
The Dutch seem to have pitched upon this spot for the convenience of
water-carriage, and in that it is indeed a second Holland, and superior to every
other place in the world. There are very few streets that have not a canal of
considerable breadth running through them, or rather stagnating in them, and
continued for several miles in almost every direction beyond the town, which is
also intersected by five or six rivers, some of which are navigable thirty or
forty miles up the country. As the houses are large, and the streets wide, it
takes up a much greater extent, in proportion to the number of
houses it contains,* than any city in Europe. Valentyn, who
wrote an account of it about the year 1726, says, that in his time there were,
within the walls, 1242 Dutch houses, and 1200 Chinese; and without the walls 1066
Dutch, and 1240 Chinese, besides 12 arrack houses, making in all 4760: but this
account appeared to us to be greatly exaggerated, especially with respect to the
number of houses within the walls.
The streets are spacious and handsome, and the banks of the canals are
planted with rows of trees, that make a very pleasing appearance; but the trees
concur with the canals to make the situation unwholesome. The stagnant canals in
the dry season exhale an intolerable stench, and the trees impede the course of
the air, by which in some degree the putrid effluvia would be dissipated. In the
wet season the inconvenience is equal, for then these reservoirs of corrupted
water overflow their banks in the lower part of the town, especially in the
neighbourhood of the hotel, and fill the lower stories of the houses, where they
leave behind them an inconceivable quantity of slime and filth: yet these canals
are sometimes cleaned; but the cleaning them is so managed as to become as great a
nuisance as the foulness of the water; for the black mud that is taken from the
bottom is suffered to lie upon the banks, that is, in the middle of the street,
till it has acquired a sufficient degree of hardness to be made the lading of a
boat, and carried away. As this mud consists chiefly of human ordure, which is
regularly thrown into the canals every morning, there not being a necessary-house
in the whole town, it poisons the air while it is drying to a considerable extent.
Even the running streams become nuisances in their turn, by the nastiness or
negligence of the people; for every now and then a dead hog,* or a
dead horse, is stranded upon the shallow parts, and it being the business of no
particular person to remove the nuisance, it is negligently left to time and
accident. While we were here, a dead buffalo lay upon the shoal of a river that
ran through one of the principal streets above a week, and at last was carried
away by a flood.
The houses are in general well adapted to the climate; they consist of
one very large room or hall on the ground floor, with a door at each end, both
which generally stand open: at one end a room is taken off by a partition, where
the master of the house transacts his business; and in the middle between each end
there is a court, which gives light to the hall, and at the same time increases
the draught of air. From one corner of the hall the stairs go up to the floor
above, where also the rooms are spacious and airy. In the alcove, which is formed
by the court, the family dine; and at other times it is occupied by the female
slaves, who are not allowed to sit down any where else.
The public buildings are, most of them, old, heavy, and ungraceful; but
the new church is not inelegant; it is built with a dome, that is seen from a
great distance at sea, and though the outside has rather a heavy appearance, the
inside forms a very fine room: it is furnished with an organ of a proper size,
being very large, and is most magnificently illuminated by chandeliers.
The town is inclosed by a stone wall, of a moderate height; but the whole
of it is old, and many parts are much out of repair. This wall itself is
surrounded by a river, which in some places is fifty, and in some a hundred yards
wide: the stream is rapid, but the water is shallow. The wall is also lined within
by a canal, which in different parts is of different breadths; so that, in passing
either out or in through the gates, it is necessary to cross two
draw-bridges;* and there is no access for idle people or strangers to walk upon
the ramparts, which seem to be but ill provided with guns.
In the north east corner of the town stands the castle or citadel, the
walls of which are both higher and thicker than those of the town, especially near
the landing-place, where there is depth of water only for boats, which it
completely commands, with several large guns that make a very good appearance.
Within this castle are apartments for the Governor General, and all the
Council of India, to which they are enjoined to repair in case of a siege. Here
are also large storehouses, where great quantities of the Company's goods are
kept, especially those that are brought from Europe, and
where almost all their writers transact their business. In this place also are
laid up a great number of cannon, whether to mount upon the walls or furnish
shipping, we could not learn; and the Company is said to be well supplied with
powder, which is dispersed in various magazines, that if some should be destroyed
by lightning, which in this place is very frequent, the rest may escape.
Besides the fortifications of the town, numerous forts are dispersed
about the country to the distance of twenty or thirty miles; these seem to have
been intended merely to keep the natives in awe, and indeed they are fit for
nothing else. For the same purpose a kind of houses, each of which mounts about
eight guns, are placed in such situations as command the navigation of three or
four canals, and consequently the roads upon their banks: some of these are in the
town itself, and it was from one of these that all the best houses belonging to
the Chinese were levelled with the ground in the Chinese rebellion of 1740. These
defences are scattered over all parts of Java,* and the other
islands of which the Dutch have got possession in these seas. Of one of these
singular forts, or fortified houses, we should have procured a drawing, if our
Gentlemen had not been confined by sickness almost all the time they were upon the
island.
If the Dutch fortifications here are not formidable in themselves, they
become so by their situation; for they are among morasses where the roads, which
are nothing more than a bank thrown up between a canal and a ditch, may easily be
destroyed, and consequently the approach of heavy artillery either totally
prevented or greatly retarded: for it would be exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, to transport them in boats, as they all muster every night under the
guns of the castle, a situation from which it would be impossible for an enemy to
take them. Besides, in this country, delay is death; so that whatever retards an
enemy, will destroy him. In less than a week, we were sensible of the
unhealthiness of the climate; and in less than a month half the ship's company
were unable to do their duty. We were told, that of a hundred soldiers who arrive
here from Europe, it was a rare thing for fifty to survive
the first year; that of those fifty, half would then be in the hospital, and not
ten of the rest in perfect health: possibly this account may be exaggerated; but
the pale and feeble wretches whom we saw crawling about with a musquet, which they
were scarcely able to carry, inclined us to believe that it was true. Every white
inhabitant of the town indeed is a soldier; the younger are constantly mustered,
and those who have served five years are liable to be called out when their
assistance is thought to be necessary; but as neither of them are ever exercised,
or do any kind of duty, much cannot be expected from them. The Portuguese, indeed,
are in general good marksmen,* because they employ themselves much
in shooting wild hogs and deer: neither the Mardykers nor the Chinese know the use
of fire-arms; but as they are said to be brave, they might do much execution with
their own weapons, swords, lances, and daggers. The Mardykers are Indians of all
nations, who are descended from free ancestors, or have themselves been made free.
But if it is difficult to attack Batavia by land,
it is utterly impossible to attack it by sea: for the water is so shallow, that it
will scarcely admit a longboat to come within cannon shot of the walls, except in
a narrow channel, called the river, that is walled on both sides by strong piers,
and runs about half a mile into the harbour. At the other end, it terminates under
the fire of the strongest part of the castle; and here its communication with the
canals that intersect the town is cut off by a large wooden boom, which is shut
every night at six o'clock, and upon no pretence opened till the next morning. The
harbour of Batavia is accounted the finest in India, and to
all appearance with good reason; it is large enough to contain any number of
ships, and the ground is so good that one anchor will hold till the cable decays:
it never admits any sea that is troublesome, and its only inconvenience is the
shoal water between the road and the river. When the sea breeze blows fresh, it
makes a cockling sea that is dangerous to boats: our longboat once struck two or
three times as she was attempting to come out, and regained the river's mouth with
some difficulty. A Dutch boat, laden with sails and rigging for one of the
Indiamen, was entirely lost.
Round the harbour, on the outside, lie many islands, which the Dutch have
taken possession of, and apply to different uses. To one of them, called Edam,
they transport all Europeans who have been
guilty of crimes that are not worthy of death:* some are sentenced to remain there
ninety-nine years, some forty, some twenty, some less, down to five, in proportion
to their offence; and during their banishment, they are employed as slaves in
making ropes, and other drudgery. In another island, called Purmerent, they have
an hospital, where people are said to recover much faster than at
Batavia. In a third, called Kuyper, they have warehouses
belonging to the Company, chiefly for rice, and other merchandize of small value;
and here the foreign ships, that are to be laid down at Ourust, another of these
islands, which with Kuyper has been mentioned before, discharge their cargoes at
wharfs which are very convenient for the purpose. Here the guns, sails, and other
stores of the Falmouth, a man of war, which was condemned at this place when she
was returning from Manilla, were deposited, and the ship herself remained in the
harbour with only the warrant officers on board for many years. Remittances were
regularly made them from home; but no notice was ever taken of the many memorials
they sent, desiring to be recalled. Happily for them, the Dutch thought fit, about
six months before our arrival, to sell the vessel and all her stores, by public
auction, and send the officers home in their own ships. At Ourust, they repair all
their own shipping, and keep a large quantity of naval stores.
The country round Batavia is for some miles a
continued range of country houses and gardens. Many of the gardens are very large,
and, by some strange fatality, all are planted with trees almost as thick as they
can stand; so that the country derives no advantage from its being cleared of the
wood that originally covered it, except the fruit of that which has been planted
in its room. These impenetrable forests stand in a dead flat,* which
extends some miles beyond them, and is intersected in many directions by rivers,
and more still by canals, which are navigable for small vessels. Nor is this the
worst, for the fence of every field and garden is a ditch; and interspersed among
the cultivated ground there are many filthy fens, bogs, and morasses, as well
fresh as salt.
It is not strange that the inhabitants of such a country should be
familiar with disease and death: preventive medicines are taken almost as
regularly as food; and every body expects the returns of sickness, as we do the
seasons of the year. We did not see a single face in
Batavia that indicated perfect health, for there is not
the least tint of colour in the cheeks either of man or woman: the women indeed
are most delicately fair; but with the appearance of disease there never can be
perfect beauty. People talk of death with as much indifference as they do in a
camp; and when an acquaintance is said to be dead, the common reply is, "Well, he
owed me nothing;" or,
I must get my money of his executors. To this description of the environs
of Batavia there are but two exceptions. The Governor's
country house is situated upon a rising ground; but its ascent is so
inconsiderable, that it is known to be above the common level only by the canals
being left behind, and the appearance of a few bad hedges: his Excellency,
however, who is a native of this place, has, with some trouble and expence,
contrived to inclose his own garden with a ditch; such is the influence of habit
both upon the taste and the understanding. A famous market also, called Passar
Tanabank, is held upon an eminence that rises perpendicularly about thirty feet
above the plain; and except these situations, the ground, for an extent of between thirty and forty miles round
Batavia,* is exactly parallel to the horizon. At the
distance of about forty miles inland there are hills of a considerable height,
where, as we were informed, the air is healthy, and comparatively cool. Here the
vegetables of Europe flourish in great perfection,
particularly strawberries, which can but ill bear heat; and the inhabitants are
vigorous and ruddy. Upon these hills some of the principal people have country
houses, which they visit once a-year; and one was begun for the Governor, upon the
plan of Blenheim, the famous seat of the Duke of Marlborough in
Oxfordshire, but it has never been finished. To these
hills also people are sent by the physicians, for the recovery of their health,
and the effects of the air are said to be almost miraculous: the patient grows
well in a short time, but constantly relapses soon after his return to
Batavia.
But the same situation and circumstances which render
Batavia and the country round it unwholesome, render it
the best gardener's ground in the world. The soil is fruitful beyond imagination,
and the conveniences and luxuries of life that it produces are almost without
number.
Rice, which is well known to be the corn of these countries, and to serve
the inhabitants instead of bread, grows in great plenty: and I must here observe,
that in the hilly parts of Java, and in many of the eastern islands, a species of
this grain is planted, which in the western parts of India is intirely unknown. It
is called by the natives Paddy Gunning, or Mountain rice; this, contrary to the
other sort which must be under water three parts in four of the time of its
growth, is planted upon the sides of hills where no water but rain can come: it is
however planted at the beginning of the rainy season, and reaped in the beginning
of the dry. How far this kind of rice might be useful in our West Indian islands,
where no bread corn is grown,* it may perhaps be worth while to
enquire.
Indian corn, or maize, is also produced here; which the inhabitants
gather when young, and toast in the ear. Here is also a great variety of kidney
beans, and lentiles, which they call Cadjang, and which make a considerable part
of the food of the common people; besides millet, yams both wet and dry, sweet
potatoes, and European potatoes, which are very good, but
not cultivated in great plenty. In the gardens, there are cabbages, lettuces,
cucumbers, rhadishes, the white rhadishes of China, which
boil almost as well as a turnep; carrots, parsley, celery, pigeon peas, the egg
plant, which broiled, and eaten with pepper and salt, is very delicious; a kind of
greens resembling spinage; onions, very small, but excellent; and asparagus:
besides some European plants of a strong smell,
particularly sage, hysop, and rue. Sugar is also produced here in immense
quantities: very great crops of the finest and largest canes that can be imagined
are produced with very little care, and yield a much larger proportion of sugar
than the canes of the West Indies. White sugar is sold here at two pence
half-penny a pound; and the molasses makes the arrack, of which, as of rum, it is
the chief ingredient; a small quantity of rice, and some cocoa-nut wine, being
added, chiefly, I suppose, to give it flavour. A small quantity of indigo is also
produced here, not as an article of trade, but merely for home consumption.
But the most abundant article of vegetable luxury here, is the fruit; of
which there is no less than six and thirty different kinds, and I shall give a
very brief account of each.
1. The pine apple; Bromelin Ananas. This fruit, which is here called
Nanas, grows very large, and in such plenty that they may sometimes be bought at
the first hand for a farthing a piece;* and at the common fruit
shops we got three of them for two pence half-penny. They are very juicy and well
flavoured; but we all agreed that we had eaten as good from a hot-house in
England: they are however so luxuriant in their growth
that most of them have two or three crowns, and a great number of suckers from the
bottom of the fruit; of these Mr. Banks once counted nine,
and they are so forward that very often while they still adhered to the parent
plant they shot out their fruit, which, by the time the large one became ripe,
were of no inconsiderable size. We several times saw three upon one apple, and
were told that a plant once produced a cluster of nine, besides the principal:
this indeed was considered as so great a curiosity, that it was preserved in
sugar, and sent to the Prince of Orange.
2. Sweet oranges. These are very good, but while we were here, sold for
six pence a piece.
3. Pumplemoeses, which in the West Indies are called Shaddocks. These
were well flavoured, but not juicy; their want of juice however was an accidental
effect of the season.
4. Lemons. These were very scarce; but the want of them was amply
compensated by the plenty of limes.
5. Limes. These were excellent, and to be bought at about twelve pence a
hundred. We saw only two or three Seville oranges, which were almost all rind; and
there are many sorts, both of oranges and lemons, which I shall not particularly
mention, because they are neither esteemed by Europeans nor
the natives themselves.
6. Mangos. This fruit during our stay was so infested with maggots, which
bred in the inside them, that scarcely one in three was eatable; and the best of
them were much inferior to those of Brazil; they are
generally compared by
Europeans to a melting peach, which, indeed,* they resemble
in softness and sweetness, but certainly fall much short in flavour. The climate
here, we were told, is too hot and damp for them; but there are as many sorts of
them as there are of apples in England, and some are much
superior to others. One sort, which is called Mangha Cowani, has so strong a smell
that a European can scarcely bear one in the room; these,
however, the natives are fond of. The three sorts which are generally preferred,
are the Mangha Doodool, the Mangha Santock, and the Mangha Gure.
7. Bananes. Of these also there are innumerable sorts, but three only are
good; the Pissang Mas, the Pissang Radja, and the Pissang Ambou: all these have a
pleasant vinous taste, and the rest are useful in different ways; some are fried
in batter, and others are boiled and eaten as bread. There is one which deserves
the particular notice of the botanist, because, contrary to the nature of its
tribe, it is full of seeds, and is therefore called Pissang Batu, or Pissang
Bidjie; it has however no excellence to recommend it to the taste, but the Malays
use it as a remedy for the flux.
8. Grapes. These are not in great perfection, but they are very dear; for
we could not buy a moderate bunch for less than a shilling or eighteen pence.
9. Tamarinds. These are in great plenty, and very cheap: the people
however do not put them up in the manner practised by the West Indians, but cure
them with salt, by which means they become a black mass, so disagreeable to the
sight and taste, that few Europeans chuse to meddle with
them.
10. Water melons. These are in great plenty, and very good.
*11. Pumpkins. These are beyond comparison the most useful fruit that
can be carried to sea; for they will keep without any care several months, and
with sugar and lemon-juice, make a pye that can scarcely be distinguished from one
made of the best apples; and with pepper and salt, they are a substitute for
turneps, not to be despised.
12. Papaws. This fruit when it is ripe is full of seeds, and almost
without flavour; but if when it is green it is pared, and the core taken out, it
is better than the best turnep.
13. Guava. This fruit is much commended by the inhabitants of our islands
in the West Indies, who probably have a better sort than we met with here, where
the smell of them was so disagreeably strong that it made some of us sick; those
who tasted them, said, that the flavour was equally rank.
14. Sweet sop. The Annona squammosa of Linnaeus.
This is also a West Indian fruit; it consists only of a mass of large kernels,
from which a small proportion of pulp may be sucked, which is very sweet, but has
little flavour.
15. Custard apple. The Annona reticulata of
Linnaeus. The quality of this fruit is well expressed by its
English name, which it acquired in the West Indies; for it is as like a custard,
and a good one too, as can be imagined.
16. The cashew apple. This is seldom eaten on account of its astringency.
The nut that grows upon the top of it is well known in
Europe.
17. The cocoa-nut. This is also well known in
Europe; there are several sorts, but the best of those
we found here is called Calappi Edjou, and is easily known by the redness of the
flesh between the skin and the shell.
. Mangostan. The Garcinia Mangostana of
Linnaeus.* This fruit, which is peculiar to the East
Indies, is about the size of the crab apple, and of a deep red-wine colour: on the
top of it is the figure of five or six small triangles joined in a circle, and at
the bottom several hollow green leaves, which are remains of the blossom. When
they are to be eaten, the skin, or rather flesh, must be taken off, under which
are found six or seven white kernels, placed in a circular order, and the pulp
with which these are inveloped, is the fruit, than which nothing can be more
delicious: it is a happy mixture of the tart and the sweet, which is no less
wholesome than pleasant; and with the sweet orange, this fruit is allowed in any
quantity to those who are afflicted with fevers, either of the putrid or
inflammatory kind.
19. The jamboo. The Eugenia Mallaccensis of
Linnaeus. This fruit is of a deep red colour, and an oval
shape; the largest, which are always the best, are not bigger than a small apple;
they are pleasant and cooling, though they have not much flavour.
20. The jambu-eyer. A species of the Eugenia of
Linnaeus. Of this fruit there are two sorts of a similar
shape, resembling a bell, but differing in colour; one being red, the other white.
They somewhat exceed a large cherry in size, and in taste have neither flavour nor
even sweetness, containing nothing but a watry juice, slightly acidulated; yet
their coolness recommends them in this hot country.
21. Jambu-eyer mauwar. The Eugenia jambos of
Linnaeus. This is more grateful to the smell than the
taste; in taste it resembles the conserve of roses, and in smell the fresh scent
of those flowers.
22. The pomgranate. This is the same fruit that is known by the same name
all over Europe.
*23. Durion. A fruit that in shape resembles a small melon, but the
skin is covered with sharp conical spines, whence its name; for dure, in the Malay
language, signifies prickle. When it is ripe, it divides longitudinally into seven
or eight compartments, each of which contains six or seven nuts, not quite so
large as chesnuts, which are covered with a substance that in colour and
consistence very much resembles thick cream: this is the part that is eaten, and
the natives are fond of it to excess. To Europeans it is
generally disagreeable at first; for in taste, it somewhat resembles a mixture of
cream, sugar, and onions; and in the smell, the onions predominate.
24. Nanca. This fruit, which in some parts of India is called Jack, has,
like the Durion, a smell very disagreeable to strangers, and somewhat resembling
that of mellow apples mixed with garlic: the flavour is not more adapted to the
general taste. In some countries that are favourable to it, it is said to grow to
an immense size. Rumphius relates, that it is sometimes so large that a man cannot
easily lift it; and we were told by a Malay, that at Madura it is sometimes so
large as not to be carried but by the united efforts of two men. At
Batavia, however, they never exceed the size of a large
melon, which in shape they very much resemble: they are covered with angular
prickles, like the shootings of some chrystals, which however are not hard enough
to wound those who handle them.
25. Champada. This differs from the Nanca in little except size, it not
being so big.
26. Rambutan. This is a fruit little known to
Europeans; in appearance it very much resembles a
chesnut with the husk on, and like that, is covered with small points, which are
soft and of a deep red colour: under this skin is the fruit, and
within the fruit a stone;* the eatable part therefore is small in quantity, but
its acid is perhaps more agreeable than any other in the whole vegetable kingdom.
27. Jambolan. This in size and appearance is not unlike a damascene; but
in taste is still more astringent, and therefore less agreeable.
28. The Boa Bidarra; or Rhamnus Jujuba of Linnaeus.
This is a round yellow fruit, about the size of a gooseberry; its flavour is like
that of an apple, but it has the astringency of a crab.
29. Nam nam. The Cynometra Cauliflora of Linnaeus.
This fruit in shape somewhat resembles a kidney; it is about three inches long,
and the outside is very rough: it is seldom eaten raw, but fried with batter it
makes a good fritter.
30, 31. The Catappa, or Terminalia Catappa; and the Canare, the Canarium
commune of Linnaeus; are both nuts, with kernels somewhat
resembling an almond; but the difficulty of breaking the shell is so great, that
they are no where publicly sold. Those which we tasted were gathered for curiosity
by Mr. Banks, from the tree upon which they grew.
32. The Madja; or Limonia of Linnaeus; contains,
under a hard brittle shell, a lightly acid pulp, which cannot be eaten without
sugar; and with it, is not generally thought pleasant.
33. Suntul. The Trichilia of Linnaeus. This is the
worst of all the fruits that I shall particularly mention: in size and shape it
resembles the Madja; and within a thick skin contains kernels like those of the
Mangostan, the taste of which is both acid and astringent, and so disagreeable
that we were surprised to see it exposed upon the fruit-stalls.
*34, 35, 36. The Blimbing, or Averrhoa Belimbi; the Blimbing Besse,
or Averrhoa Carambola; and the Cherrema, or Averrhoa acida of
Linnaeus, are three species of one genus; and though they
differ in shape, are nearly of the same taste. The Blimbing Besse is the sweetest:
the other two are so austerely acid, that they cannot be used without dressing;
they make however excellent pickles and sour sauce.
37. The Salack; or Calamus Rotang Zalacca of
Linnaeus. This is the fruit of a prickly bush; it is about
as big as a walnut, and covered with scales, like those of a lizard: below the
scales are two or three yellow kernels, in flavour somewhat resembling a
strawberry.
Besides these, the island of Java, and particularly the country round
Batavia, produces many kinds of fruit which were not in
season during our stay; we were also told that apples, strawberries, and many
other fruits from Europe, had been planted up in the
mountains, and flourished there in great luxuriance. We saw several fruits
preserved in sugar, that we did not see recent from the tree, one of which is
called Kimkit, and another Boa Atap: and here are several others which are eaten
only by the natives, particularly the Kellor, the Guilindina, the Moringa, and the
Soccum. The Soccum is of the same kind with the bread-fruit in the South Sea
islands, but so much inferior, that if it had not been for the similitude in the
outward appearance both of the fruit and the tree, we should not have referred it
to that class. These and some others do not merit to be particularly mentioned.
The quantity of fruit that is consumed at Batavia
is incredible; but that which is publicly exposed to sale is generally over-ripe.
A stranger however may get good fruit in a street called Passar Pissang, which
lies north from the great church, and very near it.* This street is
inhabited by none but Chinese fruit-sellers, who are supplied from the gardens of
Gentlemen in the neighbourhood of the town, with such as is fresh, and excellent
in its kind, for which however they must be paid more than four times the market
price.
The town in general is supplied from a considerable distance, where great
quantities of land are cultivated merely for the production of fruit. The country
people, to whom these lands belong, meet the people of the town at two great
markets; one on Monday, called Passar Sineen; and the other on Saturday, called
Passar Tanabank. These fairs are held at places considerably distant from each
other, for the convenience of different districts; neither of them however are
more than five miles distant from Batavia. At these fairs,
the best fruit may be bought at the cheapest rate; and the sight of them to a
European is very entertaining. The quantity of fruit is
astonishing; forty or fifty cart loads of the finest pine apples, packed as
carelessly as turneps in England, are common, and other
fruit in the same profusion. The days however on which these markets are held are
ill contrived; the time between Saturday and Monday is too short, and that between
Monday and Saturday too long: great part of what is bought on Monday is always
much the worse for keeping before a new stock can be bought, either by the
retailer or consumer; so that for several days in every week there is no good
fruit in the hands of any people but the Chinese in Passar Pissang.
The inhabitants of this part of India practise a luxury which seems to be
but little attended to in other countries; they are continually burning aromatic
woods and resins, and scatter odours round them in a profusion of flowers,
possibly as an antidote to the noisome effluvia of their ditches and
canals.* Of sweet smelling flowers they have a great variety, altogether unknown
in Europe, the chief of which I shall briefly describe.
1. The Champacka, or Michelia Champacca. This grows upon a tree as large
as an apple tree, and consists of fifteen long narrow petala, which give it the
appearance of being double, though in reality it is not so: its colour is yellow,
and much deeper than that of a jonquil, to which it has some resemblance in smell.
2. The Cananga, or Uvaria Cananga, is a green flower, not at all
resembling the blossom of any tree or plant in Europe: it
has indeed more the appearance of a bunch of leaves than a flower; its scent is
agreeable, but altogether peculiar to itself.
3. The Mulatti, or Nyctanthes Sambac. This is well known in English
hot-houses by the name of Arabian jessamine: it grows here in the greatest
profusion, and its fragrance, like that of all other Indian flowers, though
exquisitely pleasing, has not that over-powering strength which distinguishes some
of the same sorts in Europe.
4, 5. The Combang Caracnassi, and Combang Tonquin, Percularia Glabro.
These are small flowers, of the dog's-bane kind, very much resembling each other
in shape and smell, highly fragrant, but very different from every product of an
English garden.
6. The Bonga Tanjong, or Mimusops Elengi of
Linnaeus. This flower is shaped like a star of seven or eight
rays, and is about half an inch in diameter; it is of a yellowish colour, and has
an agreeable smell.
Besides these, there is the Sundal Malam, or Polianthes Tuberosa. This
flower, being the same with our own tuberose, can have no place
among those that are unknown in Europe,* but I mention it
for its Malay name, which signifies "Intriguer of the Night," and is not
inelegantly conceived. The heat of this climate is so great, that few flowers
exhale their sweets in the day; and this in particular, from its total want of
scent at that time, and the modesty of its colour, which is white, seems negligent
of attracting admirers, but as soon as night comes on, it diffuses its fragrance,
and at once compels the attention, and excites the complacency of all who approach
it.
These are all sold about the streets every evening at sunset, either
strung upon a thread, in wreaths of about two feet long, or made up into nosegays
of different forms, either of which may be purchased for about a halfpenny.
Besides these, there are, in private gardens many other sweet flowers, which are
not produced in a sufficient quantity to be brought to market. With a mixture of
these flowers, and the leaves of a plant called pandang, cut into small pieces,
persons of both sexes fill their hair and their clothes, and with the same mixture
indulge a much higher luxury by strewing it on their beds, so that the chamber in
which they sleep, breathes the richest and purest of all odours, unallayed by the
fumes which cannot but arise where the sleeper lies under two or three blankets
and a quilt, for the bed covering here is nothing more than a single piece of fine
chintz.
Before I close my account of the vegetable productions of this part of
India, I must take some notice of the spices Java originally produced none but
pepper. This is now sent from hence into Europe to a great
value, but the quantity consumed here is very small: the inhabitants use Capsicum,
or, as it is called in Europe, Cayan pepper, almost
universally in its stead. Cloves and nutmegs, having been
monopolized by the Dutch,* are become too dear to be plentifully used by the other
inhabitants of this country, who are very fond of them. Cloves, although they are
said originally to have been the produce of Machian, or Bachian, a small island
far to the eastward, and only fifteen miles to the northward of the line, and to
have been from thence disseminated by the Dutch, at their first coming into these
parts, over all the eastern islands, are now confined to Amboina, and the small
isles that lie in its neighbourhood; the Dutch having, by different treaties of
peace between them and the conquered kings of all the other islands, stipulated,
that they should have only a certain number of trees in their dominions, and in
future quarrels, as a punishment for disobedience and rebellion, lessened the
quantity, till at last they left them no claim to any. Nutmegs have in a manner
been extirpated in all the islands except their first native soil, Banda, which
easily supplies every nation upon earth, and would as easily supply every nation
in another globe of the same dimensions, if there was any such to which the
industrious Hollander could transport the commodity; it is, however, certain, that
there are a few trees of this spice upon the coast of New Guinea. There may
perhaps be both cloves and nutmegs upon other islands to the eastward; for those,
neither the Dutch, nor any other European, seem to think it
worth while to examine.
The principal tame quadrupeds of this country are horses, cattle,
buffalos, sheep, goats, and hogs. The horses are small, never exceeding in size
what we call a stout galloway, but they are nimble and spirited, and are reported
to have been found here when the Europeans first came round
the Cape of Good Hope. The horned cattle are said to be the same species as those
in Europe, but they differ so much in appearance, that we
were inclined to doubt it: they have indeed the palearia or dewlap,*
which naturalists make the distinguishing characteristic of the
European species, but they certainly are found wild, not
only in Java but several of the eastern islands. The slesh of those that we eat at
Batavia, had a finer grain than
European beef, but it was less juicy, and miserably
lean. Buffalos are plenty, but the Dutch never eat them, nor will they drink their
milk, being prepossessed with a notion that both are unwholesome, and tend to
produce fevers; though the natives and Chinese eat both, without any injury to
their health. The sheep are of the kind which have long ears that hang down, and
hair instead of wool: the flesh of these is hard and tough, and in every respect
the worst mutton we ever saw: we found here, however, a few Cape sheep, which are
excellent, but so dear that we gave five and forty shillings a-piece for four of
them, the heaviest of which weighed only five and forty pounds. The goats are not
better than the sheep, but the hogs, especially the Chinese breed, are
incomparable, and so fat, that the purchaser agrees for the lean separately. The
butcher, who is always a Chinese, without the least scruple cuts off as much of
the fat as he is desired, and afterwards sells it to his countrymen, who melt it
down, and eat it instead of butter with their rice: but notwithstanding the
excellence of this pork, the Dutch are so strongly prejudiced in favour of every
thing that comes from their native country, that they eat only of the Dutch breed,
which are here sold as much dearer than the Chinese, as the Chinese are sold
dearer than the Dutch in Europe.
Besides these animals, which are tame, they have dogs and cats, and there
are among the distant mountains some wild horses and cattle: buffalos are not
found wild in any part of Java, though they abound in Macassar, and several other
eastern islands. The neighbourhood of Batavia, however, is plentifully supplied with two kinds of deer,* and wild hogs, which
are sold at a reasonable price by the Portuguese, who shoot them, and are very
good food.
Among the mountains, and in the desart parts of the island, there are
tygers, it is said, in great abundance, and some rhinoceroses; in these parts also
there are monkies, and there are a few of them even in the neighbourhood of
Batavia.
Of fish, here is an amazing plenty; many sorts are excellent, and all are
very cheap, except the few that are scarce. It happens here, as in other places,
that vanity gets the better even of appetite: the cheap fish, most of which is of
the best kind, is the food only of slaves, and that which is dear, only because it
is scarce, and very much inferior in every respect, is placed upon the tables of
the rich. A sensible housekeeper once spoke to us freely upon the subject. I know,
said he, as well as you, that I could purchase a better dish of fish for a
shilling, than what now costs me ten; but if I should make so good a use of my
money, I should here be as much despised, as you would be in
Europe, if you were to cover your table with offals, fit
only for beggars or dogs.
Turtle is also found here, but it is neither so sweet nor so fat as the
West Indian turtle, even in London; such as it is, however, we should consider it
as a dainty; but the Dutch, among other singularities, do not eat it. We saw some
lizards, or Iguanas, here of a very large size; we were told that some were as
thick as a man's thigh, and Mr. Banks shot one that was five
feet long: the flesh of this animal proved to be very good food.
Poultry is very good here, and in great plenty: fowls of a very large
size, ducks, and geese are very cheap; pigeons are dear, and the
price of turkies extravagant.* We sometimes found the flesh of these animals lean
and dry, but this was merely the effect of their being ill fed, for those that we
fed ourselves were as good as any of the same kind that we had tasted in
Europe, and we sometimes thought them even better.
Wild fowl in general is scarce. We once saw a wild duck in the fields,
but never any that were to be sold. We frequently saw snipes of two kinds, one of
them exactly the same as that in Europe, and a kind of
thrush was always to be had in great plenty of the Portuguese, who, for I know not
what reason, seem to have monopolized the wild fowl and game. Of snipes, it is
remarkable that they are found in more parts of the world than any other bird,
being common almost all over Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America.
With respect to drink, Nature has not been quite so liberal to the
inhabitants of Java as to some whom she has placed in the less fruitful regions of
the north. The native Javanese, and most of the other Indians who inhabit this
island, are indeed Mahometans, and therefore have no reason to regret the want of
wine; but, as if the prohibition of their law respected only the manner of
becoming drunk, and not drunkenness itself, they chew opium, to the total
subversion not only of their understanding but their health.
The arrack that is made here, is too well known to need a description:
besides which, the palm yields a wine of the same kind with that which has already
been described in the account of the island of Savu; it is procured from the same
tree, in the same manner, and is sold in three states. The first, in which it is
called Tuac manise, differs little from that in which it comes from the tree; yet
even this has received
some preparation altogether unknown to us,* in consequence of which
it will keep eight and forty hours, though otherwise it would spoil in twelve: in
this state it has an agreeable sweetness, and will not intoxicate. In the other
two states it has undergone a fermentation, and received an infusion of certain
herbs and roots, by which it loses its sweetness, and acquires a taste very
austere and disagreeable. In one of these states it is called Tuac cras, and in
the other Tuac cuning, but the specific difference I do not know; in both,
however, it intoxicates very powerfully. A liquor called Tuac is also made from
the cocoa-nut tree, but this is used chiefly to put into the arrack, for in that
which is good it is an essential ingredient.
CHAP. XIV.
Some Account of the Inhabitants of
Batavia, and the adjacent Country, their Manners,
Customs, and Manner of Life.
THE town of Batavia, although,* as I have already
observed, it is the capital of die Dutch dominions in India, is so far from being
peopled with Dutchmen, that not one fifth part, even of the
European inhabitants of the town, and its environs, are
natives of Holland, or of Dutch extraction: the greater part are Portuguese, and
besides Europeans, there are Indians of various nations,
and Chinese, besides a great number of negro slaves. In the troops, there are
natives of almost every country in Europe, but the Germans
are more than all the rest put together; there are some English and French, but
the Dutch, though other Europeans are permitted to get
money here, keep all the power in their own hands, and consequently possess all
public employments. No man, of whatever nation, can come hither to settle, in any
other character than that of a soldier in the Company's service, in which, before
they are accepted, they must covenant to remain five years. As soon however as
this form has been complied with, they are allowed, upon application to the
council, to absent themselves from their corps, and enter immediately into any
branch of trade, which their money or credit will enable them to carry on; and by
this means it is that all the white inhabitants of the place are soldiers.
Women, however, of all nations, are permitted to settle here, without
coming under any restrictions; yet we were told that there were
not,* when we were at Batavia, twenty women in the place
that were born in Europe, but that the white women, who
were by no means scarce, were descendants from European
parents of the third or fourth generation, the gleanings of many families who had
successively come hither, and in the male line become extinct; for it is certain
that, whatever be the cause, this climate is not so fatal to the ladies as to the
other sex.
These women imitate the Indians in every particular; their dress is made
of the same materials, their hair is worn in the same manner, and they are equally
enslaved by the habit of chewing betel.
The merchants carry on their business here with less trouble perhaps than
in any other part of the world: every manufacture is managed by the Chinese, who
sell the produce of their labour to the merchant, resident here, for they are
permitted to sell it to no one else; so that when a ship comes in, and bespeaks
perhaps a hundred leagers of arrack, or any quantity of other commodities, the
merchant has nothing to do but to send orders to his Chinese to see them delivered
on board: he obeys the command, brings a receipt signed by the master of the ship
for the goods to his employer, who receives the money, and having deducted his
profit, pays the Chinese his demand. With goods that are imported, however, the
merchant has a little more trouble, for these he must examine, receive, and lay up
in his warehouse, according to the practice of other countries.
The Portuguese are called by the natives Oranserane, or Nazareen men,
(Oran, being Man in the language of the country,) to distinguish them from other
Europeans; yet they are included in the general
appellation of Caper, or Cafir, an opprobrious term, applied by Mahometans to all
who do not profess their faith. These people, however,* are
Portuguese only in name; they have renounced the religion of Rome, and become
Lutherans: neither have they the least communication with the country of their
forefathers, or even knowlege of it: they speak indeed a corrupt dialect of the
Portuguese language, but much more frequently use the Malay: they are never
suffered to employ themselves in any but mean occupations: many of them live by
hunting, many by washing linen, and some are handicraftsmen and artificers. They
have adopted all the customs of the Indians, from whom they are distinguished
chiefly by their features and complexion, their skin being considerably darker,
and their noses more sharp; their dress is exactly the same, except in the manner
of wearing their hair.
The Indians, who are mixed with the Dutch and Portuguese in the town of
Batavia, and the country adjacent, are not, as might be
supposed, Javanese, the original natives of the island, but natives of the various
islands from which the Dutch import slaves, and are either such as have themselves
been manumized, or the descendants of those who formerly received manumission; and
they are all comprehended under the general name of Oranslam, or Isalam,
signifying Believers of the true Faith. The natives of every country, however, in
other respects keep themselves distinct from the rest, and are not less strongly
marked than the slaves by the vices or virtues of their respective nations. Many
of these employ themselves in the cultivation of gardens, and in selling fruit and
flowers. The betel and areca, which are here called Siri and Pinang, and chewed by
both sexes and every rank in amazing quantities, are all grown by these Indians:
lime is also mixed with these roots here as it is in Savu, but it is less
pernicious to the teeth, because it is first slaked, and, besides the lime, a
substance called gambir, which is brought from the continent of
India;* the better sort of women also add cardamum, and many other aromatics, to
give the breath an agreeable smell. Some of the Indians, however, are employed in
fishing, and as lightermen, to carry goods from place to place by water; and some
are rich, and live with much of the splendour of their country, which chiefly
consists in the number of their slaves.
In the article of food these Isalams are remarkably temperate: it
consists chiefly of boiled rice, with a small proportion of buffalo, fish, or
fowl, and sometimes of dried fish, and dried shrimps, which are brought hither
from China; every dish, however, is highly seasoned with
Cayan pepper, and they have many kinds of pastry made of rice flower, and other
things to which I am a stranger; they eat also a great deal of fruit, particularly
plantanes.
But notwithstanding their general temperance, their feasts are plentiful,
and, according to their manner, magnificent. As they are Mahometans, wine and
strong liquors professedly make no part of their entertainment, neither do they
often indulge with them privately, contenting themselves with their betel and
opium.
The principal solemnity among them is a wedding, upon which occasion both
the families borrow as many ornaments of gold and silver as they can, to adorn the
bride and bride-groom, so that their dresses are very showy and magnificent. The
feasts that are given upon these occasions among the rich, last sometimes a
fortnight, and sometimes longer; and during this time, the man, although married
on the first day, is, by the women, kept from his wife.
The language that is spoken among all these people, from what place
soever they originally came, is the Malay; at least it is a language so called,
and probably it is a very corrupt dialect of that spoken at
Malacca.* Every little island indeed has a language of
its own, and Java has two or three, but this lingua franca is the only language
that is now spoken here, and, as I am told, it prevails over a great part of the
East Indies. A dictionary of Malay and English was published in London by Thomas
Bowrey, in the year 1701.
Their women wear as much hair as can grow upon the head, and to increase
the quantity, they use oils, and other preparations of various kinds. Of this
ornament Nature has been very liberal; it is universally black, and is formed into
a kind of circular wreath upon the top of the head, where it is fastened with a
bodkin, in a taste which we thought inexpressibly elegant: the wreath of hair is
surrounded by another of flowers, in which the Arabian jessamine is beautifully
intermixed with the golden stars of the Bonger Tanjong.
Both sexes constantly bathe themselves in the river at least once a day,
a practice which, in this hot country, is equally necessary both to personal
delicacy and health. The teeth of these people also, whatever they may suffer in
their colour by chewing beetle, are an object of great attention: the ends of
them, both in the upper and under jaw, are rubbed with a kind of whetstone, by a
very troublesome and painful operation, till they are perfectly even and slat, so
that they cannot lose less than half a line in their length. A deep grove is then
made cross the teeth of the upper jaw, parallel with the gums, and in the middle
between them and the extremity of the teeth; the depth of this groove is at least
equal to one-fourth of the thickness of the teeth, so that it penetrates far
beyond what is called the enamel, the least injury to which, according to the
dentists of Europe, is fatal; yet among these people, where
the practice of thus wounding the enamel is universal, we never saw a rotten told that there were not,* when we were at
Batavia, twenty women in the place that were born in
Europe, but that the white women, who were by no means
scarce, were descendants from European parents of the third
or fourth generation, the gleanings of many families who had successively come
hither, and in the male line become extinct; for it is certain that, whatever be
the cause, this climate is not so fatal to the ladies as to the other sex.
These women imitate the Indians in every particular; their dress is made
of the same materials, their hair is worn in the same manner, and they are equally
enslaved by the habit of chewing betel.
The merchants carry on their business here with less trouble perhaps than
in any other part of the world: every manufacture is managed by the Chinese, who
sell the produce of their labour to the merchant, resident here, for they are
permitted to sell it to no one else; so that when a ship comes in, and bespeaks
perhaps a hundred leagers of arrack, or any quantity of other commodities, the
merchant has nothing to do but to send orders to his Chinese to see them delivered
on board: he obeys the command, brings a receipt signed by the master of the ship
for the goods to his employer, who receives the money, and having deducted his
profit, pays the Chinese his demand. With goods that are imported, however, the
merchant has a little more trouble, for these he must examine, receive, and lay up
in his warehouse, according to the practice of other countries.
The Portuguese are called by the natives Oranserane, or Nazareen men,
(Oran, being Man in the language of the country,) to distinguish them from other
Europeans; yet they are included in the general
appellation of Caper, or Cafir, an opprobrious term, applied by Mahometans to all
who do not profess their faith. These people, however,* are
Portuguese only in name; they have renounced the religion of Rome, and become
Lutherans: neither have they the least communication with the country of their
forefathers, or even knowlege of it: they speak indeed a corrupt dialect of the
Portuguese language, but much more frequently use the Malay: they are never
suffered to employ themselves in any but mean occupations: many of them live by
hunting, many by washing linen, and some are handicraftsmen and artificers. They
have adopted all the customs of the Indians, from whom they are distinguished
chiefly by their features and complexion, their skin being considerably darker,
and their noses more sharp; their dress is exactly the same, except in the manner
of wearing their hair.
The Indians, who are mixed with the Dutch and Portuguese in the town of
Batavia, and the country adjacent, are not, as might be
supposed, Javanese, the original natives of the island, but natives of the various
islands from which the Dutch import slaves, and are either such as have themselves
been manumized, or the descendants of those who formerly received manumission; and
they are all comprehended under the general name of Oranslam, or Isalam,
signifying Believers of the true Faith. The natives of every country, however, in
other respects keep themselves distinct from the rest, and are not less strongly
marked than the slaves by the vices or virtues of their respective nations. Many
of these employ themselves in the cultivation of gardens, and in selling fruit and
flowers. The betel and areca, which are here called Siri and Pinang, and chewed by
both sexes and every rank in amazing quantities, are all grown by these Indians:
lime is also mixed with these roots here as it is in Savu, but it is less
pernicious to the teeth, because it is first slaked, and, besides the lime, a
substance called gambir, which is brought from the continent of
India;* the better sort of women also add cardamum, and many other aromatics, to
give the breath an agreeable smell. Some of the Indians, however, are employed in
fishing, and as lightermen, to carry goods from place to place by water; and some
are rich, and live with much of the splendour of their country, which chiefly
consists in the number of their slaves.
In the article of food these Isalams are remarkably temperate: it
consists chiefly of boiled rice, with a small proportion of buffalo, fish, or
fowl, and sometimes of dried fish, and dried shrimps, which are brought hither
from China; every dish, however, is highly seasoned with
Cayan pepper, and they have many kinds of pastry made of rice flower, and other
things to which I am a stranger; they eat also a great deal of fruit, particularly
plantanes.
But notwithstanding their general temperance, their feasts are plentiful,
and, according to their manner, magnificent. As they are Mahometans, wine and
strong liquors professedly make no part of their entertainment, neither do they
often indulge with them privately, contenting themselves with their betel and
opium.
The principal solemnity among them is a wedding, upon which occasion both
the families borrow as many ornaments of gold and silver as they can, to adorn the
bride and bride-groom, so that their dresses are very showy and magnificent. The
feasts that are given upon these occasions among the rich, last sometimes a
fortnight, and sometimes longer; and during this time, the man, although married
on the first day, is, by the women, kept from his wife.
The language that is spoken among all these people, from what place
soever they originally came, is the Malay; at least it is a language so called,
and probably it is a very corrupt dialect of that spoken at
Malacca.* Every little island indeed has a language of
its own, and Java has two or three, but this lingua franca is the only language
that is now spoken here, and, as I am told, it prevails over a great part of the
East Indies. A dictionary of Malay and English was published in London by Thomas
Bowrey, in the year 1701.
Their women wear as much hair as can grow upon the head, and to increase
the quantity, they use oils, and other preparations of various kinds. Of this
ornament Nature has been very liberal; it is universally black, and is formed into
a kind of circular wreath upon the top of the head, where it is fastened with a
bodkin, in a taste which we thought inexpressibly elegant: the wreath of hair is
surrounded by another of flowers, in which the Arabian jessamine is beautifully
intermixed with the golden stars of the Bonger Tanjong.
Both sexes constantly bathe themselves in the river at least once a day,
a practice which, in this hot country, is equally necessary both to personal
delicacy and health. The teeth of these people also, whatever they may suffer in
their colour by chewing beetle, are an object of great attention: the ends of
them, both in the upper and under jaw, are rubbed with a kind of whetstone, by a
very troublesome and painful operation, till they are perfectly even and slat, so
that they cannot lose less than half a line in their length. A deep grove is then
made cross the teeth of the upper jaw, parallel with the gums, and in the middle
between them and the extremity of the teeth; the depth of this groove is at least
equal to one-fourth of the thickness of the teeth, so that it penetrates far
beyond what is called the enamel, the least injury to which, according to the
dentists of Europe, is fatal; yet among these people, where
the practice of thus wounding the enamel is universal, we never saw a rotten tooth;* nor is the blackness a stain, but a covering, which may be
washed off at pleasure, and the teeth then appear as white as ivory, which however
is not an excellence in the estimation of the belles and beaus of these nations.
These are the people among whom the practice that is called a mock, or
running a muck, has prevailed for time immemorial. It is well known, that to run a
muck in the original sense of the word, is to get intoxicated with opium, and then
rush into the street with a drawn weapon, and kill whoever comes in the way, till
the party is himself either killed or taken prisoner; of this several instances
happened while we were at Batavia, and one of the officers,
whose business it is, among other things, to apprehend such people, told us, that
there was scarcely a week in which he, or some of his brethren, were not called
upon to take one of them into custody. In one of the instances that came to our
knowlege, the party had been severely injured by the perfidy of women, and was mad
with jealousy before he made himself drunk with opium; and we were told, that the
Indian who runs a muck is always first driven to desperation by some outrage, and
always first revenges himself upon those who have done him wrong: we were also
told, that though these unhappy wretches afterwards run into the street with a
weapon in their hand, frantic and foaming at the mouth, yet they never kill any
but those who attempt to apprehend them, or those whom they suspect of such an
intention, and that whoever gives them way is safe. They are generally slaves, who
indeed are most subject to insults, and least able to obtain legal redress:
freemen, however, are sometimes provoked into this extravagance, and one of the
persons who run a muck while we were at Batavia, was free
and in easy circumstances. He was jealous of his own brother, whom he first
killed, and afterwards two others, who attempted to oppose him: he
did not, however, come out of his house,* but endeavoured to defend himself in it,
though the opium had so far deprived him of his senses, that of three muskets,
which he attempted to use against the officers of justice, not one was either
loaded or primed. If the officer takes one of these amocks, or mohawks, as they
have been called by an easy corruption, alive, his reward is very considerable,
but if he kills them, nothing is added to his usual pay; yet such is the fury of
their desperation, that three out of four are of necessity destroyed in the
attempt to secure them, though the officers are provided with instruments like
large tongs, or pincers, to lay hold of them without coming within the reach of
their weapon. Those who happen to be taken alive are generally wounded, but they
are always broken alive upon the wheel, and if the physician who is appointed to
examine their wounds, thinks them likely to be mortal, the punishment is inflicted
immediately, and the place of execution is generally the spot where the first
murder was committed.
Among these people, there are many absurd practices and opinions which
they derive from their Pagan ancestors: they believe that the devil, whom they
call Satan, is the cause of all sickness and adversity, and for this reason, when
they are sick, or in distress, they consecrate meat, money, and other things to
him as a propitiation. If any one among them is restless, and dreams for two or
three nights successively, he concludes that Satan has taken that method of laying
his commands upon him, which if he neglects to fulfil, he will certainly suffer
sickness or death, though they are not revealed with sufficient perspicuity to
ascertain their meaning: to interpret his dream, therefore, he taxes his wits to
the uttermost, and if, by taking it literally or figuratively, directly or by
contraries, he can put no explanation upon it that perfectly
satisfies him,* he has recourse to the cawin or priest, who assists him with a
comment and illustrations, and perfectly reveals the mysterious suggestions of the
night. It generally appears that the devil wants victuals or money, which are
always allotted him, and being placed on a little plate of cocoa-nut leaves, are
hung upon the branch of a tree near the river, so that it seems not to be the
opinion of these people, that in prowling the earth the devil "walketh through dry
places." Mr. Banks once asked, whether they thought Satan
spent the money, or eat the victuals; he was answered, that as to the money it was
considered rather as a mulct upon an offender, than a gift to him who had enjoined
it, and that therefore if it was devoted by the dreamer, it mattered not into
whose hands it came, and they supposed that it was generally the prize of some
stranger who wandered that way; but as to the meat they were clearly of opinion
that, although the devil did not eat the gross parts, yet, by bringing his mouth
near it, he sucked out all its savour without changing its position, so that
afterwards it was as tasteless as water.
But they have another superstitious opinion that is still more
unaccountable. They believe that women, when they are delivered of children, are
frequently at the same time delivered of a young crocodile, as a twin to the
infant: they believe that these creatures are received most carefully by the
midwife, and immediately carried down to the river, and put into the water. The
family in which such a birth is supposed to have happened, constantly put victuals
into the river for their amphibious relation, and especially the twin, who, as
long as he lives, goes down to the river at stated seasons, to fulfil this
fraternal duty, for the neglect of which it is the universal opinion that he will
be visited with sickness or death. What could at first produce a notion so extravagant and absurd, it is not easy to guess,* especially as it
seems to be totally unconnected with any religious mystery, and how a fact which
never happened, should be pretended to happen every day, by those who cannot be
deceived into a belief of it by appearances, nor have any apparent interest in the
fraud, is a problem still more difficult to solve. Nothing however can be more
certain than the firm belief of this strange absurdity among them, for we had the
concurrent testimony of every Indian who was questioned about it, in its favour.
It seems to have taken its rise in the islands of Celebes and Boutou, where many
of the inhabitants keep crocodiles in their families; but however that be, the
opinion has spread over all the eastern islands, even to Timor and Ceram, and
westward as far as Java and Sumatra, where, however, young
crocodiles are, I believe, never kept.
These crocodile twins are called Sudaras, and I shall relate one of the
innumerable stories that were told us, in proof of their existence, from ocular
demonstration.
A young female slave, who was born and bred up among the English at
Bencoolen, and had learnt a little of the language, told Mr.
Banks that her father, when he was dying, acquainted her that he had
a crocodile for his sudara, and solemnly charged her to give him meat when he
should be dead, telling her in what part of the river he was to be found, and by
what name he was to be called up. That in pursuance of her father's instructions
and command, she went to the river, and standing upon the bank, called out Radja
Pouti, white king, upon which a crocodile came to her out of the water, and eat
from her hand the provisions that she had brought him. When she was desired to
describe this paternal uncle, who in so strange a shape had taken up his dwelling
in the water, she said, that he was not like other crocodiles,* but
much handsomer; that his body was spotted and his nose red; that he had bracelets
of gold upon his feet, and earrings of the same metal in his ears. Mr.
Banks heard this tale of ridiculous falsehood patiently to the end,
and then dismissed the girl, without reminding her, that a crocodile with ears was
as strange a monster as a dog with a cloven foot. Some time after this a servant
whom Mr. Banks had hired at Batavia,
and who was the son of a Dutchman by a Javanese woman, thought fit to acquaint his
master that he had seen a crocodile of the same kind, which had also been seen by
many others, both Dutchmen and Malays: that being very young, it was but two feet
long, and had bracelets of gold upon its feet. There is no giving credit to these
stories, said Mr. Banks, for I was told the other day that a
crocodile had earrings; and you know that could not be true, because crocodiles
have no ears. Ah Sir, said the man, these Sudara Oran are not like other
crocodiles; they have five toes upon each foot, a large tongue that fills their
mouth, and ears also, although they are indeed very small.
How much of what these people related they believed, cannot be known; for
there are no bounds to the credulity of ignorance and folly. In the girl's
relation, however, there are some things in which she could not be deceived; and
therefore must have been guilty of wilful falsehood. Her father might perhaps give
her a charge to feed a crocodile, in consequence of his believing that it was his
Sudara; but its coming to her out of the river, when she called it by the name of
White King, and taking the food she had brought it, must have been a fable of her
own invention; for this being false, it was impossible that she should believe it
to be true. The girl's story, however, as well as that of the man, is a strong
proof that they both firmly believed the existence of crocodiles
that are Sudaras to men;* and the girl's fiction will be easily accounted for, if
we recollect, that the earnest desire which every one feels to make others believe
what he believes himself, is a strong temptation to support it by unjustifiable
evidence. And the averring what is known to be false, in order to produce in
others the belief of what is thought to be true, must, upon the most charitable
principles, be imputed to many, otherwise venerable characters, through whose
hands the doctrines of Christianity passed for many ages in their way to us, as
the source of all the silly fables related of the Romish saints, many of them not
less extravagant and absurd than this story of the White King, and all of them the
invention of the first relater.
The Bougis, Macassars, and Boetons, are so firmly persuaded that they
have relations of the crocodile species in the rivers of their own country, that
they perform a periodical ceremony in remembrance of them. Large parties of them
go out in a boat, furnished with great plenty of provisions, and all kinds of
music, and row backwards and forwards, in places where crocodiles and allegators
are most common, singing and weeping by turns, each invoking his kindred, till a
crocodile appears, when the music instantly stops, and provisions, betele, and
tobacco are thrown into the water. By this civility to the species, they hope to
recommend themselves to their relations at home; and that it will be accepted
instead of offerings immediately to themselves, which it is not in their power to
pay.
In the next rank to the Indians stand the Chinese, who in this place are
numerous, but possess very little property; many of them live within the walls,
and keep shops. The fruit-sellers of Passar Pissang have been mentioned already;
but others have a rich show of European and Chinese goods:
the far greater part however live in a quarter by themselves,*
without the walls, called Campang China. Many of them are
carpenters, joiners, smiths, taylors, slipper makers, dyers of cotton, and
embroiderers; maintaining the character of industry that is universally given of
them: and some are scattered about the country, where they cultivate gardens, fow
rice and sugar, or keep cattle and buffaloes, whose milk they bring daily to town.
There is nothing clean or dirty, honest or dishonest, provided there is
not too much danger of a halter, that the Chinese will not readily do for money.
But though they work with great diligence, and patiently undergo any degree of
labour; yet no sooner have they laid down their tools than they begin to game,
either at cards or dice, or some other play among the multitude that they have
invented, which are altogether unknown in Europe: to this
they apply with such eagerness, as scarcely to allow time for the necessary
refreshments of food and sleep; so that it as rare to see a Chinese idle, as it is
to see a Dutchman or an Indian employed.
In manners they are always civil, or rather obsequious; and in dress they
are remarkably neat and clean, to whatever rank of life they belong. I shall not
attempt a description either of their persons or habits, for the better kind of
China paper, which is now common in
England, exhibits a perfect representation of both,
though perhaps with some slight exaggerations approaching towards the caricatura.
In eating they are easily satisfied, though the few that are rich have
many savory dishes. Rice, with a small proportion of flesh or fish, is the food of
the poor; and they have greatly the advantage of the Mahometan Indians, whose
religion forbids them to eat of many things which they could most easily procure.
The Chinese, on the contrary, being under no restraint, eat, besides
pork, dogs, cats, frogs, lizards,* serpents of many kinds, and a great variety of
sea animals, which the other inhabitants of this country do not consider as food:
they eat also many vegetables, which an European, except he
was perishing with hunger, would never touch.
The Chinese have a singular superstition with regard to the burial of
their dead; for they will upon no occasion open the ground a second time, where a
body has been interred. Their burying grounds, therefore, in the neighbourhood of
Batavia, cover many hundred acres, and the Dutch,
grudging the waste of so much land, will not sell any for this purpose but at the
most exorbitant price. The Chinese, however, contrive to raise the purchase money,
and afford another instance of the folly and weakness of human nature, in
transferring a regard for the living to the dead, and making that the object of
solicitude and expence, which cannot receive the least benefit from either. Under
the influence of this universal prejudice, they take an uncommon method to
preserve the body intire, and prevent the remains of it from being mixed with the
earth that surrounds it. They inclose it in a large thick coffin of wood, not made
of planks joined together, but hollowed out of the solid timber like a canoe; this
being covered, and let down into the grave, is surrounded with a coat of their
mortar, called Chinam, about eight or ten inches thick,
which in a short time becomes as hard as a stone. The relations of the deceased
attend the funeral ceremony, with a considerable number of women that are hired to
weep: it might reasonably be supposed that the hired appearance of sorrow could no
more slatter the living than benefit the dead; yet the appearance of sorrow is
known to be hired among people much more reflective and enlightened than the
Chinese. In Batavia, the law requires that
every man should be buried according to his rank,* which is in no case dispensed
with; so that if the deceased has not left sufficient to pay his debts, an officer
takes an inventory of what was in his possession when he died, and out of the
produce buries him in the manner prescribed, leaving only the overplus to his
creditors. Thus in many instances are the living sacrificed to the dead, and money
that should discharge a debt, or feed an orphan, lavished in idle processions, or
deposited in the earth to rot.
Another numerous class among the inhabitants of this country is the
slaves; for by slaves the Dutch, Portuguese, and Indians, however different in
their rank or situation, are constantly attended: they are purchased from
Sumatra, Malacca, and almost all
the eastern islands. The natives of Java, very few of whom, as I have before
observed, live in the neighbourhood of Batavia, have an
exemption from slavery under the sanction of very severe penal laws, which I
believe are seldom violated. The price of these slaves is from ten to twenty
pounds sterling; but girls, if they have beauty, sometimes fetch a hundred. They
are a very lazy set of people; but as they will do but little work, they are
content with a little victuals, subsisting altogether upon boiled rice, and a
small quantity of the cheapest fish. As they are natives of different countries,
they differ from each other extremely, both in person and disposition. The
African negroes, called here Papua, are the worst, and
consequently may be purchased for the least money: they are all thieves, and all
•ncorrigible. Next to these are the Bougis and Macassars, both from the island of
Celebes; these are lazy in the highest degree, and though not so much addicted to
theft as the negroes, have a cruel and vindictive spirit, which renders them
extremely dangerous; especially as, to gratify their resentment,
they will make no scruple of sacrificing life.* The best slaves, and consequently
the dearest, are procured from the island of Bali: the most beautiful women from
Nias, a small island on the coast of Sumatra; but they are
of a tender and delicate constitution, and soon fall a sacrifice to the
unwholesome air of Batavia. Besides these, there are
Malays, and slaves of several other denominations, whose particular
characteristics I do not remember.
These slaves are wholly in the power of their masters with respect to any
punishment that does not take away life; but if a slave dies in consequence of
punishment, though his death should not appear to have been intended, the master
is called to a severe account, and he is generally condemned to suffer capitally.
For this reason the master seldom inflicts punishment upon the slave himself, but
applies to an officer called a Marineu, one of whom is stationed in every
district. The duty of the Marineu is to quell riots, and take offenders into
custody; but more particularly to apprehend runaway slaves, and punish them for
such crimes as the master, supported by proper evidence, lays to their charge: the
punishment however is not inflicted by the Marineu in person, but by slaves who
are bred up to the business. Men are punished publicly, before the door of their
master's house; but women within it. The punishment is by stripes, the number
being proportioned to the offence; and they are given with rods made of rattans,
which are split into slender twigs for the purpose, and fetch blood at every
stroke. A common punishment costs the master a rixdollar, and a severe one a
ducatoon, about six shillings and eight pence. The master is also obliged to allow
the slave three dubbeleheys, equal to about seven pence half-penny a week, as an
encouragement, and to prevent his being under temptations to steal too strong to
be resisted.
*Concerning the government of this place I can say but little. We
observed however a remarkable subordination among the people. Every man who is
able to keep house has a certain specific rank acquired by the length of his
services to the company; the different ranks which are thus acquired are
distinguished by the ornaments of the coaches and the dresses of the coachmen:
some are obliged to ride in plain coaches, some are allowed to paint them in
different manners and degrees, and some to gild them. The coachman also appears in
clothes that are quite plain, or more or less adorned with lace.
The officer who presides here has the title of Governor General of the
Indies, and the Dutch Governors of all the other settlements are subordinate to
him, and obliged to repair to Batavia that he may pass
their accounts. If they appear to have been criminal, or even negligent, he
punishes them by delay, and detains them during pleasure, sometimes one year,
sometimes two years, and sometimes three; for they cannot quit the place till he
gives them a dismission. Next to the Governor are the members of the council,
called here Edele Heeren, and by the corruption of the English, Idoleers. These
Idoleers take upon them so much state that whoever meets them in a carriage, is
expected to rise up and bow, then to drive on one side of the road, and there stop
till they are past: the same homage is required also to their wives and even their
children; and it is commonly paid them by the inhabitants. But some of our
Captains have thought so slavish a mark of respect beneath the dignity which they
derived from the service of his Britannic Majesty, and have refused to pay it;
yet, if they were in a hired carriage, nothing could deter the coachman from
honouring the Dutch Grandee at their expence, but the most peremptory menace of
immediate death.
Justice is administered here by a body of lawyers,* who have ranks of
distinction among themselves. Concerning their proceedings in questions of
property, I know nothing; but their decisions in criminal cases seem to be severe
with respect to the natives, and lenient with respect to their own people, in a
criminal degree. A Christian always is indulged with an opportunity of escaping
before he is brought to a trial, whatever may have been his offence; and if he is
brought to a trial and convicted, he is seldom punished with death: while the poor
Indians on the contrary are hanged, and broken upon the wheel, and even impaled
alive without mercy.
The Malays and Chinese have judicial officers of their own, under the
denominations of Captains and Lieutenants, who determine in civil cases, subject
to an appeal to the Dutch court.
The taxes paid by these people to the Company are very considerable; and
that which is exacted of them for liberty to wear their hair, is by no means the
least. They are paid monthly, and to save the trouble and charge of collecting
them, a slag is hoisted upon the top of a house in the middle of the town when a
payment is due, and the Chinese have experienced that it is their interest to
repair thither with their money without delay.
The money current here consists of ducats, worth a hundred and thirty-two
stivers; ducatoons, eighty stivers; imperial rixdollars, sixty; rupees of
Batavia, thirty; schellings, six; double cheys, two
stivers and a half; and doits, one fourth of a stiver. Spanish dollars, when we
were here, were at five shillings and five pence; and we were told, that they were
never lower than five shillings and four pence, even at the
Company's warehouse.* For English guineas we could never get more than nineteen
shillings upon an average; for though the Chinese would give twenty shillings for
some of the brightest, they would give no more than seventeen shillings for those
that were much worn.
It may perhaps be of some advantage to strangers to be told that there
are two kinds of coin here, of the same denomination, milled and unmilled, and
that the milled is of most value. A milled ducatoon is worth eighty stivers; but
an unmilled ducatoon is worth no more than seventy-two. All accounts are kept in
rixdollars and stivers, which, here at least, are mere nominal coins, like our
pound sterling. The rixdollar is equal to forty-eight stivers, about four
shillings and six pence English currency.
CHAP. XV.
The Passage from Batavia to the
Cape of Good Hope: Some Account of Prince's Island and its Inhabitants, and
a comparative View of their Language with the Malay and Javanese.
ON Thursday the 27th of December, at six o'clock in the
morning, we weighed again and stood out to sea.* After much delay by contrary
winds, we weathered Pulo Pare on the 29th, and stood in for the
main;* soon after we fetched a small island under the main, in the midway between
Batavia and Bantam, called Maneater's Island. The next
day,* we weathered first Wapping Island, and then Pulo Babi. On the 3•st, we stood
over to the Sumatra shore;* and on the morning of New
Year's day. 1771,* we stood over for the Java shore.
We continued our course as the wind permitted us till three o'clock in
the afternoon of the 5th,* when we anchored under the south east side
of Prince's Island in eighteen fathom, in order to recruit our wood and water, and
procure refreshments for the sick, many of whom were now become much worse than
they were when we left Batavia. As soon as the ship was
secured, I went ashore accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr
Solander, and we were met upon the beach by some Indians who carried us
immediately to a man, who, they said, was their King. After we had exchanged a few
compliments with his Majesty, we proceeded to business; but in
settling the price of turtle we could not agree:* this however did not discourage
us, as we made no doubt but that we should buy them at our own price in the
morning. As soon as we parted, the Indians dispersed, and we proceeded along the
shore in search of a watering-place. In this we were more successful; we found
water very conveniently situated, and, if a little care was taken in filling it,
we had reason to believe that it would prove good. Just as we were going off, some
Indians, who remained with a canoe upon the beach, sold us three turtle; but
exacted a promise of us that we should not tell the King.
*The next morning, while a party was employed in filling water, we
renewed our traffic for turtle: at first, the Indians dropped their demands
slowly, but about noon, they agreed to take the price that we offered, so that
before night we had turtle in plenty: the three that we had purchased the evening
before, were in the mean time served to the ship's company, who, till the day
before, had not once been served with salt provisions from the time of our arrival
at Savu, which was now near four months In the evening, Mr.
Banks went to pay his respects to the King, at his palace, in the
middle of a rice field, and though his Majesty was busily employed in dressing his
own supper, he received the stranger very graciously.
The next day, the natives came down to the trading-place, with fowls,
fish, monkies, small deer, and some vegetables, but no turtle, for they said that
we had bought them all the day before. The next day, however, more turtle appeared
at market, and some were brought down every day afterwards, during our stay,
though the whole, together, was not equal to the quantity that we bought the day
after our arrival.
On the 11th,* Mr. Banks having
learnt from the servant whom he had hired at Batavia, that
the Indians of this island had a town upon the shore, at some distance to the
westward, he determined to see it: with this view he set out in the morning,
accompanied by the Second Lieutenant, and as he had some reason to think that his
visit would not be agreeable to the inhabitants, he told the people whom he met,
as he was advancing along the shore, that he was in search of plants, which indeed
was also true. In about two hours they arrived at a place where there were four or
five houses, and meeting with an old man, they ventured to make some enquiries
concerning the town. He said that it was far distant; but they were not to be
discouraged in their enterprise, and he, seeing them proceed in their journey,
joined company and went on with them. He attempted several times to lead them out
of the way, but without success; and at length they came within fight of the
houses. The old man then entered cordially into their party, and conducted them
into the town. The name of it is Samadang, it consists of about four hundred
houses, and is divided by a river of brackish water into two parts, one of which
is called the old town and the other the new. As soon as they entered the old
town, they met several Indians whom they had seen at the trading-place, and one of
them undertook to carry them over to the new town, at the rate of two pence a
head. When the bargain was made, two very small canoes were produced, in which
they embarked; the canoes being placed alongside of each other, and held together,
a precaution which was absolutely necesssary to prevent their oversetting, the
navigation was at length safely performed, though not without some difficulty; and
when they landed in the new town, the people received them with great friendship,
and showed them the houses of their Kings and principal people, which are in this district:* few of them however were open, for at this time the
people had taken up their residence in the rice-grounds, to defend the crop
against the birds and monkies, by which it would otherwise have been destroyed.
When their curiosity was satisfied, they hired a large sailing boat for two
roupees, four shillings, which brought them back to the ship time enough to dine
upon one of the small deer, weighing only forty pounds, which had been bought the
day before, and proved to be very good and savory meat.
We went on shore in the evening, to see how the people who were employed
in wooding and watering went on, and were informed that an ax had been stolen. As
the passing over this fault might encourage the commission of others of the same
kind, application was immediately made to the King, who after some altercation
promised that the ax should be restored in the morning;* and kept his word, for it
was brought to us by a man who pretended that the thief, being afraid of a
discovery, had privately brought it and left it at his house in the night.
We continued to purchase between two and three hundred weight of turtle
in a day, besides fowls and other necessaries; and in the evening of the
13th,* having nearly completed our wood and water, Mr.
Banks went ashore to take leave of his Majesty, to whom he had made
several trifling presents, and at parting gave him two quires of paper, which he
graciously received. They had much conversation, in the course of which his
Majesty enquired, why the English did not touch there as they had been used to do.
Mr. Banks replied, that he supposed it was because they
found a deficiency of turtle, of which there not being enough to supply one ship,
many could not be expected. To supply this defect, he advised his Majesty to breed
cattle, buffaloes, and sheep, a measure which he did not seem much
inclined to adopt.*
On the 14th we made ready to sail,* having on board a good
stock of refreshments, which we purchased of the natives, consisting of turtle,
fowl, fish, two species of deer, one as big as a sheep, the other not larger than
a rabbit; with cocoa-nuts, plantains, limes, and other vegetables. The deer
however served only for present use, for we could seldom keep one of them alive
more than four and twenty hours after it was on board. On our part, the trade was
carried on chiefly with Spanish dollars, the natives seeming to set little value
upon any thing else; so that our people, who had a general permission to trade,
parted with old shirts and other articles, which they were obliged to substitute
for money to great disadvantage. In the morning of the 15th, we
weighed,* with a light breeze at N.E. and stood out to sea. Java Head, from which
I took my departure, lies in latitude 6° 49′ S., longitude 253°
12′ W.
Prince's Island, where we lay about ten days, is, in the Malay language,
called Pulo Selan; and in the language of the inhabitants, Pulo Paneitan. It is a
small island, situated in the western mouth of the Streight of Sunda. It is woody,
and a very small part of it only has been cleared: there is no remarkable hill
upon it, yet the English call the small eminence which is just over the
landing-place the Pike. It was formerly much frequented by the India ships of many
nations, but especially those of England, which of late
have forsaken it, as it is said, because the water is bad; and touch either at
North Island, a small island that lies on the coast of
Sumatra, without the east entrance of the Streight, or
at New Bay, which lies only a few leagues from Prince's Island, at neither of
which places any considerable quantity of other refreshments can be
procured.* Prince's Island is, upon the whole, certainly more eligible than either
of them; and though the water is brackish, if it is filled at the lower part of
the brook, yet higher up it will be found excellent.
The first and second, and perhaps the third ship that comes in the season
may be tolerably supplied with turtle; but those that come afterwards must be
content with small ones. Those that we bought were of the green kind, and at an
average cost us about a half-penny or three farthings a pound. We were much
disappointed to find them neither fat nor well flavoured; and we imputed it to
their having been long kept in crawls or pens of brackish water, without food. The
fowls are large, and we bought a dozen of them for a Spanish dollar, which is
about five pence a piece: the small deer cost us two pence a piece, and the
larger, of which two only were brought down, a rupee. Many kinds of fish are to be
had here, which the natives sell by hand, and we found them tolerably cheap.
Cocoa-nuts we bought at the rate of a hundred for a dollar, if they were picked;
and if they were taken promiscuously, one hundred and thirty. Plantains we found
in great plenty; we procured also some pine apples, water melons, jaccas, and
pumpkins; besides rice, the greater part of which was of the mountain kind, that
grows in dry land; yams, and several other vegetables, at a very reasonable rate.
The inhabitants are Javanese, whose Raja is subject to the Sultan of
Bantam. Their customs are very similar to those of the Indians about
Batavia; but they seem to be more jealous of their
women, for we never saw any of them during all the time that we were there, except
one by chance in the woods, as she was running away to hide herself. They profess
the Mahometan religion, but I believe there is not a mosque in the
whole island:* we were among them during the fast, which the Turks call Ramadan,
which they seemed to keep with great rigour, for not one of them would touch a
morsel of victuals, or even chew their betel till sun-set.
Their food is nearly the same as that of the
Batavian Indians, except the addition of the nuts of the
palm, called Cycas circinalis, with which, upon the coast of New
Holland, some of our people were made sick, and some of our hogs
poisoned.
Upon observing these nuts to be part of their food, we enquired by what
means they deprived them of their deleterious quality; and they told us, that they
first cut them into thin slices, and dried them in the sun, then steeped them in
fresh water for three months, and afterwards, pressing out the water, dried them
in the sun a second time; but we learnt that, after all, they are eaten only in
times of scarcity, when they mix them with their rice to make it go farther.
The houses of their town are built upon piles, or pillars, four or five
feet above the ground: upon these is laid a floor of bamboo canes, which are
placed at some distance from each other, so as to leave a free passage for the air
from below: the walls also are of bamboo, which are interwoven, hurdlewise, with
small sticks, that are fastened perpendicularly to the beams which form the frame
of the building: it has a sloping roof, which is so well thatched with palm
leaves, that neither the sun nor the rain can find entrance. The ground over which
this building is created, is an oblong square. In the middle of one side is the
door, and in the middle between that and the end of the house, towards the left
hand, is a window: a partition runs out from each end towards the middle, which,
if continued, would divide the whole floor into two equal parts, longitudinally,
but they do not meet in the middle,* so that an opening is left
over-against the door; each end of the house therefore, to the right and left of
the door, is divided into two rooms, like stalls in a stable, all open towards the
passage from the door to the wall on the opposite side: in that next the door, to
the left hand, the children sleep; that opposite to it, on the right hand, is
allotted to strangers; the master and his wife sleep in the inner room on the left
hand, and that opposite to it is the kitchen. There is no difference between the
houses of the poor and the rich, but in the size; except that the royal palace,
and the house of a man, whose name is Gundang, the next in riches and influence to
the King, is walled with boards instead of being wattled with sticks and bamboo.
As the people are obliged to abandon the town, and live in the
rice-fields at certain seasons, to secure their crops from the birds and the
monkies, they have occasional houses there for their accommodation. They are
exactly the same as the houses in the town, except that they are smaller, and are
elevated eight or ten feet above the ground instead of four.
The disposition of the people, as far as we could discover it, is good.
They dealt with us very honestly, except, like all other Indians, and the
itinerant retailers of fish in London, they asked sometimes twice, and sometimes
thrice as much for their commodities as they would take. As what they brought to
market, belonged, in different proportions, to a considerable number of the
natives, and it would have been difficult to purchase it in separate lots, they
found out a very easy expedient with which every one was satisfied: they put all
that was bought of one kind, as plantains, or cocoa-nuts, together, and when we
had agreed for the heap, they divided the money that was paid for it, among those
of whose separate property it consisted,* in a proportion
corresponding with their contributions. Sometimes, indeed, they changed our money,
giving us 240 doits, amounting to five shillings, for a Spanish dollar, and
ninety-six, amounting to two shillings, for a Bengal roupee.
They all speak the Malay language, though they have a language of their
own, different both from the Malay and the Javanese. Their own language they call
Catta Gunung, the language of the mountains; and they say that it is spoken upon
the mountains of Java, whence their tribe originally migrated, firs to New Bay,
and then to their present station, being driven from their first settlement by
tygers, which they found too numerous to subdue. I have already observed, that
several languages are spoken by the native Javanese, in different parts of their
island; but when I say that the language of these people is different from the
Javanese, I mean that it is different from the language which is spoken at
Samarang, a place that is distant only one day's journey from the residence of the
emperor of Java. The following is a list of corresponding words in the languages
of Prince's Island, Java, and Malacca.
- English.
- Prince's Island.
- Javanese.
- Malay.
- A man,
- Jalma,
- Oong Lanang,
- Oran Lacki Lacki.
- A woman,
- Becang,
- Oong Wadong,
- Parampuan.
- A child,
- Oroculatacke,
- Lari,
- Anack.
- The head,
- Holo,
- Undass,
- Capalla.
- The nose,
- Erung,
- Erung,
- Edung.
- The eyes,
- Mata,
- Moto,
- Mata.
- The ears,
- Chole,
- Cuping,
- Cuping.
- The teeth,
- Cutock,
- Untu,
- Ghigi.
- The belly,
- Beatung,
- Wuttong,
- Prot.
- The Backside,
- Serit,
- Celit,
- Pantat.
- *The thigh,
- Pimping,
- Poopoo,
- Paha.
- The knee,
- Hullootoor,
- Duncul,
- Lontour.
- The leg,
- Metis,
- Sickil,
- Kauki.
- A nail,
- Cucu,
- Cucu,
- Cucu.
- A hand,
- Langan,
- Tangan,
- Tangan.
- A finger,
- Ramo Langan,
- Jari,
- Jaring.
In this specimen of the languages of places so near to each other, the
names of different parts of the body are chosen, because they are easily obtained
from people whose language is utterly unknown, and because they are more likely to
be part of the original stamen of the language, than any other, as types of the
first objects to which they would give names. It is very remarkable that the
Malay, the Javanese, and the Prince's Island language, have words, which, if not
exactly similar to the corresponding words in the language of the islands in the
South Seas, are manifestly derived from the same source,
as will appear from the following table:
- English.
- South Sea.
- Malay.
- Javanese.
- Prince's Island.
- An eye,
- Matta,
- Mata,
- Moto,
- Mata.
- To eat,
- Maa,
- Macan,
- Mangan.
- To drink,
- Einu,
- Menum,
- Gnumbe.
- To kill,
- Matte,
- Matte,
- Matte.
- A louse,
- Outou,
- Coutou.
- Rain,
- Euwa,
- Udian,
- Udan.
- Bamboo cane,
- Owhe,
- Awe.
- A breast,
- Eu,
- Sousou,
- Sousou.
- A bird,
- Mannu,
- Mannu,
- Mannuck.
- A fish,
- Eyca,
- Ican,
- Iwa.
- The foot,
- Tapao,
- Tapaan.
- A lobster,
- Tooura,
- Udang,
- Urang.
- Yams,
- Eufwhe,
- Ubi,
- Urve.
English. South Sea. Malay. Javanese.* To bury, Etannou, Tannam, Tandour.
A moschito, Enammou, Gnammuck. To sratch, Hearu, Garru, Garu. Coccos roots, Taro,
Tallas, Talas. In-land, Uta, Utan. This similitude is particularly remarkable in
the words expressing number, which at first sight seems to be no inconsiderable
proof that the science at least of these different people has a common root. But
the names of numbers in the island of Madagascar, are, in some instances, similar
to all these, which is a problem still more difficult to solve. That the names of
numbers, in particular, are in a manner common to all these countries, will appear
from the following comparative table, which Mr. Banks drew
up, with the assistance of a negro slave, born at Madagascar, who was on board an
English ship at Batavia, and sent to him to gratify his
curiosity on this subject.
English. S. Sea Islands. Malay. Javanese. Prince's Island. Madagascar.
One, Tahie, Satou, Sigi, Hegie, Isse. Two, Rua, Dua, Lorou, Dua, Rua. Three,
Torou, Tiga, Tullu, Tollu, Tellou. Four, Haa, Ampat, Pappat, Opat, Effats. Five,
Reina, Lima, Limo, Limah, Limi. Six, Wheney, Annam, Nunnam, Gunnap, Ene. Seven,
Hetu, Tudju, Petu, Tudju, Titou. Eight, Waru, Delapau, Wolo, Delapan, Walon. Nine,
Iva, Sembilan, Songo, Salapan, Sivi. Ten, Ahouroa, Sapoulou, Sapoulou, Sapoulou,
Tourou. In the language of Madagascar, there are other words similar to words of
the same import in the Malay. The nose in Malay is called Erung, at Madagascar
Ourou; Lida, the tongue,* is Lala; Tangan, the hand, is Tang; and
Tanna, the ground, is Taan.
From the similitude between the language of the Eastern Indies, and the
islands of the South Sea, conjectures may be formed with respect to the peopling
those countries, which cannot easily be referred to Madagascar. The inhabitants of
Java and Madagascar appear to be a different race; the Javanese is of an olive
complexion, and has long hair; the native of Madagascar is black, and his head is
not covered with hair, but wool; and yet perhaps this will not conclude against
their having common ancestors so strongly as at first appears. It does not seem
less difficult to account for the personal difference between a native of
England and France, as an effect of mere local
situation, than for the difference between the natives of Java and Madagascar; yet
it has never been supposed, that England and France were
not peopled from common ancestors. If two natives of
England marry in their own country, and afterwards
remove to our settlements in the West Indies, the children that are conceived and
born there will have the complexion and cast of countenance that distinguish the
Creole; if they return, the children conceived and born afterwards, will have no
such characteristics. If it be said that the mother's mind being impressed with
different external objects, impresses corresponding features and complexion upon
the child during her pregnancy, it will be as difficult to refer the effect into
this cause, upon mere physical principles, as into the other; for it can no more
be shewn how a mere idea, conceived in the mother's imagination, can change the
corporeal form of her infant, than how its form can be changed by mere local
situation. We know that people within the small circle of Great
Britain and Ireland, who are born at the distance of two or three
hundred miles from each other, will be distinguished by the Scotch
face, the Welsh face, and the Irish face;* may we not then reasonably suppose,
that there are in nature qualities which act powerfully as efficient causes, and
yet are not cognizable by any of the five modes of perception which we call
senses? A deaf man, who sees the string of a harpsichord vibrate, when a
corresponding tone is produced by blowing into a flute at a distance, will see an
effect of which he can no more conceive the cause to exist in the blowing air into
the flute, than we can conceive the cause of the personal difference of the
various inhabitants of the globe to exist in mere local situation; nor can he any
more form an idea of the cause itself, in one case, than we can in the other: what
happens to him then, in consequence of having but four senses instead of five,
may, with respect to many phaenomena of nature, happen to us, in consequence of
having but five senses instead of six, or any greater number.
Possibly, however, the learning of ancient Aegypt might run in two
courses, one through Africa, and the other through Asia,
disseminating the same words in each, especially terms of number, which might thus
become part of the language of people who never had any communication with each
other.
We now made the best of our way for the Cape of Good Hope, but the seeds
of disease which we had received at Batavia began to appear
with the most threatening symptoms in dysenteries and slow fevers. Lest the water
which we had taken in at Prince's Island should have had any share in our
sickness, we purified it with lime, and we washed all parts of the ship between
decks with vinegar, as a remedy against infection. Mr. Banks
was among the sick, and for some time there was no hope of his life. We were very
soon in a most deplorable situation; the ship was nothing better than an hospital,* in which those that were able to go about, were too few to attend
the sick, who were confined to their hammocks; and we had almost every night a
dead body to commit to the sea. In the course of about six weeks, we buried Mr.
Sporing, a gentleman who was in Mr. Banks's retinue, Mr. Parkinson, his natural
history painter, Mr. Green the astronomer, the boatswain, the
carpenter and his mate, Mr. Monkhouse the midshipman, who had fothered the ship
after she had been stranded on the coast of New Holland,
our old jolly sail-maker and his assistant, the ship's cook, the corporal of the
marines, two of the carpenter's crew, a midshipman, and nine seamen; in all three
and twenty persons, besides the seven that we buried at
Batavia.
CHAP. XVI.
Our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope; some Remarks on the
Run from Java Head to that Place; a Description of the Cape, and of Saint
Helena: With some Account of the Hottentots, and the Return of the Ship to
England.
ON Friday the 15th of March,* about ten o'clock in the
morning, we anchored off the Cape of Good Hope, in seven fathom with an ouzey
bottom. The west point of the bay, called the Lion's Tail, bore W. N. W. and the
castle S. W. distant about a mile and a half. I immediately waited upon the
Governor, who told me that I should have every thing the country afforded. My
first care was to provide a proper place ashore for the sick, which were not a
few; and a house was soon found, where it was agreed they should be lodged and
boarded at the rate of two shillings a head per day.
Our run from Java head, to this place, afforded very few subjects of
remark that can be of use to future navigators; such as occurred, however, I shall
set down. We had left Java Head eleven days before we got the general south east
trade-wind, during which time, we did not advance above 5° to the
southward, and 3° to the west, having variable light airs, interrupted
by calms, with sultry weather, and an unwholesome air, occasioned probably by the
load of vapours which the eastern trade-wind, and westerly monsoons, bring into
these latitudes, both which blow in these seas at the time of year when we
happened to be there. The easterly wind prevails as far as 10 or
12° S. and the westerly as far as 6 or 8°;* in the
intermediate space the winds are variable, and the air, I believe, always
unwholesome; it certainly aggravated the diseases which we brought with us from
Batavia, and particularly the flux, which was not in the
least degree checked by any medicine, so that whoever was seized with it,
considered himself as a dead man; but we had no sooner got into the trade-wind,
than we began to feel its salutary effects: we buried indeed several of our people
afterwards, but they were such as had been taken on board in a state so low and
feeble that there was scarcely a possibility of their recovery. At first we
suspected that this dreadful disorder might have been brought upon us by the water
that we took on board at Prince's Island, or even by the turtle that we bought
there; but there is not the least reason to believe that this suspicion was well
grounded, for all the ships that came from Batavia at the
same season, suffered in the same degree, and some of them even more severely,
though none of them touched at Prince's Island in their way.
A few days after we left Java, we saw boobies about the ship for several
nights successively, and as these birds are known to roost every night on shore,
we thought them an indication that some island was not far distant; perhaps it
might be the island of Selam, which, in different charts, is very differently laid
down both in name and situation.
The variation of the compass off the west coast of Java is about 3°
W. and so it continued without any sensible variation, in the common
track of ships to the longitude of 288° W. latitude 22 S. after which
it increased apace, so that in longitude 295°, latitude
230°, the variation was 10° 20′ W.: in seven degrees more of
longitude, and one of latitude, it increased two degrees; in the
same space, farther to the west,* it increased five degrees: in latitude
28°, longitude 314°, it was 24° 20′, in
latitude 29° longitude 317°, it was 26° 10′, and
was then stationary for the space of about ten degrees farther to the west; but in
latitude 34°, longitude 333°, we observed it twice to be
28°¼ W. and this was its greatest variation, for in latitude
35°½, longitude 337°, it was 24°, and
continued gradually to decrease; so that off Cape Anguillas it was 22°
30′, and in Table Bay 20° 30′ W.
As to currents it did not appear that they were at all considerable, till
we came within a little distance of the meridian of Madagascar; for after we had
made 52° of longitude from Java Head, we found, by observation, that
our error in longitude was only two degrees, and it was the same when we had made
only nineteen. This error might be owing partly to a current setting to the
westward, partly to our not making proper allowances for the setting of the sea
before which we run, and perhaps to an error in the assumed longitude of Java
Head. If that longitude is erroneous, the error must be imputed to the
imperfection of the charts of which I made use in reducing the longitude from
Batavia, to that place, for there can be no doubt but
that the longitude of Batavia is well determined. After we
had passed the longitude of 307°, the effects of the westerly currents
began to be considerable; for in three days, our error in longitude was 1°
5′: the velocity of the current kept increasing, as we proceeded to the
westward, in so much that for five days successively after we made the land, we
were driven to the S. W. or S. W. by W. not less than twenty leagues a day; and
this continued till we were within sixty or seventy leagues of the Cape, where the
current set sometimes one way, and sometimes the other, though inclining rather to
the westward.
*After the boobies had left us, we saw no more birds till we got
nearly abreast of Madagascar, where, in latitude 27° ¾ S. we saw an
albatross, and after that time we saw them every day in great numbers, with birds
of several other sorts, particularly one about as big as a duck, of a very dark
brown colour, with a yellowish bill. These birds became more numerous as we
approached the shore, and as soon as we got into soundings we saw gannets, which
we continued to see as long as we were upon the bank which stretches off Anguillas
to the distance of forty leagues, and extends along the shore to the eastward,
from Cape False, according to some charts, one hundred and sixty leagues. The real
extent of this bank is not exactly known; it is however useful as a direction to
shipping when to haul in, in order to make the land.
While we lay here, the Houghton Indiaman sailed for
England, who, during her stay in India, lost by sickness
between thirty and forty men; and when she left the Cape had many in a helpless
condition with the scurvy. Other ships suffered in the same proportion, who had
been little more than twelve months absent from England;
our sufferings therefore were comparatively light, considering that we had been
absent near three times as long.
Having lain here to recover the sick, procure stores, and perform several
necessary operations upon the ship and rigging,* till the 13th of
April, I then got all the sick on board, several of whom were still in a
dangerous state, and having taken leave of the Governor,* I unmoored the next
morning, and got ready to sail.
The Cape of Good Hope has been so often described, and is so well known
in Europe, that I shall mention only a few
particulars,* which in other relations are omitted or misrepresented.
Notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, no country that
we saw during the voyage makes a more forlorn appearance, or is in reality a more
sterile desart. The land over the Cape, which constitutes the peninsula formed by
Table Bay on the north, and False Bay on the south, consists of high mountains,
altogether naked and desolate: the land behind these to the east, which may be
considered as the isthmus, is a plain of vast extent, consisting almost wholly of
a light kind of sea sand, which produces nothing but heath, and is utterly
incapable of cultivation. All the spots that will admit of improvement, which
together bear about the same proportion to the whole as one to one thousand, are
laid out in vineyards, orchards, and kitchen grounds; and most of these little
spots lie at a considerable distance from each other. There is also the greatest
reason to believe, that in the interior parts of this country, that which is
capable of cultivation does not bear a greater proportion to that which is
incorrigibly barren; for the Dutch told us, that they had settlements eight and
twenty days journey up the country, a distance equal to at least nine hundred
miles, from which they bring provisions to the Cape by land; so that it seems
reasonable to conclude that provisions are not to be had within a less compass.
While we were at the Cape, a farmer came thither from the country, at the distance
of fifteen days journey, and brought his young children with him. We were
surprised at this, and asked him, if it would not have been better to have left
them with his next neighbour: Neighbour! said the man, I have no neighbour within
less than five days journey of me. Surely the country must be deplorably barren in
which those who settle only to raise provisions for a market,* are
dispersed at such distances from each other. That the country is every where
destitute of wood appears to demonstration; for timber and planks are imported
from Batavia, and fuel is almost as dear as food. We saw no
tree, except in plantations near the town, that was six feet high; and the stems,
that were not thicker than a man's thumb, had roots as thick as an arm or a leg,
such is the influence of the winds here to the disadvantage of vegetation, setting
the sterility of the soil out of the question.
The only town which the Dutch have built here is, from its situation,
called Cape Town, and consists of about a thousand houses, neatly built of brick,
and in general whited on the outside; they are however covered only with thatch,
for the violence of the south east winds would render any other roof inconvenient
and dangerous. The streets are broad and commodious, all crossing each other at
right angles. In the principal street there is a canal, on each side of which is
planted a row of oaks, that have flourished tolerably well, and yield an agreeable
shade: there is a canal also in one other part of the town, but the slope of the
ground in the course of both is so great, that they are furnished with floodgates,
or locks, at intervals of little more than fifty yards.
A much greater proportion of the inhabitants are Dutch in this place than
in Batavia; and as the town is supported principally by
entertaining strangers, and supplying them with necessaries, every man, to a
certain degree, imitates the manners and customs of the nation with which he is
chiefly concerned. The ladies however are so faithful to the mode of their
country, that not one of them will stir without a chaudpied or chausset, which is
carried by a servant that it may be ready to place under her feet whenever she
shall sit down. This practice is the more remarkable, as very few of
these chaussets have sire in them,* which indeed the climate renders unnecessary.
The women in general are very handsome; they have fine clear skins, and a
bloom of colour that indicates a purity of constitution, and high health. They
make the best wives in the world, both as mistresses of a family and mothers; and
there is scarcely a house that does not swarm with children.
The air is salutary in a high degree; so that those who bring diseases
hither from Europe, generally recover perfect health in a
short time; but the diseases that are brought from India are not so certainly
cured.
Notwithstanding the natural sterility of the climate, industry has
supplied this place with all the necessaries, and even the luxuries of life in the
greatest profusion. The beef and mutton are excellent, though the cattle and sheep
are natives of the country; the cattle are lighter than ours, more neatly made,
and have horns that spread to a much wider extent. The sheep are clothed with a
substance between wool and hair, and have tails of an enormous size; we saw some
that weighed twelve pounds, and were told that there were many much larger. Good
butter is made of the milk of the cows, but the cheese is very much inferior to
our own. Here are goats, but they are never eaten, hogs, and a variety of poultry.
Hares are also found here, exactly like those of Europe;
antelopes of many kinds, quails of two sorts, and bustards, which are well
flavoured, but not juicy. The fields produce European wheat
and barley, and the gardens European vegetables, and fruit
of all kinds, besides plantains, guavas, jambu, and some other Indian fruits, but
these are not in perfection; the plantains in particular, are very bad, and the
guavas no larger than gooseberries. The vineyards also produce wine of various
sorts, but not equal to those of Europe, except the Constantia,* which is made genuine only at one vineyard, about ten miles
distant from the town. There is another vineyard near it, where wine is made that
is called by the same name, but it is greatly inferior.
The common method in which strangers live here, is to lodge and board
with some of the inhabitants, many of whose houses are always open for their
reception: the rates are from five shillings to two shillings a day, for which all
necessaries are found. Coaches may be hired at four and twenty shillings a day,
and horses at six shillings; but the country affords very little temptation to use
them. There are no public entertainments; and those that are private, to which
strangers of the rank of Gentlemen are always admitted, were suspended while we
were there by the breaking out of the measles.
At the farther end of the High-street, the Company have a garden, which
is about two thirds of an English mile long; the whole is divided by walks that
intersect each other at right angles, and are planted with oaks that are clipt
into wall hedges, except in the center walk, where they are suffered to grow to
their full size, and afford an agreeable shade, which is the more welcome, as,
except the plantations by the sides of the two canals, there is not a single tree
that would serve even for a shepherd's bush, within many miles of the town. The
greater part of this garden is kitchen ground; but two small squares are allotted
to botanical plants, which did not appear to be so numerous by one half as they
were when Oldenland wrote his catalogue. At the farther end of the garden is a
menagerie, in which there are many birds and beasts that are never seen in
Europe; particularly a beast called by the Hottentots
Coe Doe, which is as large as a horse, and has the fine spiral horns which are sometimes seen in private and public collections of curiosities.*
Of the natives of this country, we could learn but little except from
report; for there were none of their habitations, where alone they retain their
original customs, within less than four days journey from the town; those that we
saw at the Cape were all servants to Dutch farmers, whose cattle they take care
of, and are employed in other drudgery of the meanest kind. These are in general
of a slim make, and rather lean than plump, but remarkably strong, nimble, and
active. Their size is nearly the same with that of
Europeans, and we saw some that were six feet high: their
eyes are dull and without expression: their skins are of the colour of soot, but
that is in a great measure caused by the dirt, which is so wrought into the grain
that it cannot be distinguished from complexion; for I believe they never wash any
part of their bodies. Their hair curls strongly, not like a negroe's, but falls in
ringlets about seven or eight inches long. Their clothing consists of a skin,
generally that of a sheep, thrown over their shoulders; besides which, the men
wear a small pouch in the middle of the waist, and the women, a broad leather
flap, both which hang from a girdle or belt that is adorned with beads and small
pieces of copper. Both men and women wear necklaces, and sometimes bracelets, of
beads; and the women wear rings of hard leather round their ancles, to defend them
from the thorns, with which their country every where abounds: some of them have a
sandal, made of wood or bark; but the greater part of them are unshod.
To a European, their language appears to be
scarcely articulate; besides which it is distinguished by a very remarkable
singularity. At very frequent intervals, while they are speaking,*
they cluck with the tongue against the roof of the mouth: these clucks do not
appear to have any meaning, but rather to divide what they say into sentences.
Most of these Hottentots speak Dutch, without any peculiarity of pronunciation.
They are all modest, even to sheepishness; for it was not without the
greatest difficulty that we could persuade any of them to dance, or even to speak
in their own language to each other, in our presence. We did however both see them
dance, and hear them sing; their dances are by turns active and sluggish to
excess; sometimes consisting of quick and violent motions, with strange
distortions of the body, and unnatural leaps backwards and forwards, with the legs
crossing each other; and being sometimes so spiritless that the dancer only
strikes the ground first with one foot and then with the other, neither changing
place nor moving any other part of his body: the songs also are alternately to
quick and slow movements, in the same extremes as the dance.
We made many enquiries concerning these people of the Dutch, and the
following particulars are related upon the credit of their report:
Within the boundaries of the Dutch settlements there are several nations
of these people, who very much differ from each other in their customs and manner
of life: all however are friendly and peaceable, except one clan that is settled
to the eastward, which the Dutch call Bosch men, and these live entirely by
plunder, or rather by theft; for they never attack their neighbours openly, but
steal the cattle privately in the night. They are armed however to defend
themselves, if they happen to be detected, with lances or assagays, and arrows,
which they know how to poison by various ways, some with the juice of herbs, and
some with the venom of the serpent called Cobra di Capelo;* in the
hands of these people a stone also is a very formidable weapon, for they can throw
it with such force and exactness as repeatedly to hit a dollar at the distance of
a hundred paces. As a defence against these freebooters, the other Indians train
up bulls, which they place round their towns in the night, and which, upon the
approach of either man or beast, will assemble and oppose them, till they hear the
voice of their masters encouraging them to fight, or calling them off, which they
obey with the same docility as a dog.
Some nations have the art of melting and preparing copper, which is found
among them, probably native; and of this they make broad plates, which they wear
as ornaments upon their foreheads. Some of them also know how to harden bits of
iron, which they procure from the Dutch, and form into knives, so as to give them
a temper superior to that of any they can buy.
The Chiefs, many of whom are possessors of very numerous herds of cattle,
are generally clad in the skins of lions, tygers, or zebras, to which they add
fringes, and other ornaments in a very good taste. Both sexes frequently anoint
the body with grease, but never use any that is rancid or foetid, if fresh can be
had. Mutton suet and butter are generally used for this purpose; butter is
perferred, which they make by shaking the milk in a bag made of the skin of some
beast.
We were told that the priest certainly gives the nuptial benediction by
sprinkling the bride and bridegroom with his urine. But the Dutch universally
declared that the women never wrapped the entrails of sheep round their legs, as
they have been said to do, and afterwards make them part of their food.
Semicastration was also absolutely denied to be general;* but it was
acknowledged that some among the particular nation which knew how to melt copper
had suffered that operation, who were said to be the best warriors, and
particularly to excel in the art of throwing stones.
We were very desirous to determine the great question among natural
historians, whether the women of this country have or have not that fleshy flap or
apron which has been called the Sinus pudoris, and what we learnt I shall relate.
Many of the Dutch and Malays, who said they had received favours from Hottentots
women, positively denied its existence; but a physician of the place declared that
he had cured many hundreds of venereal complaints, and never saw one without two
fleshy, or rather skinny appendages, proceeding from the upper part of the Labia,
in appearance somewhat resembling the teats of a cow, but flat; they hung down, he
said, before the Pudendum, and were in different subjects of different lengths, in
some not more than half an inch, in others three or four inches: these he imagined
to be what some writers have exaggerated into a flap, or apron, hanging down from
the bottom of the abdomen, of sufficient extent to render an artificial covering
of the neighbouring parts unnecessary.
Thus much for the country, its productions, and inhabitants. The bay is
large, safe, and commodious; it lies open indeed to the north west winds, but they
seldom blow hard; yet as they sometimes send in a great sea, the ships moor N. E.
and S. W. so as to have an open hawser with north west winds: the south east winds
blow frequently with great violence, but as this direction is right out of the
bay, they are not dangerous. Near the town a wharf of wood is run out to a proper
distance for the convenience of landing and shipping goods. To this wharf water is
conveyed in pipes, from which several boats may fill water at the
same time;* and several large boats or hoys are kept by the Company to carry
stores and provisions to and from the shipping in the harbour. The bay is defended
by a square fort, situated close to the beach on the east side of the town, and by
several outworks and batteries extending along the shore, as well on this side of
the town as the other; but they are so situated as to be cannonaded by shipping,
and are in a manner defenceless against an enemy of any force by land. The
garrison consists of eight hundred regular troops, besides militia of the country,
in which is comprehended every man able to bear arms. They have contrivances to
alarm the whole country by signals in a very short time, and the militia is then
to repair immediately to the town.
The French at Mauritius are supplied from this place with salted beef,
biscuit, flour, and wine: the provisions for which the French contracted this year
were 500,000 lb. weight of salt beef, 400,000 lb. of flour, 400,000 lb. of
biscuit, and 1,200 leagers of wine.
In the morning of the 14th,* we weighed and stood out of the
bay; and at five in the evening anchored under Penquin, or Robin Island: we lay
here all night, and as I could not sail in the morning for want of wind, I sent a
boat to the island for a few trifling articles which we had forgot to take in at
the Cape. But as soon as the boat came near the shore, the Dutch hailed her, and
warned the people not to land at their peril, bringing down at the same time six
men armed with musquets, who paraded upon the beach. The officer who commanded the
boat not thinking it worth while to risk the lives of the people on board for the
sake of a few cabbages, which were all we wanted, returned to the ship. At first
we were at a loss to account for our repulse, but we afterwards
recollected,* that to this island the Dutch at the Cape banish such criminals as
are not thought worthy of death, for a certain number of years, proportioned to
the offence; and employ them as slaves in digging lime-stone, which though scarce
upon the continent is plenty here: and that a Danish ship, which by sickness had
lost great part of her crew, and had been refused assistance at the Cape, came
down to this island, and sending her boat ashore, secured the guard, and took on
board as many of the criminals as she thought proper to navigate her home: we
concluded therefore that the Dutch, to prevent the rescue of their criminals in
time to come, had given order to their people here to suffer no boat of any
foreign nation to come ashore.
*On the 25th, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we weighed,
with a light breeze at S. E. and put to sea. About an hour afterwards, we lost our
Master, Mr. Robert Mollineux, a young man of good parts, but unhappily given up to
intemperance, which brought on disorders that put an end to his life.
We proceeded in our voyage homeward without any remarkable incident;* and
in the morning of the 29th, we crossed our first meridian, having
circumnavigated the globe in the direction from east to west, and consequently
lost a day, for which we made an allowance at Batavia.
*At day-break, on the 1st of May, we saw the island of St.
Helena; and at noon, we anchored in the road before James's fort.
We staid here till the 4th, to refresh, and Mr.
Banks improved the time in making the complete circuit of the
island, and visiting the most remarkable places upon it.
It is situated as it were in the middle of the vast Atlantic ocean,*
being four hundred leagues distant from the coast of
Africa, and six hundred from that of America. It is the
summit of an immense mountain rising out of the sea, which, at a little distance
all round it, is of an unfathomable depth, and is no more than twelve leagues
long, and six broad.
The seat of volcanoes has, without exception, been found to be the
highest part of the countries in which they are found. Aetna and Vesuvius have no
land higher than themselves, in their neighbourhood; Hecla is the highest hill in
Iceland; volcanoes are frequent in the highest part of the
Andes in South America; and the
pike of Teneriffe is known to be the covering of
subterraneous fire: these are still burning, but there are innumerable other
mountains which bear evident marks of fire that is now extinct, and has been so
from the time of our earliest traditions: among these is Saint Helena, where the
inequalities of the ground, in its external surface, are manifestly the effect of
the sinking of the earth, for the opposite ridges, though separated always by
deep, and sometimes by broad vallies, are exactly similar both in appearance and
direction; and that the sinking of the earth in these parts, was caused by
subterraneous fire, is equally manifest from the stones, for some of them,
especially those in the bottom of the vallies, are burnt almost to a cinder: in
some there are small bubbles, like those that are seen in glass which has been
urged almost to fusion, and some, though at first sight they do not appear to have
been exposed to the action of great heat, will be found, upon a closer inspection,
to contain small pieces of extraneous bodies, particularly mundick, which have
yielded to the power of fire, though it was not sufficient to alter the appearance
of the stone which contained them.
*It appeared, as we approached it on the windward side, like a rude
heap of rocks, bounded by precipices of amazing height, and consisting of a kind
of half friable stone, which shows not the least sign of vegetation; nor is it
more promising upon a nearer view: in sailing along the shore, we came so near the
huge cliffs, that they seemed to over-hang the ship, and the tremendous effect of
their giving way, made us almost fear the event: at length we opened a valley,
called Chappel Valley, which resembles a large trench; and
in this valley we discovered the town. The bottom of it is slightly covered with
herbage, but the sides are as naked as the cliffs that are next the sea. Such is
the first appearance of the island in its present cultivated state, and the first
hills must be passed before the vallies look green, or the country displays any
other marks of fertility.
The town stands just by the sea side, and the far greater part of the
houses are ill built; the church, which originally was a mean structure, is in
ruins, and the market-house is nearly in the same condition.
The white inhabitants are all English, who, as they are not permitted by
the East India Company, to whom the island belongs, to carry on any trade or
commerce on their own account, subsist wholly by supplying such ships as touch at
the place with refreshments, which, however, they do not provide in proportion to
the fertility of the soil, and the temperament of the climate, which would enable
them, by cultivation, to produce all the fruits and vegetables both of
Europe and India. This island indeed, small as it is,
enjoys the different advantages of different climates, for the cabbage trees which
grow upon the highest ridges, can by no art be cultivated upon the ridges next
below, where the red-wood and gum-wood both flourish, which will not grow upon the ridges above,* and neither of the three are to be found in
the vallies, which, in general, are covered with European
plants, and the more common ones of India.
Here are a few horses, but they are kept only for the saddle, so that all
labour is performed by slaves; nor are they furnished with any of the various
machines which art has invented to facilitate their task. The ground is not every
where too steep for a cart, and where it is, the wheelbarrow might be used with
great advantage, yet there is no wheelbarrow in the whole island; every thing is
conveyed from place to place by the slaves, and they are not furnished even with
the simple convenience of a porter's knot, but carry their burden upon their
heads. They are indeed very numerous, and are brought from almost every part of
the world, but they appeared to be a miserable race, worn out partly by excessive
labour, and partly by ill usage, of which they frequently complained; and I am
sorry to say, that instances of wanton cruelty are much more frequent among my
countrymen here, than among the Dutch, who are, and perhaps not without reason,
generally reproached with want of humanity at Batavia and
the Cape.
Among the native products of this island, which are not numerous, must be
reckoned ebony, though the trees are now nearly extinct, and are not remembered to
have been plenty: pieces of the wood are frequently found in the vallies, of a
fine black colour, and a hardness almost equal to iron: these pieces, however, are
always so short and crooked, that no use can be made of them. Whether the tree is
the same with that which produces ebony upon the isle of
Bourbon, or the islands adjacent, is not known, as the French have
not yet published any account of it.
*There are but few insects in this place, but there is a species of
snail found upon the tops of the highest ridges, which probably has been there
since the original creation of their kind, at the beginning of the world. It is
indeed very difficult to conceive how any thing which was not deposited here at
its creation, or brought hither by the diligence of man, could find its way to a
place so severed from the rest of the world, by seas of immense extent, except the
hypothesis that has been mentioned on another occasion be adopted, and this rock
be supposed to have been left behind, when a large tract of country, of which it
was part, subsided by some convulsion of nature, and was swallowed up in the
ocean.
*At one o'clock in the afternoon, of the 4th of May, we
weighed and stood out of the Road, in company with the Portland man of war, and
twelve sail of Indiamen.
We continued to sail in company with the fleet, till the
10th in the morning,* when, perceiving that we sailed much heavier
than any other ship, and thinking it for that reason probable that the Portland
would get home before us, I made the signal to speak with her, upon which
Captain Elliot himself came on board, and I delivered to
him a letter for the Admiralty, with a box, containing the common log books of the
ship, and the journals of some of the officers. We continued in company,* however,
till the 23d in the morning, and then there was not one of the ships
in sight. About one o'clock in the afternoon, died our First Lieutenant
Mr. Hicks, and in the evening we committed his body to the
sea, with the usual ceremonies. The disease of which he died, was a consumption,
and as he was not free from it when we sailed from England,
it may truly be said that he was dying during the whole voyage,*
though his decline was very gradual till we came to
Batavia: the next day, I gave Mr. Charles
Clerk an order to act as Lieutenant in his room, a young man who was
extremely well qualified for that station.
Our rigging and sails were now become so bad, that something was giving
way every day. We continued our course, however, in safety till the 10th of
June, when land,* which proved to be the Lizard, was discovered by
Nicholas Young, the same boy that first saw New
Zealand;* on the 11th we run up the channel,* at six
in the morning of the 12th we passed Beachy
Head, at noon we were abreast of Dover, and about three came to an
anchor in the Downs, and went ashore at Deal.
FINIS.